A network of think tanks—the ASEAN-Institutes of Strategic and International Studies and their researchers—have played a proactive and sometimes influential role in regional debates on Asian economic integration and security cooperation through informal diplomacy. This paper contributes to the literature on knowledge utilisation, specifically debates on the role of policy research institutes in policy-making. Paying attention to the debates and research on economic and security cooperation which preceded attempts at institutionalisation drives analytical attention to scholars, think tanks and others (...) in the ‘interpretive community’ who were engaged in a long term learning activity to shape domestic and regional agendas and institutionalise discourses of regional cooperation. (shrink)

This paper attempts to examine the paradigm shift in ASEAN from a state-based to a people-based organization. We argue that by adopting a people-based organization, ASEAN now enters an era of Neo-Communitarianism replacing the Old Communitarianism of the old generation of ASEAN. By using communitarian perspectives, we look at the continuities and changes in ASEAN with regard to how it deals with issues involving their members. Three important issues namely the debates on intervention principle; the adoption (...) of the three pillars of the ASEAN Community; and the inclusion of human rights are seen as the signposts where ASEAN departs from their Old to a Neo-Communitarianism. Although there have been a lot of challenges to the realization of the people-based organization, we see that the dynamics of debates and the active participation of the community in the debates show good prospects for the new paradigm to realize. In this paper, we use debate on the formation of ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (ICHR), to show the involvements of people in setting the agendas for the future ASEAN. (shrink)

The Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries has fostered economic growth recently but in the process has encountered a number of serious problems regarding environmental destruction, such as the air and water pollution. In addition, due to rapid population growth and urbanization, there are emerging concerns about decline of the environment in those countries in the near future. One of the surveys that tries to measure the attitudes of ASEAN citizens on environmental issues is the (...) class='Hi'>ASEAN Barometer survey conducted in 2009. This paper aims to unfold how ASEAN citizens evaluate environmental problems and what underlie their evaluations using the aforementioned ASEAN Barometer survey. The results of analysis will mainly reveal the next three points: (1) Filipinos showed higher environmental consciousness; (2) people in a less developed country were more likely to worry about environment deterioration and showed more commitment to the environmental movement, but, at the same time, they were more reticent about their immediate ecological activities; (3) those who thought that central governments needed to commit more to environmental problems and should take greater responsibility for environmental deterioration. Those who expected regional international organizations to take more measures were more inclined to engage in environmental activities. (shrink)

This collective writing paper brings together writers from Southeast Asia and the Western world to highlight challenges and opportunities for ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) and its education in the rising of the Asian Century. The inspiration for this project was started by Michael A. Peters’ conception of collective writing and the Asian Century. ASEAN is diverse in terms of economy and society; a look from different angles will help to improve policy and practice of ASEAN. (...) Multiple scholars have contributed to creating a series of arguments and explications towards a philosophical stance, and collaboration in higher education to build novel solutions regarding contemporary knowledge and ASEAN practices. Overall, this article illustrates ASEAN International Education (IE) circumstances and possibilities considering statistical data and past experience from transregional perspectives and diverse academic institutions. (shrink)

Our paper reports and discusses issues relating to subjective wellbeing in selected countries in ASEAN (The Association of Southeast Asian Nations), a regional organization that coordinates and promotes the economic, social and cultural interests of member countries in Southeast Asia. Comparisons will be made across the five founding members of ASEAN, namely Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand using data from the 2004, 2006 and 2007 AsiaBarometer Surveys. The indicators of subjective wellbeing used are perceptions of happiness, enjoyment, (...) and achievement. We also examined the impact of selected demographic and non-demographic variables on these indicators. (shrink)

This paper explores preferences and attitudes related to fiscal federalism held by the ASEAN people in the context of environmental issues. Fiscal federalism would predict that local environmental problems will be handled more efficiently by local governments, while national environmental problems will be solved more efficiently by the national government. But it is not obvious whether citizens consider in the same way as economics theory predicts. To unveil this point, I address questions of whether those who have higher consciousness (...) toward environmental issues at the neighbor or local level prefer local governments to decide environment policies, whether those who have more consciousness about environmental issues at the national level prefer the national government to decide the policies, and whether those who have higher consciousness toward environmental problems at global level prefer higher levels government such as the United Nations to decide the policies. By fitting multi-level probit regressions to cross-national survey data collected in ASEAN countries, I found the results supporting the hypotheses. The country analyses show the results which support the hypotheses in Brunei, Indonesia, and the Philippines. (shrink)

