In this study we analyzed to what extent partners who share the same household affect each other's exposure to television. With the use of linear structural equation modeling we analyzed data from a large scale representative survey in The Netherlands. Results indicate that both men and women influence their partner's exposure to television. When people spend much time watching television, their partners are also likely to spend a lot of time in front of the television. These influences on each other's (...) exposure were of equal magnitude for both men and women. Finally, we found a strong socialization effect of parental viewing in the family of origin. (shrink)

In this paper, I would like to introduce a complexity in the debate on the meaning of religion today. This complexity relates to the tension between an internal and an external perspective on religion. I will try to show how the disagreement between some protagonists in the debate and also the difficulties these protagonists face can be clarified by taking into account the difference between both perspectives. In the first part I discuss Marcel Gauchet’s view on the meaning of religion (...) today. In the second part I confront Gauchet with an ambiguity in his definition of religion. This ambiguity can also be found in Gauchet’s discussion with Luc Ferry, although neither Gauchet nor Ferry are capable of adequately dealing with the problem. This is because both authors are bound to an external perspective on religion, which doesn’t allow them to distinguish its specific content from other forms of meaningfulness. This is why we will concentrate in the third part on Taylor’s internal approach to religion. However, in the fourth part, we will demonstrate how such an approach is in tension with the normative ambitions Taylor seems to cherish. (shrink)

Peter Strawson makes a crucial distinction between reactive attitudes and the objective attitude. Reactive attitudes such as gratefulness, anger and indignation imply that we take each other seriously as responsible agents. The objective attitude implies that we stop taking each other seriously. Strawson argues that the objective attitude is not merely psychologically difficult: it is inconceivable that we would systematically refrain from taking each other seriously and stop discussing with each other or blaming ourselves or others. Strawson, however, only discusses (...) the reactive attitudes from a general point of view. In this paper, we argue that the reactive attitudes of remorse and moral indignation are forms of ”symbolic restoration’. Retributive punishment should also be interpreted from this perspective. Consequently, our concern with moral blame cannot be understood independently from a concern with the harm that has occurred. Our attitude to the outcome determines our attitude to the agent. The concern with the mental state is secondary: it is structured by its place within the practice of symbolic restoration. (shrink)

Studie se věnuje čtyřem astronomickým pomůckám, které vytvořil a užíval Gerbert z Aurillacu, remešský a ravennský arcibiskup, opat v Bobbiu a v letech 999–1003 papež. Gerbert vyučoval quadrivium především v Remeši a od jeho žáka Richera z Remeše a z Gerbertových dopisů víme o čtyřech jeho přístrojích, které poskytovaly srozumitelný a názorný úvod do geocentrického výkladu veškerenstva: 1. glóbus světové sféry s nastavitelným horizontem; 2. pozorovací hemisféra s pěti rovnoběžnými kruhy světové sféry ; 3. armilární sféra s vnitřním (...) umístěním ekliptiky a oběžných drah planet; 4. armilární sféra s vnějším umístěním hvězd a souhvězdí. (shrink)

O presente artigo objetiva discutir como Richer de Reims, monge beneditino do século X, compôs um relato histórico baseando na construção narrativa totalmente ligada ao aparato estético com instrumento retórico. A partir de sua formação clássica, organizada pelo Abade Gerbert d’Aurillac, Richer constrói um texto de Histórias que compõe uma narrativa a partir de uma fórmula estética particular, que é a “reescrita”, ou “criação”, dos diálogos dos diversos personagens que aparecem no relato; com isso, faz com que as supostas (...) “vozes” de seus personagens ajudem-no na legitimação, política ou intelectual, daqueles para quem ele deixa transparecer sua preferência. (shrink)

"Pioneers of Evolution" is a 1896 treatise by English Edward Clodd within which he explores the early proponents of evolution and the scientific answers to the origin of humankind. Looking at the world of such notable figures as Charles Darwin and Gerbert Spencer, this fascinating volume is not to be missed by those with an interest in evolution and the history of related ideas. Contents include: "Pioneers of Evolution From Thales to Lucretius," "The Arrest of Enquiry," "From the Early (...) Christian Period to the Time of Augustine," "From Augustine to Bacon," "The Renascence of Science," "Modern Evolution," "Darwinism and Wallace," "Herbert Spencer," "Thomas Henry Huxley," etc. Edward Clodd (1840 - 1930) was an English writer, banker, and anthropologist famous for his various and notable literary and scientific friends, including the likes of Edward Fitzgerald, Samuel Butler, Andrew Lang, and others. Other notable works by author include: "The Childhood of the World" (1872), "Jesus of Nazareth" (1880), and "Nature Studies" (1882). Many vintage books such as this are increasingly scarce and expensive. It is with this in mind that we are republishing this volume now in an affordable, modern, high-quality edition complete with a specially-commissioned new biography of the author. (shrink)

