(1992). Community solidarity fees: A case study of Sabac national theatre. World Futures: Vol. 33, Culture and Development: European Experiences and Challenges A Special Research Report of the European Culture Impact Research Consortium (EUROCIRCON), pp. 61-66.

One of the most significant contributions of archaeology to the studies of human-animal relations is the concept of the “domestication” of non-human animals. Domestication is often seen as a specific human-animal relation that explains the ways people and animals interact. However, I argue, that “domestication” does not explain anything but has to be explained or “reassembled” by focusing on the many historically specific ways human and animals live together. Thus, the paper tackles the emergence of a “herd”, an assembly of (...) animals, humans and things that appeared in the Neolithic, by following the ways the different agencies—human, animal, material and composite—are involved in the creation of new sociality. Living with animals is always already a material practice. It includes material culture, bodies, gestures, actions, habits, and body skills. It requires new practices and skills of flocking, herding, closing, observing, separating, amassing, and forming a queue; skills to be learned and employed by the participants. However, numerous resistances and translations are encountered and employed along the way, changing everybody in the process. In this way new bodies and persons—human and animal—are created, ultimately leading to the “herd”, a new way of association of animals, people, and things. From this perspective the agency and power is distributed and not confined to one species or group. There is no single locus of power and agency and no hegemony or “domination” but power and resistance that works from everywhere. Living with animals is not a matter of management, control or domination, but it is about making hybrid society work, a matter of politics, for all the parties involved. (shrink)

The Standards' ecumenical implications are critically assessed in view of the risks which their cross-denominational or cross-faith cooperation implications on the one hand, and, on the other hand, their secular commitments to mutual learning, non-proselytizing, professionalism, and efficiency assessment might carry for chaplains' properly spiritual orientation. The problem posed by the ambiguity of language is raised as a warning that concepts like human dignity have a profoundly different meaning in secular and Christian contexts. Invoking such concepts can be seriously misleading.

This edited collection examines the multi-faceted phenomenon of transparency, especially in its relation to social movements, from a range of multi-disciplinary viewpoints. Over the past few decades, transparency has become an omnipresent catch phrase in public and scientific debates. The volume tracks developments of ideas and practices of transparency from the eighteenth century to the current day, as well as their semantic, cultural and social preconditions. It connects analyses of the ideological implications of transparency concepts and transparency claims with their (...) impact on the public sphere in general and on social movements in particular. In doing so, the book contributes to a better understanding of social conflicts and power relations in modern societies. The chapters are organized into four parts, covering the concept and ideology of transparency, historical and recent developments of the public sphere and media, the role of the state as an agent of surveillance, and conflicts over transparency and participation connected to social movements. (shrink)

Die europäische Identität kann in ihrer objektiven Dimension inspiziert werden, als Von-obenher- Projekt sowie Von-unten-an-Aufbauprozess der authentischen Form der national übergreifenden politischen Gemeinschaft, wie auch in ihrer subjektiven Dimension, zusammenhängend mit der Identifizierung der Einzelnen und Gruppen – der Europäer – mit diesem neu erschienenen politischen Gemeinwesen und zusätzlich zu ihrer bereits erlangten Identifikation mit dem jeweiligen Nationalstaat. Die dritte Dimension, similär den relevanten interpretativen Modellen – ethnokultureller/euroskeptischer Ansatz, europäischer Verfassungspatriotismus, pluralistisches/ multikulturelles Herangehen – trat gleicherweise als gewichtiger Faktor der (...) europäischen Identitätsbildung hervor. Der neue Typ der politischen Gemeinschaft öffnet frische Fragen – ist dieses Europa eine Nationenfamilie, ein Europa der Bürger, ein künftig mittels Gemeinschaftspraktiken ausgebautes Europa, ein christliches Europa oder ein Europa der gegenseitig übereinstimmenden und überlappenden Zivilisationen, ein säkulares Europa oder eben ein Europa des religiösen christlichen Erbes und/oder der Religionsvielfalt. Die Gründungschartas definieren die europäische Identität politisch, beginnend mit dem Leitspruch Einheit in der Verschiedenheit. Dennoch wird dieses Motto andersartig von den Kommunitaristen/ Euronationalisten, Ethnonationalisten/Euroskeptikern, Liberalen und Republikanern/ europäischen Verfassungspatrioten bewertet. Der umstrittene Charakter der politischen Identität muss immer erneut im Gedächtnis bewahrt werden. Die Politik der Identität, der Missbrauch des ethnisch vorgestellten Identitätsbegriffs mit seinen kriegerischen Auswirkungen, repräsentierten eines der destruktivsten Potenziale der zeitgenössischen Politik, einschließlich einer Region Europas . Zum andern können politische Gemeinschaften ohne eine homogenisierende Tatkraft der Gemeinschaftsidentität kaum überleben, namentlich ein vorgeschlagener Zusammenschluss der Demokratien, die Europäische Union inbegriffen. Wenn die europäische Identität erörtert wird, ist es von größter Tragweite, ihre Bedeutung in dem Sinne festzulegen, in welchem die demokratischen Kapazitäten der Europäischen Union gekräftigt werden, in welchem zur Deckung ihres demokratischen Defizits beigesteuert wird als auch zur Vermeidung partikularistischer, xenophober, euroskeptischer Tendenzen und Zuneigungen. (shrink)