Sovereignty and non-interference principles are trademarks of the Association of South-East Asian Nations regional approach. Starting from 1993, ASEAN has been developing a process aimed at creating a human rights system. This process reached its acme in August 2013 when the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration was formally launched. In the frame of the tension between sovereignty and human rights, the paper firstly analyzes the roots of the ASEAN path towards the creation of the regional human rights system (...) grounded on the Vienna World Conference debate. Next comes an analysis of the political commitments assumed by ASEAN in the last 20 years in the process of creating a human rights body in the region. Furthermore, the paper presents an in-depth analysis of the most problematic issues connected with the nature, functions, mandate, and purposes of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Human Rights Commission. This is followed by an analysis of the AHRD. (shrink)

This paper aims to investigate the extent of anti-corruption reporting by ASEAN companies and examine whether coercive factors influence the level of disclosure. The authors adopt indicators from the Global Reporting Initiative version 4.0 to measure the extent of anti-corruption disclosures in 117 companies’ reports. Informed by a coercive isomorphism tenet drawn from the institutional theory, the authors propose that several institutional factors influence the extent of their voluntary disclosures. The findings reveal that a large degree of variability difference (...) between the average levels of anti-corruption disclosure in Thailand and the Philippines. The dependence on government tenders and foreign ownership are associated with the level of disclosure. Surprisingly, the United Nation Global Compact membership is not a significant determinant of anti-corruption reporting. This signifies that the membership in the international initiative does not correspond to individual company’s commitment to disclose anti-corruption information. In spite of significant efforts undertaken by global organizations to combat corruption, the level of anti-corruption disclosure is significantly different among the four countries under study. The disclosure of sensitive information such as the confirmed incidences of corruption cases requires careful consideration by the top management as it is subjected to legal implications and reputational risks. Thus, impression management can complement the coercive pressure in explaining the level of anti-corruption reporting. This study is among the first studies which explores the association between coercive factors and the level of anti-corruption disclosure in ASEAN region. (shrink)

Using the Rule of Law as the theoretical framework in his paper, the author proceeds to discuss ASEAN integration. His ultimate objective is to examine the applicability of Brunnée and Toope’s Interactional International Law to ASEAN integration. To provide the background to the process of ASEAN integration, the author cites selected works of scholars and experts in the fields of international law and international relations. The most important factor to be considered is the ASEAN Charter’s inclusion (...) of the principle of the Rule of Law to guide its integration efforts. This is viewed by Western democracies as a commitment by the ASEAN Member States to the Rule of Law. Interestingly, Democracy and Human Rights stand side-by-side with the Rule of Law in the Charter. Quite expectedly, scholars and practitioners of International Law and International Relations see the inclusion of these principles as an indication of ASEAN embracing the rules, norms, and values that the West hold dearly. These are the same rules, norms and values that underpin the liberal democracies of North America and Europe, and which provide the European Union its theoretical foundation. In the EU, the Rule of Law is an important guiding principle. For the same reason, the emergence of supranational institutions became a matter of course in the process of their integration. In conclusion, the author suggests that IIL should provide the proper theoretical legal framework for ASEAN integration to move forward after taking into account the current heterogeneity in the political, economic, social and cultural profiles of the ASEAN Member States. Keywords- Legal Philosophy, international law, ASEAN regional integration, interactional international law, international relations, Philippines. (shrink)

The purpose of the study is to determine the prospects for the export of Russian information technologies and cooperation in the fields of artificial intelligence and cybersecurity with the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. The article discusses the request of the ASEAN countries in the field of AI and cybersecurity, the level of development of the digital economy in this region and its impact on the prospects for Russian IT-exports; in addition, the structure and dynamics of (...) Russian IT-exports to the world market are presented. The scientific novelty lies in the reassessment of the prospects for cooperation between Russia and the ASEAN countries in the field of IT, AI and cybersecurity. As a result, the factors influencing the competitiveness of Russia in the field of IT were identified and the leading Russian IT-companies and their experience in the global market were analyzed. Based on this, a conclusion was made about the prospects for the export of Russian IT and cooperation in the field of AI and cybersecurity with the ASEAN countries. (shrink)

