Unwritten constitutional conventions also known as lex non scripta, are under permanent scholarly scrutiny. This does not happen only in the Anglo-Saxon scholarly tradition. When analyzing the issues of unwritten law, a considerable number of representatives of this tradition, starting with W. Blackstone and finishing with contemporary British and American scholars, also talk about the existence of constitutional conventions. It should also be noted that issues pertaining to unwritten law and issues of conventions in particular, are often mentioned and analyzed (...) in the works of scholars of the Roman-Germanic legal tradition. Italian, French, German and Czech scholars take account of constitutional conventions, analyze their features and hold discourse on their future. However, in the course of scholarly debate, the issues of constitutional conventions have been dealt with in a fairly controversial manner. Even though individual scholars recognize constitutional conventions, the variety of opinions and conceptions is too large to form a uniform understanding. (shrink)

Istraživanja povijesnog razvoja bioetike rijetko su kao predmet svog interesa imala fenomen bioetičkih institucija.U prvom dijelu rada se iznosi pregled povijesnog razvoja bioetike, nakon čega slijede glavne teze najvažnijih teorija institucija . Središnji dio rada obrađuje teoriju institucija Arnolda Gehlena, prema kojoj su institucije društvene činjenice u kojima se zajednički prihvaćaju i provode životne svrhe, a koje čovjek stvara s ciljem odterećenja od neizvjesnosti vlastite egzistencije, subjektivne motivacije i trajne improvizacije u odlučivanju.U zaključnom dijelu rada analiziraju se (...) mogućnosti i ograničenja aplikacije teorije institucija Arnolda Gehlena u istraživanju razvoja bioetičkih institucija.The research of historical development of bioethics has rarely had the phenomenon of bioethics institutions as the focus of its interest. In the first part of the present paper a historical overview of bioethics is exposed.Subsequently, the major theses of the most important theories of institutions are discussed. The central part of the paper deals with the theory of institutions by Arnold Gehlen. According to that theory, institutions are social constructs in which life purposes are collectively accepted and realized. The man creates those constructs aiming at alleviation from uncertainty of his own existence, subjective motivation, and continuous improvization in decision making.Concluding part of the paper provides an analysis of the potentials and limitations of the application of Arnold Gehlen’s theory of institutions in an attempt of investigating the phenomenon of bioethics institutions. (shrink)

The article is translated here from John R. Searle : What is an Institution? Journal of Institutional Economics (2005), 1: 1, 1–22 Printed in the United Kingdom, The JOIE Foundation, 2005.

Straipsnyje aptariami gimnazijas baigiančių jaunuolių tolesnio gyvenimo pasirinkimų ir studijų regioninėse aukštosiose mokyklose motyvacijos sociologinio tyrimo rezulta­tai. Gilinamasi, su kuo artimiausias gyvenimo perspektyvas sieja Pietvakarių Lietuvos regiono III–IV gimnazijos klasių mokiniai: kiek jas sieja su studijų, darbo, kitų veik­lų pasirinkimu, kokie motyvai lemia studijų vietos ir studijų programos pasirinkimą, ypač regioninėse aukštosiose mokyklose. Tyrimo rezultatai atskleidė, kad studijų vietos pasirinkimui įtakos turi studijų proceso kokybė, mokymosi sąlygos (kokybės aspek­tas), gyvenimo sąlygos ir pragyvenimo išlaidos, studijų kaina (finansinis aspektas), atsiliepimai apie instituciją (...) (įvaizdžio aspektas). Rinktis studijų programą labiausiai motyvuoja galimybė studijuoti norimą specialybę, geras švietimo įstaigos įvaizdis, ge­ros mokymosi sąlygos, pažangumo lygmuo. Studijų Pietvakarių Lietuvos regioninėse aukštosiose mokyklose motyvai siejami su galimybe rinktis norimą studijų programą, artumu, geromis mokymosi sąlygomis. (shrink)