U ovom se radu nudi pokušaj kategorijalnog razjašnjenja »civilnog društva« i »političke kulture«, kao i njihove bitne međupovezanosti u okvirima konstitucionalne demokracije. U kontekstu analize civilnog društva, demokratske političke kulture i bipolarne paradigme »civilno društvo-pravna država«, posebna je pozornost posvećena ugrađivanju republikanskih elemenata u liberalnu tradiciju i u idealno tipski model razvijenog demokratskog poretka. Jedna je od namjera da se ukaže na značaj stalnog procesa demokratizacije civilnog društva , kao i unapređivanja demokratske političke kulture , za uspostavljanje i unaprijeđivanje konstitucionalne (...) demokracije.In this text is offerred the cathegorial clarification of “civil society” and “political culture”, as well as of their essential interconnection in the framework of constitutional democracy. In the context of analysis of civil society, democratic political culture and the bipolar paradigm “civil society-legal state”, special attention is paid to the building of republican elements into liberal tradition and model of a developed democratic order. There is also pointed to an importance of a continuous democratization of civil society , as well as the promotion of democratic political culture for establishing and perfectuating the constitutional democracy. (shrink)

L’identité européenne peut être examinée dans sa dimension objective, comme projet descendant tout comme processus ascendant de construction d’une forme authentique de communauté transpolitique, et dans sa dimension subjective, liée à l’identification des individus et des groupes – les Européens –, avec cette nouvelle communauté politique en plus de l’identification déjà établie avec tel ou tel État-nation. La troisième dimension, liée aux modèles interprétatifs pertinents – approche ethno-culturelle/eurosceptique, patriotisme constituionnel européen, approche pluraliste/multiculturelle – fut également un facteur important dans la (...) construction de l’identité européenne. Un nouveau type de communauté politique amène de nouvelles questions : cette Europe est-ce une nation, une Europe de citoyens, une Europe à construire sur des pratiques communes, une Europe chrétienne, ou une Europe des civilisations qui se correspondent et se croisent, une Europe laïque ou une Europe d’héritage religieux chrétien et/ou de religions diverses. Les traités fondateurs définissent l’identité européenne politiquement, à commencer par le slogan « Unité dans la diversité ». Cependant, ce slogan est interprété différemment par les communautaristes/euro-nationalistes, ethno-nationalistes/eurosceptiques, libéraux et républicains/ patriotes constitutionnels européens. Le caractère controversé de l’identité politique doit toujours être gardé à l’esprit. La politique d’identité, l’abus du concept d’identité pensé ethniquement avec ses conséquences guerrières, a représenté l’un des potentiels les plus destructeurs de la politique contemporaine, incluant une région d’Europe . D’un autre côté, les communautés politiques ne peuvent survivre sans force homogénéisante d’une identité commune, ce qui est particulièrement valable pour les communautés démocratiques proposées telles que l’Union européenne. Lorsque il est question de l’identité européenne, le plus important est de définir sa signification dans un sens qui renforcera les capacités démocratiques de l’Union européenne et qui contribuera à surmonter le déficit démocratique ainsi qu’à échapper aux tendances et aux penchants particularistes, xénophones, eurosceptiques. (shrink)