Resumen Desde principios de los noventa, China ha demostrado una postura más activa respecto de los procesos multilaterales en el Este Asiático, aunque en diferente grado dependiendo del área temática. Mientras que en el plano económico Beijing ha demostrado un marcado entusiasmo e iniciativa, en el plano estratégico las reticencias a tratar problemas en ámbitos multilaterales han sido mayores. Sin embargo, a través de las interacciones con ASEAN, su participación se volvió más activa al tiempo que aumentó su predisposición (...) a discutir temas sensibles en organismos liderados por la organización. En este artículo presentamos una visión introductoria, dirigida a un público no especializado en el tema, de la política exterior china hacia el Foro Regional de ASEAN y ASEAN Plus Three. (shrink)

This paper provides an in-depth study and analysis of the quantitative relationship between ASEAN industry transfer and nuclear trade restructuring through the multiregional computable general equilibrium model and categorizes the ten major projects and 57 subprojects covered by the ASEAN Information Port project investment into construction, information technology, and telecommunications, according to the key directions of investment. We design and simulate the changes in production activities, trade activities, and the balance of payments behaviour of the national economy affected (...) by the project’s investment under 10 types of investment amount scenarios and prepare the corresponding social accounting matrix. Increased trade openness increases external risks and instability of the economy and fiscal revenues. At the same time, it creates other potential problems for the country such as environmental pollution and leading to unfair competition. Under free trade conditions, some manufacturers may choose to produce inputs that are not environmentally friendly to reduce costs, thereby harming the environment. For infant industries, if the government does not provide them with short-term protection or supportive policies, these new or developing infant industries may not have strong international competitiveness and may be vulnerable to the attacks of mature industries in the world. Therefore, based on the study of the influence of tax policy on trade openness, this paper examines the impact of changes in trade openness on a country’s economic environment and takes tax revenue as an example to conduct an empirical analysis and improve the factors that need to be considered when adjusting tax policy. (shrink)

In this article, we have examined how Japan has supported ASEAN's economic integration through ODA and other diplomatic measures, and showed how Japan's engagements in ASEAN economic integration evolved over time. In addressing these issues, we took into account the growing influence of China's ascent in Southeast Asia, and assumed that Japan's China policy of mixed became explicit in Japan's ASEAN policy. The pronouncement of support for ASEAN integration, disbursement of aid to the region, forging of (...) bilateral and regional FTAs/EPAs with ASEAN, and its recent initiatives and proactive involvement in the Mekong regional development are indicative of Japan's reactive posture on China's growing influence in the region. Japanese diplomatic initiatives in ASEAN are intended, in part, to accommodate and balance China's increasing prominence in Southeast Asia. This explains the simultaneous existence of competitive and cooperative initiatives of the two countries with ASEAN. (shrink)

Las relaciones entre la UE y la ASEAN constituyen uno de los ejemplos más significativos de los esfuerzos acometidos por la Unión Europea para consolidarse como un actor global desde la década de los noventa. Tales relaciones han discurrido, no sin altibajos, por diferentes canales no completamente independientes, pero tampoco relacionados de forma estructurada. También han contribuido en mayor o menor medida, además de a hacer posible el diálogo, la cooperación y los intercambios entre las dos regiones, a fomentar (...) la institucionalización del sistema internacional, el multilateralismo y las dinámicas de gobernanza global. En una coyuntura difícil como la actual, caracterizada por el auge de las grandes potencias cabe preguntarse por la situación y razón de ser de estas relaciones. Todo parece indicar que, pese a las dificultades, viven un momento de relanzamiento. Las relaciones entre la UE y la ASEAN constituyen uno de los ejemplos más significativos de los esfuerzos acometidos por la Unión Europea para consolidarse como un actor global desde la década de los noventa. Tales relaciones han discurrido, no sin altibajos, por diferentes canales no completamente independientes, pero tampoco relacionados de forma estructurada. También han contribuido en mayor o menor medida, además de a hacer posible el diálogo, la cooperación y los intercambios entre las dos regiones, a fomentar la institucionalización del sistema internacional, el multilateralismo y las dinámicas de gobernanza global. En una coyuntura difícil como la actual, caracterizada por el auge de las grandes potencias cabe preguntarse por la situación y razón de ser de estas relaciones. Todo parece indicar que, pese a las dificultades, viven un momento de relanzamiento. (shrink)