The author examines the character of the changes taking place in contemporary Serbian society. He emphasizes at the same time that contemporary Serbian philosophy is facing these crucial questions as well, which without it cannot be even addressed, let alone solved. The key difference between modern West European and contemporary Serbian societies, seen from the perspective of philosophy, is demonstrated most clearly in the manner of constituting institutions and transforming the modern Serbian society. In the process of building modern institutions (...) philosophy, not just in our country but throughout the Slavic East, has not had the role it played in Europe. Here lies the explanation why natural consciousness and an original ethos, though considerably modified, still remain unadapted and today represent a major obstacle to the establishment of the rule of European law. Without a change in the sense of justice and respect for the law it is impossible to accomplish the transformation of the society in which the law recognized by a democratic state could not be super ordinate to any reason. The crucial role of philosophy in this process is seen by the author not only in establishing modern European institutions and acceptance of the principle of European legislation, but above all in its influence on the transformation of the original ethos and establishment of new criteria on which the reflection, decision making and action of any individual would be based.. Autor u ovom radu nastoji da pokaze u cemu se sastoji sustinski karakter promenama koje se danas ostvaruju u savremenom srpskom drustvu, ukazujuci istovremeno, da i savremena srpska filozofija stoji pred tim sustinskim pitanjima, koja se bez njenog sudelovanja ne mogu na valjan nacin ni predociti, a kamo li da se mogu uvideti putevi njihovog razresenja. Kljucna razlika izmedju modernog zapadnoevropskog i savremenog srpskog drustva, sagledanog iz perspektive filozofije, najjasnije se pokazuje u nacinu konstituisanju institucija i nacina preobrazaja modernog srpskog drustva. U izgradnji modernih institucija filozofija, ne samo u nas, vec i na celom slovenskom istoku nije imala onu ulogu koju je imala u Evropi. U toj cinjenici nalazi se objasnjenje zasto su prirodna svest i izvorna obicajnost, iako znatno izmenjeni, ostali ipak neprilagodjeni i danas predstavljaju jednu od glavnih prepreka u uspostavljanju vladavine evropskog prava. Bez promene osecanja pravednosti i postovanja zakona nije moguce izvrsiti preobrazaj drustva u kojem pravo priznato od demokratske drzave ne bi moglo biti nadredjeno nikakvom umu. Kljucnu ulogu filozofije, autor ne vidi samo u uspostavljanju modernih evropskih institucija i prihvatanju nacela evropskog zakonodavstva, vec pre svega u njenom uticaju na preobrazaj izvornog etosa i uspostavljanje novih merila na kojima ce biti zasnovano promisljanje, odlucivanje i delanje svakog pojedinca.. (shrink)

The author of the paper considers the influence of the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court as the only official entity entitled to interpret the Constitution on the criminal procedure. The paper contains the review the following three trends of impact of the constitutional jurisprudence: influence on the legislature in criminal procedure law, influence on the practice of implementation of criminal procedural law and on the science of criminal procedural law. The paper mostly relies on the works by professionals in the (...) field of constitutional law, including publications by prof. dr. Juozas Žilys, the first Chairman of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania and the former dean of the Law Faculty of Mykolas Romeris University, as the area of criminal procedure has so far included only several publications, the direct objective of which was to study issues on the constitutionalisation of criminal procedure. (shrink)

»Protiinstitucija« je »francoska stvar« in je del tistega, kar bi sam poimenoval francoski institucionalizem. Moj namen je tematizirati ta contre ali »proti«, to upiranje instituciji, a hkrati želim rekonstruirati nekaj več kot zgolj upiranje samo. Prvič, contre vedno implicira penser autrement, ki je na neki način povezno z utopijo. Drugič, zdi se mi, da je Saint Simon naš večni sodobnik in da je njegovo razglabljanje o Evropi še vedno aktualno – tako kot včasih je tudi danes Evropa autre chose in (...) contre-institution. Tretjič, sledeč Humu in nato Deleuzu, bi lahko zatrdil, da gre pri contre-institution ali upiranju instituciji v resnici za poskus zmanjšanja neizbrisne sledi nasilja znotraj institucij. (shrink)

Žymus Lietuvos sociologas Vytautas Kavolis visą akademinę karjerą plačiai tyrinėjo laisvės klausimą, nors ir nenaudojo „laisvės sociologijos“ pavadinimo. Jo daugiamatė analizė apėmė politines institucijas, kultūros normas, istorinę evoliuciją ir globalias perspektyvas, atskleisdama sudėtingą visuomenės struktūrų ir asmens laisvių sąveiką. Šiame straipsnyje politinės sociologijos požiūriu, išskaidant laisvės ir jos apraiškų įvairiuose visuomenės kontekstuose supratimą, bandoma kristalizuoti V. Kavolio sociologinius rėmus. V. Kavolio tarpdisciplininis požiūris, metodologinis originalumas ir reflektyvi analizė prisidėjo prie gilaus visuomenės laisvėjimo dinamikos ir galios santykių tyrinėjimo, metė iššūkį nusistovėjusioms (...) paradigmoms ir pasisakė už įtraukesnę ir teisingesnę visuomenę. Jo įžvalgos tebėra aktualios šiandienei Lietuvai, išgyvenančiai postsovietinį virsmą ir susiduriančiai su globaliais iššūkiais. (shrink)