Najnovije rasprave o civilnom društvu razmatrale su procese globalizacije čime je proširen teorijski diskurs kako bi se obuhvatio pojam globalnoga civilnog društva. Pojam i praksa civilnog društva globalizirali su se na način koji odražava empirijske procese međupovezivanja društava i oblikovanja svjetskog društva. Iz normativno mobilizirajuće perspektive, aktivisti i teoretičari civilnoga društva ističu potrebu za obranom svjetskog društva od globalne prijetnje nuklearnim ratom, ekoloških katastrofa, zločina i nasilja, dominacije svjetskih sila nad sudbinom pojedinih zemalja i društava, tj. potrebu da se ono (...) suprotstavi tendenciji »politike moći« na svjetskoj razini i da obrani autonomiju društva kao onoga koje je primarno uskladivo s ekspanzijom politika koje su zasnovane na vladavini zakona diljem svijeta, a neuskladivo s politikom sile, državnih razloga i dominacijom svjetskih središta moći. Procesi globalizacije rezultiraju sukobljavanjem i/ili asimilativnim prelaženjem civilizacija i kultura, kao i kontroverznim tendencijama: s jedne strane, pokušaja uvođenja međunarodnih političkih institucija i usvajanja međunarodnih konvencija za zaštitu ljudskih prava, za zaštitu demokratskih vrijednosti, za borbu protiv terorizma i segregacije prema različitim osnovama, vodeći time prema globalnoj standardizaciji kulture ljudskih prava i demokratskog političkog i pravnog poretka, a s druge strane, rastom ksenofobije, partikularizacije i etnonacionalizma, građanskih ratova, ekoloških prijetnji, globalnog terorizma, prijetnjom problema gladi, nuklearnog rata, novim bolestima itd. Suvremena pobjeda liberalnih i demokratskih vrijednosti pozitivni je doseg, no praćen osporavanim pitanjem suvereniteta, propadanjem urbanog, rasizmom, etničkim čišćenjem, ksenofobijom, neuspjelim političkim legitimacijama , a na globalnoj razini praćen je: globalnom nepravdom, siromaštvom, ekološkim opasnostima, masovnim i smrtonosnim bolestima, ugnjetavanjem manjinskih skupina, nezaustavljivim rastom stanovništva, velikim nesrazmjerima političke i ekonomske moći, terorizmom na globalnoj razini, prijetnjom nuklearnom katastrofom itd. Globalno civilno društvo ima tri dimenzije: 1.) empirijski fenomen globaliziranih društvenih relacija, međupovezanosti, 2.) mobiliziranje, formativnu silu projekta/vizije i 3.) društvene čimbenike na globalnoj/transnacionalnoj razini. Antiglobalizacijski pokret je pokušaj djelovanja nasuprot uočenim negativnim aspektima tekućih procesa globalizacije. Iako pristaše tog pokreta često djeluju uigrano, sam je pokret heterogen i obuhvaća raznolika, povremeno suprotstavljena, shvaćanja tog procesa, alternativna viđenja, strategije i taktike. Prema tome, iznijansirani pojmovi obuhvaćaju antikapitalističku/ antikorporativnu alternativnu globalizaciju. Njegovi sudionici mogu koristiti pozitivne izraze poput ‘globalna pravda’ ili ‘pokret za poštenu trgovinu’; ili ‘pokret za Globalnu Pravednost i Solidarnost’; ili ‘Pokret svih Pokreta’; ili jednostavno ‘Pokret’; ili ‘antikorporativni kapitalistički pokret’. Općenito govoreći, antiglobalizacijski pokret kao takav nije u velikoj mjeri suprotnost globalizaciji nego je oporba određenom načinu na koji se ona odvija – kao što je to neoliberalni proces globalizacije. U tom smislu, mnogi predstavnici Pokreta više vole da ih se naziva altermondijalizmom. (shrink)