Modern world economy includes more than one hundred regional trade agreements in place and number that is continuously evolving. Recently some countries reconfigure their economic and political interests and priorities to protectionism. From another side, the expansion of the World Trade Organization has created side agreements with other regional groups leading to a web of trade agreements and understandings. The article is considered the features of integration agreements on the example of the EU, NAFTA, ASEAN and Mercosur. The influence (...) of the process of international economic integration on the gross domestic product, employment and incomes of participating countries is examined. It defines dependence of the effects of integration on stages of integration and economic development of members' countries. It is determined that regional integration is changing welfare of population on macro and micro levels. It is defined the degree of integration depends upon the willingness and commitment of independent sovereign states to share their sovereignty. Deep integration that focuses on regulating the business environment in a more general sense is faced with many difficulties. (shrink)

Every ASEAN member envisions itself to become economically and politically efficient and stable—of becoming a First World country. No doubt there are many ways of approaching this vision and making it a reality. But I will argue in this paper that education can play a major role in transforming the region into a First World technopole or economic power through what Alvin Toffler calls the philosophy of “educational futurism.” Educational futurism states that we tailor our present educational plans on (...) our future dreams or visions. (shrink)

ASEAN agricultural workers represent one of the most vulnerable groups of workers regardless of citizenship. While bilateral agreements focus on general migration governance mechanisms, the specifics of agricultural workers’ rights and protections fall outside their scope. Due to the seasonal nature of cross-border agriculture, these are flexible precarious workers readily available to employers in the borderlands that often do not invest in worker health and social security. The Article reveals how foreign migrant agricultural workers with and without work permits (...) continue to fall between the gaps of national labor protection laws, due to both legal structural exclusions as well as the particular vulnerabilities of being noncitizen workers in remote, unsafe workplaces. This Article documents some of the developments during 20172019 in migrant employment in export cash crops. The next challenge for the future is developing mechanisms for bilateralism to lower migration costs, with a commitment to genuinely safe migration, as well as the establishment of long-term equitable working conditions for all migrant workers. The major findings demonstrate how the two main reasons for the discrepancies between the BLA and labor protections have to do with the noninterventionist approach of ASEAN and a series of technical exclusions in Thailand’s labor law and regulation. (shrink)

This essay evolved from my keynote address for the plenary session of the ASEAN Conference for Young Scientists 2019 organized by the ASEAN Secretariat, Vietnam Ministry of Science and Technology—whose main theme is sustainability science—organized at Hanoi-based Phenikaa University. It has also benefited from my advisory work for the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN).

The transition economy of Vietnam enjoyed remarkable achievements in the first 20 years of economic renovation (Doi Moi) from 1986 to 2006. Notably, the economy grew at an average annual rate of 7.5% in 1991-2000 period. Vietnam’s Amended Constitution 1992 recognized the role of private sector in the economy. U.S.-Vietnam Trade Bilateral Agreement (US-BTA) was signed in 2001. The country's stock market made debut trading in 2000. Vietnam became a member of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1995, (...) then proceeded to full membership of the World Trade Organization in 2007, following which registered foreign direct investment (FDI) reached an all-time high of US$71.7 billion in 2008. Together with the impressive economic achievements, Vietnam also saw its diplomatic and political status constantly improved in the international arena. The country has established diplomatic relations with more than 170 countries in the world, strategic partnerships with 12 important economies, both developed and emerging, namely China, Japan, Russia, India, England, France, North Korea, Italy, Germany, Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand. The country also successfully hosted important events including the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) in 2006. (shrink)

In the past decade, ASEAN has been the primary driver of East Asian regionalism, and Korea has been an active supporter of ASEAN plus Three. Korea has explored the idea of an East Asian Community, and has been relatively open to notions of Asia–Pacific regionalism. The ROK has involved itself comparatively heavily in regional projects as both an initiator and a participant, but its notion of ‘region’ has oscillated between more and less inclusive forms of regionalism. This article (...) examines how competing conceptions of region have influenced Korea's pursuit of regional initiatives. By revisiting historical understandings of Korea's regional identity, we explore the normative bases and material interests which motivate Korean regional initiatives, and assess the impact of its proposals. (shrink)