The present article aims to show the effects that the coalescence of liberal democracy and globalisation has on the law as a social institution. The law as a social institution is one of the key foundations for the social integration of modern society, which is why we may suggest a reasonable assumption that the role of the law in modern Western societies should be growing in significance. However, the coalescence of liberal democracy and globalisation is a consequence of the evolution (...) of modern Western civilisation and the main context of its further development that gives feedback to the very development process. The analysis of the crisis of the financial capital makes us question the previous assumption because the essence of the law as a social institution lies not in its legal regulation but in its self-regulation that should increase the society’s trust in different institutions, including the financial capital. The present research makes an attempt to answer the following questions: 1) what is the traditional role of the relationship between society and the law as a social institution? 2) what are the most important social consequences of the coalescence of liberal democracy and globalisation? 3) what is the significance of the legal culture under the circumstances of the coalescence of liberal democracy and globalisation? These questions have determined the structure of this paper. (shrink)

Interesuje nas, prednost koju Delez daje sintagmi?revolucionarna institucija? u odnosu na manje originalnu sintagmu?institucionalna revolucija?. Delez nekoliko puta upotrebljava u svojim tekstovima?revolucionarna institucija?, sigurno sasvim svestan da ova sintagma ima jednu prilicno haoticnu i nejasnu istoriju tokom post-revolucionarnog perioda, ali i da je ona savrseno u duhu Sanzistovih namera. Treba da proverimo da li ova sintagma najbolje opisuje jednu Delezovu imaginarnu teoriju institucije, ali i njegov angazman u teoriji uopste. Preeliminarna teskoca, koja automatski dovodi u pitanje i devalvira (...) nasu intervenciju, jeste Delezovo odbijanje da on s?m zaista tematizuje instituciju i svoj napor, te da zaista odgovori na pitanja koja s?m postavlja pedesetih godina proslog veka:?sta je to sto objasnjava instituciju?? i?koje bi to trebalo da budu savrsene institucije, to jest one koje se suprotstavljaju svakom ugovoru i pretpostavljaju tek najmanji broj zakona??. (shrink)

Ovaj rad predstavlja rezultate empirijskog istraživanja provedenog radi ispitivanja mišljenja učitelja vokalno-instrumentalne i teorijske nastave pri hrvatskim i srpskim glazbenim školama o učenju na daljinu. Istraživanje je provedeno tijekom svibnja 2020., u vrijeme kad su sve glazbene škole zbog pandemije COVID-19 u potpunosti prešle na sustav učenja na daljinu. Rezultati pokazuju da su se učitelji, usprkos brojnim problemima, osobito lošim internetskim vezama i lošom kvalitetom zvuka dobivenim elektroničkim uređajima, uspješno nosili s realizacijom nastave glazbe na daljinu. Pronađene su statistički značajne (...) razlike u odgovorima nastavnika o učenju na daljinu s obzirom na vrstu nastave koju vode, pa su učitelji koji izvode instrumentalnu i vokalnu nastavu bili bolji u izvođenju učenja na daljinu u odnosu na one koji vode teorijsku nastavu. Usprkos vjerovanju nastavnika da je prijenos potpunog znanja nemoguć putem tehnologije, većina njih otvorena je za mogućnost smislene primjene IKT-a. Stoga se intenzivira pitanje profesionalnog usavršavanja i kontinuirane podrške učiteljima od strane nadležnih institucija Hrvatske i Srbije. This paper presents the results of empirical research conducted to examine the opinion of teachers of vocal, instrumental, and theoretical teaching at Croatian and Serbian music schools on distance learning. The survey was conducted during May 2020, at a time when all music schools have completely switched to a distance learning system due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The results showed that teachers, despite numerous problems, especially poor internet connections and poor sound quality obtained by electronic devices, have successfully coped with the realization of distance music teaching. Statistically significant differences were found in teachers’ responses about distance learning regarding the type of classes led by teachers, so teachers who lead instrumental and vocal classes are better at performing distance learning compared to those who lead theoretical classes. Despite the belief of teachers that the transfer of complete knowledge is impossible through technology, most of them are open to the possibility of meaningful application of ICT. Therefore, the issue of professional development and continuous support to teachers by the competent institutions of Croatia and Serbia is intensifying. (shrink)

