Kojin Karatani dünya tarihi üzerine yaptığı çalışmalarda, İyonya’da, M.Ö. 6. ve 5. yüzyıllarda, bugün izi silinmiş bir yönetim biçimi olduğunu öne sürdüğü, hareket serbestliğine dayalı göçebe bir toplum modelini ortaya koyan izonominin (hükmetmenin olmaması) söz konusu olduğunu, aynı tarihlerde, Atina’nın ise demokrasiyle yönetildiğini iddia eder. Karatani yaptığı bu radikal karşılaştırmayı, kendi mübadele tarzları teorisinde de belli bir çerçeveye yerleştirerek, Sokrates’in izonominin son temsilcisi olduğunu; öğrencisi Platon’un ise Pythagorasçılardan filozof-kral fikrini edinmiş, Devlet diyaloğunda Sokrates üzerinden bu fikri savunmuş olduğunu ileri sürer. (...) Karatani bu iddiasını gerekçelendirmek üzere; Sokrates ve Platon arasındaki felsefi ilişkide, izonomiyi temsil ettiğini ileri sürdüğü Sokrates’i İyonya felsefesine; Platon’u ise Pythagoras’a yaklaştırarak, dolayısıyla bu iki filozofu birbirinden ayırarak okumayı dener. Bu makalede, çeşitli Antik Yunan kaynaklarında; örneğin Herodotos’ta, demokrasiyle eş anlamlı kullanılabilen izonominin, esasen çok-anlamlı bir kavram olduğu ve Antik Yunan politik tarihinde demokrasiye yön veren ilkelerden birini teşkil ettiği gösterilecektir. Thukydides’in bize aktardığına göre, oligarşik politik rejimlerde de izonomiye rastlarız. Fakat bu durumda da demokrasi modeline yakın olduğu ölçüde, oligarşilerin izonomik olduğu görülmektedir. Bu makalede, Karatani’nin bir yönetim biçimi anlamıyla kullandığı izonominin, yalnızca İyonya’da gerçekleştiği sonucuna varmanın spekülatif olduğu ortaya konacak, Karatani’nin projesini İyonya’ya uygulama gerekçesi irdelenerek, bunun için izlediği stratejiler analiz edilecektir. Karatani’nin Platon okumasında, Devlet diyaloğuna doğrudan odaklanmayan, bunun yerine dönemin dramatik dönüşümlerini merkeze alan bir okuma yaptığı ileri sürülecek; Yasalar’da ve Mektuplar’da izonomik bir politik rejim üzerine tartışma yürüten Platon’un izonomiyi ve demokrasiyi nasıl anladığını görmenin yolunun, filozof-kral fikrinin dile getirildiği Devlet diyaloğuna bakmaktan geçtiği gösterilecektir. Platon’un demokrasiden hoşnutsuzluğunun izonomiyle karşıtlığı üzerinden anlaşılamayacağı, Platon’un, Karatani’nin iddia ettiği gibi demokrasi ve izonomi arasında keskin bir ayrım yapmadığı ortaya konacaktır. Sonuç olarak izonominin ayrı bir yönetim biçimi değil, demokrasiyle ilişkili bir ilke olduğu savunulacaktır. (shrink)

Charles R. Kesler, an eminent scholar and prodigious editor, has exerted a profound influence on the study of American politics and the practice of American conservatism. A precocious high-school student, he impressed a visiting William F. Buckley Jr. who, before becoming a life-long friend, wrote him a recommendation letter to Yale. Kesler asked for another--to Harvard, where he completed his undergraduate degree and earned a PhD under the legendary professor Harvey C. Mansfield. An early passion for political journalism, (...) played out largely on the pages of National Review, led Kesler to author an NR cover story on his third great influence, Harry V. Jaffa. Kesler became a faculty colleague of Jaffa's at Claremont McKenna College and Claremont Graduate University and is perhaps best known as the editorial helmsman of the Claremont Review of Books. The author of I Am the Change: Barack Obama and the Crisis of Liberalism and Crisis of the Two Constitutions: The Rise, Decline, and Recovery of American Greatness, Kesler also co-edited (with William F. Buckley Jr.) Keeping the Tablets: Modern American Conservative Thought. His edited volume of The Federalist Papers is the best-selling edition version in the country. In this volume, Kesler's students, friends, and colleagues commemorate his four-decade career as a teacher, mentor, and scholar. (shrink)