Under one of the last remaining single-party communist regimes, Vietnam’s in-progress transition is a hybrid between post-Soviet reforms and Chinese authoritarian compromise. This chapter provides a brief account of the historical events and cultural attributes that have shaped the current political and economic configuration of the country, a coverage of globalization and entrepreneurial endeavours in relation to trade liberalization, an analysis of growing consumerist tendencies and the solidification of a circle of economic elites, an overview of Vietnamese foreign trade, with (...) a focus on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China as significant partners, and a macroeconomic assessment of the country. (shrink)

Although the ethical judgment of consumers in the United States and other industrialized countries has received considerable attention, consumer ethics in Asian-market settings have seldom been explored. The purchase and making of counterfeit products are considered common, but disreputable, attributes of Southeast Asian consumers. According to the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), Indonesia ranks third among the leading countries of counterfeit items in Asia. Retail revenue losses attributed to counterfeiting amounted to US $183 million in 2004. Therefore, elucidating (...) the ethical perspectives of Indonesian consumers is an effective means of clarifying an important cultural influence on consumer behavior. This exploratory study of 230 Indonesians has many meaningful findings. First, certain personal attitudes apparently affect the ethical judgments of Indonesian consumers. Second, Indonesian consumers who exhibited high ethical concern over actively benefiting from illegal actions had high levels of materialism and idealism, as well as low levels of relativism. Third, materialism, idealism, and relativism significantly influenced whether benefits were created from actively engaging in some questionable activities (DELEGAL). Analytical results indicated that Indonesians with high materialism and relativism were more likely to engage in actions that were questionable but legal. Finally, consumer ethics were compared by applying demographic variables such as gender, age, education, religion, and occupation, indicating that all variables significantly varied except for religion. (shrink)

This article examines Thai policy towards Malaysia and Myanmar in the post-Cold War period and argues that bilateral relations between Thailand and these countries have deteriorated considerably. The immediate reason for the change is the collapse of structural arrangements associated with the Cold War, in particular the Indochina Security Complex and domestic political developments in Thailand and Myanmar. Whereas a number of issues like illegal migration, fishing and insurgency have contributed to the deteriorated relations, the situation has been reasonably well (...) managed. Factors contributing to the stability of the situation include regular bilateral dialogue and exchanges as well as common membership in a number of multilateral fora like ASEAN, ARF, AFTA and APEC. (shrink)

The English School analytical framework concerning theformation of order in international relations posits that states establish orderthrough rules and institutions within the framework of common interests andvalues to protect against anarchy. State-centred orders with limited civil societycooperation are pluralistic, while their converse are solidarist. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations was established in 1967 by Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines, Singapore,and Indonesia based on common interests, such as strengthening sovereigntyand creating stable relations in the face of anarchic problems like communismand internal (...) instability. In numerous conventions ASEAN has adopted variousnorms, such as respect for the sovereignty of the states, the rule of law, non-useof power, peaceful resolution of disputes, and non-interference in other states.All these norms showed that the primary purpose of ASEAN is to protect statesovereignty and interests and to establish peaceful regional relations. The factthat state sovereignty is at the forefront, with limited cooperation of non-stateactors, shows that the ASEAN regional order is pluralist. This article analysesthe emergence and appearance of the ASEAN regional order in the context of the ES. (shrink)

The aim of the article is to analyze the relationship between Singapore and the People’s Republic of China in the light of the current policy of the President of the United States Donald Trump. The point of reference for the presented analysis is the foreign policy of the former President Barack Obama, based on the strategy known as “pivot to Asia” – the strategic turnabout of the United States to the Asia-Pacific region. One of its main objectives was the signing (...) of a multilateral agreement on the establishment of a free trade zone, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), bringing together 12 countries. The main subject of the present analysis is to examine the impact of Donald Trump’s decision of January 2017 to withdraw from the TPP trade agreement on the relations between the remaining signatories of the agreement, as well as to examine Beijing’s actions, which may seek to increase its sphere of influence in Asia through the breakdown of TPP. The main part of the research is focused on the triangle politics concept in international politics, which will include China, Singapore and the United States. Besides the two largest economic powers, Singapore is included because of its membership in the TPP and ASEAN, and due to its strong economy and its population (predominantly) of Chinese origin it can be viewed as the “fifth column” or may otherwise play a role in the Greater China concept. (shrink)