Jusqu'au IXe siècle, en Orient où l'Empire romain perdure comme en Occident où il n'existe plus, « l'Église » se pense et se vit sur le mode synodal, avec les nuances qu'apporte, ici, l'idéologie eusébienne, donnant le primat au « palais royal » sur le « siège apostolique », et, là, l'augustinienne, qui soutient l'inverse. Deux siècles plus tard, alors que l'Empire byzantin a cessé de prétendre à l'universalité romaine, la chrétienté latine occidentale ne rêve que de renovatio romani imperii, (...) à son bénéfice. Entre ces deux moments, il y a l'éphémère aventure de Gerbert d'Aurillac qui, après avoir défendu à Reims la cause des évêques contre le pape, devint, par la grâce d'Otton III, le pape de l'An Mil, Sylvestre II : c'était le nom que portait le pontife du temps de Constantin, auquel le nouvel empereur ne cesse de se référer, en souhaitant un empire moins germanique qu'universel. Ce dut être une grande joie, pour le pape, d'entendre Otton dire en 1001 : « Nous proclamons Rome capitale du monde et nous reconnaissons l'Église romaine comme mère de toutes les Églises. » Désormais, la communion n'est plus réglée par la lex communis ecclesiae catholicae, mais par 1'unius arbitrium et Sylvestre II parlera en « père universel », conscient d'exercer seul le ministère de Pierre. C'est dans ces fortes convictions que l'Église romaine affrontera la crise de la chrétienté des XIIIe-XIVe siècles. Up until the ninth century, when the Roman Empire continued in the East but ceased to exist in the West, « the Church » thought and lived in the synodal mode. The slight difference was that Eusebien ideology prevailed in the East, which gave primacy to the « royal palace » over the « apostolic seat », while Augustinien ideology held the contrary in the West. Two centuries later, when the Byzantine Empire ceased to pretend to Roman universality, western Latin Christianity dreamed only of the renewal of the Roman Empire, to its own advantage. Between these two moments, there was the ephemeral adventure of Gerbert of Aurillac who, after having defended the cause of the bishops against the pope at Reims, became pope Sylvester II in the year 1000, thanks to Otto III. Sylvester was the name of the pontiff at the time of Constantine, to whom the new emperor didn’t cease to compare himself in wishing an empire less Germanic than universal. It must have been a great joy for the pope to hear Otto say in 1001 : « We proclaim Rome the capital of the world and we recognize the Roman Church as mother of all the Churches. » In the future, communion was no longer regulated by the Catholic Church's common law, but by the unius arbitrium, and Sylvester II will speak as « universal father », conscious of exercising alone the ministry of Peter. It is with these strong convictions that the Roman Church would face the crisis of Christianity in the XIII and XIV centuries. (shrink)

In this article, I discuss Gerbert Faure’s Vrije wil, moraal en het geslaagde leven (Free Will, Morality, and the Well-lived Life). I summarize and elucidate Faure’s argument. My criticisms are directed primarily at the first chapter of the book, in which Faure develops what he regards as a Strawsonian account of free will and moral responsibility. Faure denies that we have free will; I argue that Strawsonians should not deny this. Faure argues that, although we do not have free (...) will, it is often justified to hold others responsible, because we owe it to the victim(s) of a wrong to hold the perpetrator responsible; it is our moral duty. I argue that we only have a moral duty to hold perpetrators responsible if they are morally responsible. I also comment on the way in which Faure presents Strawson’s distinction between theory and practice. (shrink)

Ukrainian translation from Latin of “Libellus de rationali et ratione uti”, which was written in 997 A. D. by Gerbert of Aurillac (Pope Sylvester II since 999 A. D.) and is considered one of the first examples of the application of the scholastic method.