The latest discussions about civil society have been reconsidering the globalization processes, and the theoretical discourse has been broadened to include the notion of the global civil society. The notion and the practice of a civil society are being globalized in a way that reflects the empirical processes of inter-connecting societies and of shaping a world society. From the normative-mobilizing perspective, civil society activists and theoreticians stress the need to defend the world society from the global threat of a nuclear (...) war, environmental catastrophes, crime and violence, domination of world powers over the fate of individual countries and societies, i.e. the need to oppose the tendency of “power policy” on the world level, and to defend the autonomy of the society as one compatible primarily with the expansion of policies based on the rule of law worldwide, and incompatible with the policy of force, state reasons, and domination of world power-centers. The globalization processes result in a conflicting and/or assimilative crossing of civilizations and cultures, as well as controversial tendencies of, on one hand, attempts for the introduction of international political institutions and the adoption of international conventions for human rights’ protection, for the defense of democratic values, for combating terrorism and segregation on various grounds, thus leading to a global standardization of the human-rights culture and of democratic political and legal order, and on the other, of rising xenophobia, particularization and ethno nationalism, civil wars, ecological threats, global terrorism, threat of hunger problem, nuclear war, new disease, etc. Contemporary victory of liberal and democratic values is the positive reach, but followed by the contested issue of sovereignty, urban decay, racism, ethnic cleansing, xenophobia, failing political legitimacy , and followed at the world scale by: global injustice, poverty, environmental dangers, mass and deadly diseases, oppression of minority groups, relentless growth of population, political and economic power great asymmetries, terrorism at the global scale, threat of a nuclear disaster, etc. Global civil society has three dimensions: 1) empirical phenomena of globalized social relations, interconnections, 2) mobilizing, formative force of the project/vision, and 3) social actors at the global/transnational level. The anti-globalization movement is an effort to counter perceive negative aspects of the current process of globalization. Although adherents of the movement often work in concert, the movement itself is heterogeneous and includes diverse, sometimes opposing, understandings of this process, alternative visions, strategies and tactics. Thus, more nuanced terms include anti-capitalist/anti-corporate alternative globalization. Participants may use the positive terms such as ‘global justice’ or ‘fair trade movement’; or ‘Global Justice and Solidarity Movement’; or ‘Movement of Movements’; or simply ‘The Movement’; or ‘anticorporatist capitalism movement’. Generally speaking, anti-globalization movement is not so much an opposition to globalization as such than an opposition to the particular way it is taking place – like neoliberal process of globalization. In that sense, many representatives of the Movement prefer to be called altermondialism. (shrink)