Asian diplomatic practices consistently frustrate western policymakers. This, I argue, is due in large part to cultural factors and the differences in interpreting political modernization. I will identify the features that contribute to a ‘diplomacy of encounter’ by, firstly, performing a historical reading of early indigenous annals that treat diplomacy in Asia, as well as of Jesuit and Portuguese encounters with Asia in the 1500s and 1600s; secondly, by reading a sample of nationalist tracts from Asia between the late 1800s (...) and 1960s; and, thirdly, by reading the practices of ASEAN and wider Asia-Pacific regionalism between the 1990s and 2000s. It is only through discourse analysis of the Foucaultian variety that one can tease out the cultural and modernization-related road bumps in so-called ‘modern Asian diplomacy’. This study hopes to contribute to enhancing appreciation of the ongoing procedural and substantive tensions between Asian states and their western, and mostly developed, dialogue partners. (shrink)

This paper will examine the various ways in which the regional imaginary has been conceptualized and developed in maritime Southeast Asia, primarily focussing on Indonesia. Utilizing the recent debate on the notion of a this paper examines the role of imperialism and the colonial experience on the development of Indonesian of region and regionalism. This paper is structured into four sections. First of all, it explores the link between postcolonial theory and regionalism studies. Second, it takes into account early ideas (...) of regionalism in the post-independence era. This includes President Sukarno's foreign policy culminating in Indonesia's hosting of the Bandung Conference as well as President Suharto's endorsement of ASEAN. The third and final section examines Indonesia's foreign policy orientation and practices in the post-authoritarian period, particularly under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. With its embrace of democracy in the post-New Order era, the concluding discussion suggests that Indonesia appears to be increasingly prepared to expand its regional engagement concentrically beyond the immediate Southeast Asian region. The question of the role of the US is instrumental in this regard, and can be usefully understood from a postcolonial framework. (shrink)

This paper makes three related points. First, Japan has played an instrumental role in helping to define the shape and substance of multilateralism in Asia in ways deeper than scholarly literature on Asia's regional architecture has allowed. A key driving force behind Japan's contributions is the perceived utility of multilateralism in facilitating Japan's engagement of and/or balancing against China. Second, Japan has been able to achieve this because of the United States' support for Asian multilateralism and Japanese security interests. In (...) the immediate post-Cold War period, Japan facilitated US participation in regional arrangements such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation and the ASEAN Regional Forum. But Japanese ambivalence over its dependence on the United States was also apparent in Tokyo's attempts to exclude Washington from the newly formed East Asia Summit in late 2005, despite Japan's felt need to balance China. Japan's reliance on quiet diplomacy and an implicit regional leadership has equally been instrumental to its achievements in regional integration. Third, in the light of Japan's longstanding aim to become a normal military power and adopt a more assertive policy toward China, Japan‒US security ties are likely to deepen with negative consequences for Asian multilateralism. However, if its ties with China and South Korea worsen over their islands disputes in the East China Sea, Japan risks undermining its relations with the United States. How Japan balances its normalization with a continued engagement with multilateralism could be key to a stable and secure Asia. (shrink)

American and Chinese interests seem to be at one time in agreement and at another at loggerheads over issues that involve armed services, diplomacy, economics, human rights, intelligence, trade and culture. Part of what may appear to be a growing déracinement, or mutual disenchantment, arising from diverse viewpoints over infrastructure development globally but especially in sensitive developing areas such as the stand-off in the South China Sea and elsewhere along the Pacific coastline of Southeast Asia, and the Western Pacific Rim. (...) China seems to be reconstructing its ancient feudal empire, actual or imaginary, in the territory to its South, the ASEAN bloc. This article will address some issues of compatibility and conflict that unite China but that sometimes divide it from the United States and the West, then assesses what alternative strategies should be adopted or abandoned in the interests of global and regional harmony coupled with security. It urges greater cooperation and collaboration, a development of a code of conduct for state behavior in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region, together with a concerted East–West effort to maintain a stable economy for China and a sustainable trade relationship between China, Europe, and North America. (shrink)