Though lobbying for federal money may seem like business as usual today–with billions of dollars spent annually by companies, labor unions, and other organizations in an effort to win a piece of what has become an enormous federal pie–this was not always the case in the United States. An all-but-forgotten event, the Harrisburg Convention of 1827, may have been one of the key historical turning points in this regard, an opening of a floodgate that would transform the role of the (...) U.S. federal government forever. It was in the modest Pennsylvania capital that a hundred of the North’s most influential manufacturers and public servants–backed by legislators like Henry Clay and Daniel Webster–assembled to draft a “memorial” to Congress, imploring that body to pass a protectionist bill to save their industries from what they viewed as eventual ruin. As Jonathan J. Pincus observed and Thornton and Ekelund echoed, “it is not small cohesive individual groups but larger diverse ones that are necessary in order to effectively lobby representatives and senators to obtain majority coalitions” in comprehensive legislation. The convention would bring together this “larger diverse” group—with just such a legislative goal. Meanwhile, mostly in the South, anti-protectionist opinion continued to surge. The Harrisburg Convention of 1827 would lead to the passage of that most hated piece of protectionist legislation—the “Tariff of Abominations” of 1828–and it would do so by framing the protectionist agenda into a nationalist “cause” borne of “patriotic duty.”. (shrink)

We expect that consensus meetings, where researchers come together to discuss their theoretical viewpoints, prioritize the factors they agree are important to study, standardize their measures, and determine a smallest effect size of interest, will prove to be a more efficient solution to the lack of coordination and integration of claims in science than integrative experiments.

Responding to volatile criticisms frequently leveled at Leo Strauss and those he influenced, the prominent contributors to this volume demonstrate the profound influence that Strauss and his students have exerted on American liberal democracy and contemporary political thought. By stressing the enduring vitality of classic books and by articulating the theoretical and practical flaws of relativism and historicism, the contributors argue that Strauss and the Straussians have identified fundamental crises of modernity and liberal democracy.

For forty years, Harvey Mansfield has been worth reading. Whether plumbing the depths of MachiavelliOs Discourses or explaining what was at stake in Bill ClintonOs impeachment, MansfieldOs work in political philosophy and political science has set the standard. In Educating the Prince, twenty-one of his students, themselves distinguished scholars, try to live up to that standard. Their essays offer penetrating analyses of Machiavellianism, liberalism, and America., all of them informed by MansfieldOs own work. The volume also includes a bibliography of (...) MansfieldOs writings. (shrink)

ImportancePrevious studies of post-acute COVID-19 syndrome have focused on critical cases with severe disease. However, most cases are mild to moderate in disease severity.ObjectiveWe aimed to examine cognitive outcomes in cases of non-critical, mild-to-moderate COVID-19. Design, Setting, and Participants: In this cross-sectional study, we enrolled 72 adults aged 22 to 65 years in Central Texas who had non-critical, mild-to-moderate COVID-19 infection between 13 January 2021 and 20 April 2021.Main Outcomes and MeasuresWe remotely administered cognitive-behavioral testing to determine the frequency of (...) cognitive impairment and examine demographic, clinical, and psychosocial contributors to impairment.ResultsThe frequency of objective cognitive impairment was 40%. The largest number of participants showed impairment on a measure of executive functioning. Attention and processing speed was more impaired in males. Males endorsed lower adherence to social distancing guidelines, which was in turn associated with cognitive impairment across participants. Younger age was correlated with impairment but was also associated with racial/ethnic minority status and increased psychological symptoms. Moderate COVID-19 severity was associated with attention/processing speed impairment, increased pain, and higher number of COVID-19 symptoms.Conclusion and RelevanceMild or moderate COVID-19 infection may be associated with cognitive impairments, especially in the domain of executive functioning. A subgroup of younger individuals may be more vulnerable to cognitive and psychosocial effects of COVID-19.HighlightsQuestion: How frequent is cognitive impairment among non-critical, mild-to-moderate COVID-19 survivors?FindingsIn this cross-sectional study of 72 adults, 40% demonstrated cognitive impairment, particularly in executive function.MeaningNeurologic sequelae, such as cognitive impairment, may be common following COVID-19 infection. (shrink)

This concise and accessible introduction to Strauss's thought provides, for wider audience, a bridge to his more complex theoretical work. Editor Pangle has gathered five of Strauss's previously unpublished lectures and five hard-to-find published writings and has arranged them so as to demonstrate the systematic progression of the major themes that underlay Strauss's mature work. "[These essays] display the incomparable insight and remarkable range of knowledge that set Strauss's works apart from any other twentieth-century philosopher's."—Charles R. Kesler, National Review.