Die jüngsten Diskussionen zur Zivilgesellschaft greifen das Thema des Globalisierungsprozesses auf und erweitern solchermaßen den theoretischen Diskurs, um den Begriff der globalen Zivilgesellschaft umfassend zu untersuchen. Der Begriff und die Praxis der Zivilgesellschaft sind insofern global geworden, als sie die empirischen Prozesse im Beziehungsgeflecht zwischen den Gesellschaften und die Ausbildung der globalen Zivilgesellschaft widerspiegeln. Aus normativ mobilisierender Perspektive betonen Aktivisten und Theoretiker der Zivilgesellschaft, dass die Weltgesellschaft vor der globalen Gefahr eines Atomkriegs, vor Umweltkatastrophen, Verbrechen und Gewalt sowie vor der (...) Domination der Weltmächte gegenüber dem Schicksal bestimmter Länder und ihrer Gesellschaften verteidigt werden müsse, d.h., die Weltgesellschaft müsse sich auf globaler Ebene der Tendenz der „Machtpolitik” widersetzen und die Autonomie der Gesellschaft verteidigen; diese sei primär vereinbar mit einer Ausweitung von auf Rechtsherrschaft beruhenden Politiken, jedoch unvereinbar mit einer Politik der Gewalt, der Staatsräson und der Domination internationaler Machtzentren. Die Folgen der Globalisierungsprozesse sind Konfrontationen und/oder assimilierende Verschmelzungen von Zivilisationen und Kulturen sowie kontroverse Tendenzen: Einerseits versucht man, internationale politische Einrichtungen zu gründen und international gültige Abkommen zu schließen, die den Schutz von Menschenrechten und demokratischen Errungenschaften zum Gegenstand haben, die den Kampf gegen den Terrorismus und verschiedene Formen der Segregation unterstützen sollen und somit das Ziel verfolgen, eine Kultur der Menschenrechte sowie der demokratischen politischen und Rechtsordnung zum global verbindlichen Standardprogramm zu machen; andererseits jedoch wachsen Fremdenhass, Partikularisierung und Ethnonationalismus, wüten Bürgerkriege, drohen Umweltkatastrophen, globaler Terrorismus, weltweite Hungersnot, Krankheiten und Seuchen, droht die Gefahr eines Atomkriegs usw. Der zeitgenössische Siegeszug liberaler und demokratischer Werte ist eine positive Errungenschaft, deren Tragweite jedoch angezweifelt und geschmälert wird hinsichtlich der Frage ihrer Souveränität und angesichts des Verfalls urbaner Lebeskultur, angesichts von Rassismus, ethnischer Säuberung, Fremdenhass, gescheiterten politischen Legitimierungen ; auf globaler Ebene wiederum ist diese Errungenschaft begleitet von globaler Ungerechtigkeit, Armut, Umweltgefahren, Epidemien und tödlichen Seuchen, der Unterdrückung von Minderheiten, unaufhörlichem Bevölkerungszuwachs, großen Missverhältnissen zwischen politischer und wirtschaftlicher Macht, globalem Terrorismus, der Gefahr eines Atomkriegs usw. Für die globale Zivilgesellschaft sind drei Dimensionen kennzeichnend: 1) das empirische Phänomen globaler gesellschaftlicher Verhältnisse – Interrelationen, 2) die Mobilmachung, Gestaltung von Projekten/Visionen und 3) gesellschaftliche Faktoren auf globaler/ transnationaler Ebene. Die Antiglobalisierungsbewegung ist ein Versuch, wahrgenommenen negativen Aspekten aktueller Globalisierungsprozesse entgegenzuwirken. Trotz des Anscheins, dass die Anhänger dieser Bewegung meist gut aufeinander eingespielt sind, ist der Antiglobalismus eine heterogene Bewegung und umfasst unterschiedliche, mitunter auch gegensätzliche Auffassungen, alternative Sichtweisen, Strategien und Taktiken. Ihre Vertreter führen demnach Begriffe wie alternative, antikapitalistische/antikorporative bzw. antikorporative kapitalistische Globalisierung ins Feld, ebenso aber positive Termini wie ,globales Recht’ oder ,Bewegung für fairen Handel’, ,Bewegung für globale Gerechtigkeit und Solidarität’, ,Bewegung aller Bewegungen’ oder einfach ,Bewegung’. Allgemein formuliert, ist die Antiglobalisierungsbewegung als solche keine umfassende Gegenposition zur Globalisierung, sondern eine Opposition, die bestimmte Modi des Globalisierungsablaufs bekämpft – so etwa den neoliberalen Globalisierungsprozess. Insofern bevorzugen viele Vertreter der Bewegung den Begriff Altermondialismus. (shrink)

De récents débats ont reconsidéré les processus de mondialisation, élargissant le discours théorique afin d’étendre la notion de société civile mondiale. La notion et la pratique de société civile ont été mondialisées de façon à refléter les processus empiriques d’inter-connexion des sociétés et de formation d’une société mondiale. D’un point de vue normatif et mobilisateur, les militants et les théoriciens de la société civile soulignent le besoin de défendre la société mondiale de la menace d’une guerre nucléaire mondiale, des catastrophes (...) écologiques, du crime et de la violence, puis de la domination des grands pouvoirs sur le sort de certains pays et sociétés, c’est-à-dire le besoin de s’opposer à une « politique du pouvoir » à l’échelle mondiale et de défendre l’autonomie d’une société compatible avec l’expansion des politiques fondées sur le règne de la loi mais incompatible avec des politiques de la force, des raisons d’État et de domination des pôles de pouvoir. Les processus de mondialisation mènent à la confrontation et/ou au métissage assimilateur de civilisations et de cultures, ainsi qu’à des tendances controversées : d’une part, à des tentatives d’instauration d’institutions politiques internationales et d’adoption des conventions internationales en matière de droits de l’homme, de protection des valeurs démocratiques, de lutte contre le terrorisme et de différentes formes de ségrégation, avançant vers une standardisation mondiale de la culture des droits de l’homme et de l’ordre politique et juridique démocratique ; d’autre part, à la hausse de la xénophobie, des particularismes, de l’ethnonationalisme, des guerres civiles, des menaces écologiques, du terrorisme à l’échelle mondiale, de la menace de la famine, de la menace nucléaire, de nouvelles maladies etc. La victoire contemporaine des valeurs libérales et démocratiques est un aboutissement positif, mais elle s’accompagne de la question controversée de souveraineté, de délabrement urbain, de racisme, de nettoyage ethnique, de xénophobie, de défaut de légitimité politique . À l’échelle mondiale, cet aboutissement s’accompagne d’une injustice globale, de pauvreté, de dangers écologiques, d’épidémies mortelles, d’oppression des minorités, d’une croissance non maîtrisée de la population, de déséquilibre de pouvoir politique et économique, de terrorisme à l’échelle mondiale, de la menace nucléaire etc. La société civile mondiale comporte trois dimensions : 1.) phénomène empirique de relations sociales et d’interconnexions ; 2.) mobilisation, une force structurante du projet/vision ; 3.) acteurs sociaux au niveau mondial/transnational. L’anti-mondialisation est un mouvement qui tente d’agir à l’encontre des aspects négatifs de la mondialisation. Même si les adeptes de ce mouvement agissent souvent de concert, le mouvement en soi est hétérogène et englobe des visions, des stratégies et des tactiques diverses et parfois opposées. Ainsi, des termes plus nuancés impliquent une mondialisation alternative, anti-capitaliste/anti-corporatiste. Ses acteurs peuvent utiliser des expressions positives telles que la ‘justice mondiale’, le ‘mouvement pour un commerce équitable’, le ‘mouvement pour la Justice et la Solidarité Mondiale’, le ‘Mouvement des Mouvements’, ou simplement ‘Le mouvement’, ou encore le ‘mouvement anti-corporatiste capitaliste’. De manière générale, le mouvement anti-mondialiste n’est pas une opposition à la mondialisation en soi mais à une certaine façon dont cette mondialisation se déroule, à savoir le processus de mondialisation néo-libéral. Dans ce sens, nombre de représentants du Mouvement préfèrent être appelés alter-mondialistes. (shrink)