This book is concerned with the social and political aspects of regional groupings, particularly how citizenship education fares in regional contexts. The European Union has revolutionised its political and economic aims into more encompassing social and political goals. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations, on the other hand, is still moving towards fuller integration in social and economic terms as South East Asian nations seek a greater role on the global stage and particularly in the global economy. Both the EU (...) and ASEAN have drawn up educational frameworks that collectively work to harness educational achievements which in turn work to fulfill social and economic objectives at the regional level. This book portrays citizenship issues affecting the two regions and describes the way citizenship education can reflect and address these issues. Case studies on EU and ASEAN member countries make up the book’s two parts which analyse, among other issues: The Changing Landscape of Citizenship Education in England Political Didactics and Political Education in Germany Rethinking a Conceptual Framework for Citizenship Education in ASEAN Countries Education for ASEANness: A tool to build an ASEAN community This book explores new ideas on citizenship and comparative education in regional contexts and will be of interest to researchers concerned with the impact of regionalism on social development and to citizenship educators studying the influence of contexts on the construction of citizenship education. (shrink)

Since 1965 Belgian has stopped recognizing governments confining itself to the recognition of states only and maintaining diplomatie relations with the recognized states through wathever government able of exercising effective controle of those states' territory. Nota single exception to this doctrine was made untill 1979.In 1979 however Belgium refused to recognize the government installed in Phnom Penh following the Vietnamese intervention. One year later it also stopped recognizing the Khmer Rouge. In the UN however Belgium went on to accept the (...) Khmer Rouge delegation as the representatives of Cambodia, a state thus being represented by a delegation accredited by an entity that Belgium did not consider to be a government. This contradiction was maintained untill present since neither the coalition between the Khmer Rouge, Sihanouk and Son Sann nor the Supreme National Council were regarded by Belgium as governments.The article reconstructs the Belgium position out of the many statements and arguments the government bas put forward in the UN and the Belgian Parliament. The Belgian position is than examined in the light of international law, its own recognition doctrine and the international and domestic political context.This led to the conclusion that the legal grounds for the Belgian policy were rather weak and that its position almost completly differred from its traditional doctrine. In the Cambodian case however political considerations appeared to have prevailed Belgium chose to join the US, China and Asean and manoeuvred as to follow them in their condemnation of the Vietnamese intervention. Acting even as one of the most faithfull followers of the Asean policy towards Cambodia, Belgium enjoyed the improvement of its own relations with Asean, also in the commercial field.The continuous domestic opposition in and out of the Parliament was not able to change this policy. Even the present Minister of Foreign Alf airs who declared to be inclined to adjust the Belgian position had to hold back in order not to affect the esthablised relations. (shrink)

According to the United Nations, the Rohingya people are the most persecuted minority group in the world. The atrocities perpetrated by Myanmar authorities could by any reckoning be called ethnic cleansing. This paper delves into the level of discrimination against the Rohingya population perpetrated by Myanmar authorities in myriad of ways. A team of researchers interviewed 37 victims. The pattern of persecution goes back to 1948 – the year when the country achieved independence from their British colonizers. Today, this population (...) group is the single largest “stateless” community after Palestinians in the world. Their “statelessness” or lack of citizenship increases their vulnerability owing to the lack of entitlements to any legal protection from the government. Without citizenship, they are deprived of basic rights such as access to health services, education and employment. The illiteracy rate among the Rohingya, for example, is a staggering 80 percent. However, so far, no unified responses either from the ASEAN or the EU were provided to the crisis. As a result, the level of discrimination against and brutality towards them kept escalating. (shrink)

Between 1983 and 2006 there were two distinct sorts of historical writings on Southeast Asian medical history, with quite different emphases. Some historians focused on the history of medicine in national contexts—a practice that resulted in the neglect of larger socioeconomic factors such as migration—that affected the trajectory of pandemics. At the same time, pursuing a different line of thinking, another group of historians focused on the history of specific diseases from a demographic perspective. These two approaches led to very (...) different conclusions about the nature of epidemic disease and pandemics that have beset the region since the nineteenth century. Nevertheless, regional histories of health are neglected in Southeast Asian medical history in favor of either local, national, or global histories. In this essay, I argue that if historians of global health have forsaken the region in favor of the wider world, Southeast Asian historians have neglected the region in favor of the nation. What is missing in Southeast Asian medical history is a regional perspective that would help understand the ways in which pandemic responses are shaped by colonial, Cold War, or national concerns. Beginning 2019, some historians and political analysts trying to understand global pandemics have adopted a regional approach by treating, as a monolithic group, the ASEAN—the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, which is a regional grouping of Southeast Asian member states, established in 1967. By contrast, others explore specific geographic, political, or economic issues that have contributed to either the spread or containment of disease. In this regard, the COVID-19 crisis in Southeast Asia merits historical attention to comprehend the strengths and weaknesses of a regional approach. (shrink)