Posmatrajuci pravdu ne kao pravnopoliticki pojam niti kao moralnu ideju, niti kao predmet posebnih drustvenih institucija, vec kao oznacitelj koji ulazi u simbolicku i imaginarnu konstrukciju individualne i kolektivne subjektivnosti, ovaj clanak postavlja problem specificne "strukture trazenja" koja je sposobna da odredi takav oznacitelj. Hipoteza koju ovde predlazemo i diskutujemo je dvostruka: s jedne strane, ta struktura moze se opisati polazeci od svojih preteranih, patoloskih slucajeva u onome sto je psihijatrija s pocetka 20. veka nazvala "delirijumom trazenja pravde" "zahtevanja (...) pravde" ili "strasti za pravdom"; s druge strane, ovaj delirantni oblik moze i sam postati predmet analiticke etiologije kada se stavi u odnos sa ekonomskim i strukturnim uslovima koje je Frojd utvrdio za patolosku tugu i melanholiju, ciji bi se pokusaj psihickog razresenja sastojao u strasnom zahtevanju pravde. Teza koja odatle proizlazi jeste da, u melanholiji kao i u trazenju pravde, cvorisna tacka problematike koja motivise oznacitelj pravde jeste corsokak, u obliku dvostruke veze, u odnosu subjekta prema vremenu - corsokak koji je amblematski otelovljen u Hamletovom liku. (shrink)

U ovom clanku autor nastoji da analizira odnos morala i prava u okviru savremene pravne teorije. Odnos prava i morala moze se posmatrati na tri razlicita nacina: teza o identitetu - pravo i moral su osnovi identicni sistemi normi pri cemu su pozitivne pravne norme podredjene osnovnim moralnim principima (prirodna pravna teorija), teza o odvajanju - pravo i moral su konacno razliciti sistemi normi (pravni pozitivizam), teza o polaritetu - pravo i moral su dva razlicita normativna sistema, ali se oni (...) medjusobno radikalno ne iskljucuju, vec izmedju njih postoji znacajan nivo dodirivanja i nadopunjavanja. Ova teza na najbolji nacin je predstavljena u pravnim teorijama H.L.A Harta i Ronalda Dworkina. Na logickom nivou, teza o polaritetu na specifican nacin sintetise i prevladava jednostranosti teze o identitetu i teze o odvajanju. U isti mah na socioistorijskom nivou, ova teza proizvod je specificnog istorijsko-socijalnog razvitka angloamerickih pravnih i politickih institucija. U tekstu se ukazuje i na relevanciju ove teorijske kontraverze pri suocavanju sa prosloscu posttotalitarnih politickih poredaka i drustava. (shrink)