The author argues that the interpretation of Machiavelli’s political theory is to be prominently a republican one, escaping its commonly simplified and stereotypical interpretations, which reduce his theoretical legacy to so-called ‘Machiavellianism’. The article claims that while elements of ‘Machiavellianism’ do exist in all of his books (especially in The Prince), they do not define the core line and purpose of Machiavelli’s political theory. This article presents how Machiavelli followed the legacy of republican Rome and of the medieval and Renaissance (...) city-republics of Italy (including Florence) in developing his republican conception. Furthermore, it is argued that the theory of the humours – used as a basis of his interpretation of republican tradition – resulted in the anticipation of modern liberal republicanism in Machiavelli’s legacy. His statements that conflicts of interests among different humours/classes/estates were not only unavoidable, but were also useful in enacting good laws, did anticipate modern pluralism. The author argues that the theory of the humours served Machiavelli as the core background he used in differentiating the main forms of political orders: monarchy/principality, republic and lizenzia (institutionally, a republic, but effectively, an imbalanced quasi-aristocratic rule). The criterion Machiavelli used was the quality of relations existent among those humours, in the sense that only the republic secured the satisfaction of the needs and interests of all humours, and insofar represented a well-balanced, healthy body politic. Machiavelli’s intention was to offer ‘practical lessons from the study of history’ through comparison of the ‘ancient events’ of the Roman republic with the ‘modern events’ of the existing lizenzia in Florence, so that a real republican order be (re)established in the Florence of his days. (shrink)

European identity can be considered in its objective dimension, as being the top-down project and also the bottom-up process of building the genuine form of the trans-national political community, as well as in its subjective dimension related to the identification of the individuals and groups – the Europeans – with this new political community and in addition to their already established identification with a certain nation-state. The third dimension, related to the relevant interpretative models – ethno-cultural/Euroscepticism approach, European constitutional patriotism, (...) pluralist/multiculturalism approach – has also been important factor of European identity-building. New type of political community opens new questions – whether it is a Europe as the family of nations, a Europe of citizens, a Europe which is going to be built through common practices, a Christian Europe or a Europe of mutual matching and crossing civilizations, a secular Europe or Europe of religious Christian heredity and/or different religions. Founding Treaties define European identity politically, starting from the motto “Unity in Diversity”. However, this motto is differently interpreted by communitarians/Euro nationalists, ethno-nationalists/Euro skeptics, liberals and republicans/European constitutional patriots. Controversial character of political identity has to be kept in mind always again. The politics of identity, the misuse of an ethnically concieved concept of identity with its war-like consequences, has represented one of the most destructive potentials of a contemporary politics, including the region of Europe . On the other hand, political communities cannot survive without homogenizing force of a common identity, and it is especially valid for proposed democratic communities, including European Union. When European identity is regarded, it is most important to define its meaning in a sense which will empower a democratic capacity of the European Union, which will contribute to overcoming its democratic deficit, and will also contribute to escaping particularist, xenophobic, Euro skeptic tendencies and sentiments. (shrink)