Las vinculaciones con Indonesia se han caracterizado por el bajo perfil político y la inestabilidad en el plano comercial desde finales de los noventas hasta mediados de 2000. Sin embargo, desde 2008 en adelante, Indonesia se convirtió en el principal destino de las exportaciones argentinas en el SEA y comenzó a despertar un mayor interés en el plano político-diplomático. La visita del Canciller Timmerman y la implementación de otras iniciativas bilaterales se convirtieron en indicadores del emergente protagonismo de Indonesia en (...) la agenda argentina hacia el Este de Asia. Los lazos políticos y económicos se complementan con el surgimiento de iniciativas culturales que favorecen el mayor acercamiento entre ambos Estados. A su vez, la interacción en foros multilaterales –como FOCALAE- y la creación de dos grupos parlamentarios argentinos –de Amistad con ASEAN y de Amistad con Indonesia- se constituyeron en herramientas para fomentar el mutuo conocimiento. Dados los recientes desarrollos en las vinculaciones bilaterales y la consolidación de Indonesia como socio comercial de la Argentina, nos proponemos en este artículo realizar un abordaje de las relaciones entre ambos Estados desde las dimensiones económico-comercial, político-diplomática y cultural. (shrink)

E-waste is one of the most pressing challenges of our time, yet it is often ignored, especially in Southeast Asia. The “tsunami of e-waste” in the region has been putting our lives and our environment at risk. With the extensive use of electrical and electronic devices, we are also contributing to harming the environment and quickening the climate change by producing and discarding e-waste. Youths are among major users of electronic devices, and hunger for upgraded and newer versions. -/- However, (...) there is still a lack of sensitization on e-waste management issues in the Southeast Asia region. Why should not the young people be pioneers in educating this challenge to the young public? Our FRE-E-WASTE project team is firm in our belief that youths should take the lead in bringing to light this aspect of climate justice, to the best of our ability. -/- Implemented by a group of ASEAN environmental enthusiasts, STEP Forward Education and supported by the U.S. Department of State and the Young Southeast Asian Leaders Initiative (YSEALI), FRE-E-WASTE Project seeks to bring together a group of Southeast Asian environmental enthusiasts aged between 18 and 35 to connect and collaborate on e-waste issues in the region and eventually to create a toolkit about e-waste for the Southeast Asia region. (shrink)

As a rising power, China has become actively involved in regional bilateral/multilateral arrangements in the post-Cold War, especially post-crisis (1997– 98 financial crises) era, and this has attracted much attention from within and outside East Asia. Diverse understandings of China's regional ambition have appeared, especially since the launch of the China-ASEAN free trade agreement (FTA). Aiming at deciphering the ideas behind China's regional thinking, this paper argues that China's perspective on regionalism is a broadened economic regionalism, which is basically (...) economic-centered, because economic performance is vital both to its long-term strategic target and to its internal social stability. This economic regionalism will last for some time because China will be a developing country at least in the mid-term, which means China will have to focus more on its economic performance. In practice, China will engage bilaterally or multilaterally with others through its FTA strategy. Thus, China cannot be a main contributor to East Asian integration as expected, owing to the inward-looking nature of its economic regionalism. Also, the institutional integration of East Asia needs the effort of all the players in the region. (shrink)

This study examines the process by which the concept of quality of life has been increasing in importance as the key to ASEAN's socio-cultural integration. This study also focuses on the current trend that emphasizes subjective quality of life and clarifies that ASEAN has been moving toward including this perspective. Then, it analyzes the subjective quality of life of people in ASEAN in terms of self-assessment and the multidimensional World Health Organization Quality of Life metric by using (...) data from the ASEAN Barometer 2009. (shrink)

As the future of human development increasingly hinges on the need for sustainable education and science, this essay re-examines the imminent threats to humankind and the relevance of achieving the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to science-technology research among today’s young scientists. It also discusses some socio-political and economic challenges to achieving sustainability and argues that developing sustainability science is difficult but not impossible. The hope lies in our current efforts to build productive and creative scientific communities through nurturing (...) youth engagement with science and the scientific mindset. (shrink)