SummaryThis paper reassesses the importance of the Benedictine monasteries of St Benoît of Fleury and St Mesmin of Micy (both on the outskirts of Orléans), and the Cathedral of Chartres for the early diffusion of Arabic learning concerning the astrolabe, and it relates this diffusion to that of the judicial astrology of ‘Alchandreus philosophus’ and the astronomical tables of the Preceptum canonis Ptolomei. Evidence is given for the fact that already, by the turn of the millennium, the elements were in (...) place for a corpus of a new, mathematically based, practical science of the stars, consisting of works partly of Arabic and partly of Greek inspiration. This corpus was progressively revised and inspired, in turn, further translations from Arabic, until it reached its most mature form in the mid-twelfth century. Until recently, scholarship has tended to concentrate on the cathedral schools of North-east France and Lotharingia, and the monastic schools of South Germany, and to see Gerbert d'Aurillac, the Archbishop of Reims, as the pivotal figure. While these schools were undoubtedly important in the diffusion of the new science of the stars in the eleventh century, it is argued that a key role in the initial stages of the diffusion was played by the interrelated centres of Fleury, Micy and Chartres at the beginning of the century, and Gerbert may not have contributed as much as has been believed. Additional sections are devoted to the authorities in this corpus, ‘King Ptolemy’ and ‘Alchandreus’. A reworking of the Arabic material on the construction of the astrolabe by Ascelin of Augsburg was copied into this corpus. The text has previously been known from only one manuscript; a new edition, from five manuscripts, is provided here, together with a translation and commentary. (shrink)

Tato studie se věnuje komentářům a glosám k první kapitole druhé knihy Boethiova Úvodu do aritmetiky, jejímiž autory v poslední čtvrtině 10. století byli Gerbert z Aurillacu, Abbo z Fleury, Notker z Lutychu a anonymní autor textu De arithmetica Boetii. Studie sleduje dva hlavní cíle: nejprve upozorňuje na to, že Boethiův text o převodu číselných posloupností na stejnost lze interpretovat dvěma rozdílnými způsoby, následně se zaměřuje na využití této problematiky v dalších svobodných uměních a při hraní deskové hry rithmomachie.

Věhlas Gerberta z Remeše (jako papež Silvestr II.) je již od středověku tradován zejména v přímé vazbě s jeho studiem quadrivia ve Španělsku. Tato studie se zabývá problematikou měření času podle Gerberta a snaží se ukázat, že základní koncepce a znalosti, kterých Gerbert k měření času užívá, jsou takřka výhradně převzaty z latinské (převážně) encyklopedické tradice, s výjimkou díla De utilitatibus astrolabii, které je někdy Gerbertovi připisováno, v němž jsou recipovány arabské i latinské zdroje. Nejprve jsou popsány zmínky o (...) Gerbertově konstrukci horologií (část I), následně je představen Gerbertův dopis bratru Adamovi (část II), následuje vymezení základních pojmů – den, noc, rovnoměrná a nerovnoměrná hodina apod. podle latinské tradice i podle spisu De utilitatibus astrolabii (část III), popisy časových pásem podle latinských autorit, včetně řeckého původu těchto paralelních zón (části IV a V) a časová pásma podle nejstarších arabských astrolábů a spisu De utilitatibus astrolabii (část VI), návody k určení přítomnosti v určitém klimatu podle Gerbertova dopisu a spisu De utilitatibus astrolabii (část VII) a pokusy o vysvětlení některých dalších detailů z Gerbertova dopisu Adamovi (část VIII). (shrink)

The practice of inserting bits of lyric verse within Old French narrative romances appears to have begun with Jean Renart, the supposed author of the Roman de la rose ou de Guillaume de Dole, which most scholars date around 1228. It was soon imitated by Gerbert de Montreuil in his Roman de la violette and became widespread during the balance of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, appearing in upwards of fifty works. This technique of lyric insertions in romance continues (...) the earlier use of variable refrains within lyric songs and anticipates, perhaps, the insertion of snatches from Latin poetry in the Essais of Montaigne. Little studied until recently, the phenomenon was the focus of a colloquium at the Newberry Library in Chicago, in October 1991, with the title “Music and Narrative in Medieval Romance: The Poetics of Lyric Insertions.” The present study was read at that colloquium. (shrink)