Europski identitet se može razmatrati u svojoj objektivnoj dimenziji kao projekt odozgor i proces izgradnje izvornog oblika transnacionalne političke zajednice odozdol, a u svojoj subjektivnoj dimenziji vezanoj uz identifikaciju pojedinaca i grupa – Europljana – s ovom novom političkom zajednicom zajedno s već uspostavljenom identifikacijom s pojedinom nacijom-državom. Treća dimenzija, vezana uz relevantne interpretativne modele – etno-kulturni/euroskeptični pristup, europski ustavni patriotizam, pluralistički/multikulturalni pristup – također je bila važan čimbenik izgradnje europskog identiteta. Novi tip političke zajednice otvara nova pitanja – je (...) li ta Europa obitelj nacija, Europa građana, Europa koja će biti izgrađena na zajedničkim djelatnostima, kršćanska Europa, ili Europa uzajamno odgovarajućih i preklapajućih civilizacija, sekularna Europa ili Europa kršćanskog religijskog nasljeđa i/ili različitih religija. Osnivačke povelje definiraju europski identitet politički, počevši sa sloganom »Jedinstvo u različitosti«. Međutim, ovaj slogan različito interpretiraju komunitarijanci/euro-nacionalisti, etno-nacionalisti/euroskeptici, liberali i republikanci/europski ustavni patrioti. Kontroverzni karakter političkog identiteta se uvijek iznova mora imati na umu. Politika identiteta, zloupotreba etnički osmišljenih pojmova identiteta sa svojim ratnim posljedicama, predstavljala je jedan od najdestruktivnijih potencijala suvremene politike, uključujući i jednu regiju Europe . S druge strane, političke zajednice ne mogu preživjeti bez homogenizirajuće sile zajedničkog identiteta, što posebno vrijedi za predložene demokratske zajednice poput Europske unije. Kada se raspravlja o europskom identitetu, najvažnije je definirati njegovo značenje u smislu u kojem će osnažiti demokratske kapacitete Europske unije, u kojem će doprinijeti prevladavanju demokratskog deficita i izbjegavanju pratikularističkih, ksenofobičnih, euroskeptičnih težnji i naklonosti. (shrink)

Most research on risk aversion in behavioral science with human subjects has focused on a component of risk aversion that does not adapt itself to context. More recently, studies have explored risk aversion adaptation to changing circumstances in sequential decision-making tasks. It is an open question whether one can identify evidence, at the single subject level, for such risk aversion adaptation. We conducted a behavioral experiment on human subjects, using a sequential decision making task. We developed a model-based approach for (...) estimating the adaptation of risk-taking behavior with single-trial resolution by modelling a subject’s goals and internal representation of task contingencies. Using this model-based approach, we estimated the subject-specific adaptation of risk aversion depending on the current task context. We found striking inter-subject variations in the adaptation of risk-taking behavior. We show that these differences can be explained by differences in subjects’ internal representations of task contingencies and goals. We discuss that the proposed approach can be adapted to a wide range of experimental paradigms and be used to analyze behavioral measures other than risk aversion. (shrink)

The average weight and height of National Basketball League players is decreasing year by year ; Curcic, Dimitrije. 2021. 70 years of height evolution in the NBA [4,504 players analyzed]. RunRepeat. https://runrepeat.com/height-evolution-in-the-nba ). The trend in basketball is to privilege the tallest and strongest. If so, then to what does the body modification of NBA players respond? Will these changes reformulate the corporeity of what is understood as an NBA player? This text seeks, from the postulates of Jacques Fontanille (...) and José Finol, to point out that the process of body modification arose both from the introduction of a new rule and the recognition to new corporealities. From data regarding players’ corporeality, shooting tendency and a body modification scheme, a new corporeality of the NBA player is proposed, one that is no longer determined entirely by height. (shrink)