Axel Honneth has highlighted the importance and role of mutual recognition for the development and sustainability of personal identity. His theory to reconstruct society as the institutionalization of different forms and modes of recognition has been widely discussed but one specific aspect has been left out so far: the temporal and institutional dimension of social esteem. In this paper I argue that social esteem is not simply earned for societal valuable features and achievements but rather gained within the framework of (...) a certain life course. The social sciences discuss this as the institutionalization of life courses which is accompanied with certain social security systems to match the demands of the fordistic organization of labour. Social esteem is not randomly tied to work and labour but rather through a set of institutions as education, employment, social security and pension systems, that on the one hand sanction deviance and on the other hand provide security to pursue a good life. The institutionalized life course allows the individual to plan its future and provides her with a reference point for its legitimate claims. Overall, this provides further insights into the meaning of social esteem and its institutionalization in a modern working society without which the critical function and aim of social philosophy can not be fulfilled. For a social theory of recognition it is necessary to fill its words and concepts with the life the social sciences describe.Die Bedeutung wechselseitiger Anerkennung für die Ausbildung von Identität und für das Verständnis gesellschaftlicher Formationen wurde seit der Reaktualisierung des Anerkennungsbegriffes durch Axel Honneth vielfach aufgenommen und diskutiert. Ein Aspekt, der hierbei bislang zu wenig systematisch untersucht wurde, ist die zeitliche Dimension sozialer Anerkennungsverhältnisse. Die hier vertretene These lautet, dass soziale Wertschätzung im wesentlichen nicht einfach aktual an eine gesellschaftlich für sinnvoll und nützlich erachtete Leistung oder Eigenschaft gekoppelt ist, sondern vielmehr eine in sich zeitliche Kategorie ist, die also im Rahmen eines Lebenslaufes kontinuierlich erworben wird. In anderen Worten: Will man soziale Wertschätzung als Strukturprinzip moderner esellschaften erfassen, so bedarf es keiner synchronen sondern vielmehr einer asynchronen Perspektive, die soziale Anerkennungsverhältnisse über die Zeit abbildet. Dies kann am Konzept des institutionalisierten Lebenslaufes und der mit ihm verbundenen Rahmenbedingungen gezeigt werden. Individuelle Leistung wird nicht einfach gegen gesellschaftlichen und sozio-ökonomischen Status getauscht, sondern vielmehr ist dieser an einen nachvollziehbaren Lebenslauf gebunden. Solcherart langfristige Orientierung wurde und wird durch ein System der betrieblichen wie auch staatlichen Garantie, dass erbrachte Leistungen konserviert und belohnt werden, überhaupt ermöglicht und gestützt. Soziale Wertschätzung ist somit nicht nur abhängig von der Eingliederung in eine bestimmte Gesellschaftsformation, die Leistungen und Eigenschaften honoriert, sondern von der Dauerhaftigkeit dieser “Mitgliedschaft”. Ihren differenzierenden Charakter übt soziale Wertschätzung also wesentlich auch darüber aus, dass Diskontinuitäten im Lebenslauf sanktioniert werden.Axel Honneth naglasio je važnost i ulogu međusobnog priznanja za razvoj i održivost osobnog identiteta. O njegovoj teoriji društvene rekonstrukcije kao institucionalizacije različitih oblika i modusa priznanja naširoko se raspravljalo, no jedan specifičan vid dosad je bio izostavljen: vremenska i institucionalna dimenzija društvenog poštovanja. U ovom članku tvrdim da nije tako da se društveno poštovanje jednostavno zaslužuje zbog društveno vrijednih značajki i postignuća, nego se ono zadobiva unutar okvira određenog tijeka života. Društvene znanosti o tome raspravljaju kao o institucionalizaciji životnih tijekova koja je popraćena određenim sustavima socijalne sigurnosti kako bi se zadovoljili zahtjevi fordističke organizacije rada. Društveno poštovanje nije uz rad vezano nasumce, nego putem skupa institucija kao što su obrazovanje, zaposlenje, socijalna sigurnost i mirovinski sustavi, koji, s jedne strane, sankcioniraju zastranjenja i, s druge, omogućuju sigurnost u slijeđenju dobrog života. Institucionalizirani tijek života omogućuje pojedincu da planira svoju budućnost te mu pruža referentnu točku za svoje legitimne zahtjeve. Sve u svemu, to omogućuje daljnje uvide u značenje društvenog poštovanja i njegove institucionalizacije u modernom društvu bez kojih se kritička funkcija i cilj socijalne filozofije ne mogu ispuniti. Za društvenu teoriju priznanja nužno je da svoje riječi i pojmove ispuni životom što ga opisuju društvene znanosti. (shrink)

Autor polazi od općeg razlikovanje između ljudskih, temeljnih i građanskih prava. Budući da takvo terminološko odvajanje nije provedeno u europskim ugovorima, primjećuje kako strogo razlučivanje između ljudskih, temeljnih i građanskih prava nije bezuvjetno nužno, a time ni smisleno. Stoga se orijentira na zajedničke vrednote pri temeljitoj analizi i vrednovanju zakonskoga normiranja ljudskih prava u Europskoj Uniji: Ugovora o Europskoj Uniji, Povelje o temeljnim pravima, drugih propisa i prakse europskih institucija. Mir kao osnovni cilj europskoga ujedinjenja može se stabilizirati prije (...) svega pomoću slobode i poštivanja temeljnih i ljudskih prava. Najvažnija je osnova za izgradnju zajedničkoga europskog identiteta osvješćivanje zajedničkih europskih vrednota te temeljnih i ljudskih prava koja europski kulturni prostor obilježuju na poseban način, a Europi daju dušu. (shrink)

Knjiga jednoga od vodećih suvremenih talijanskih filozofa Giannija Vattima, Ecce komun, s podnaslovom Kako se novo-postaje ono što se bilo, značajna je iz nekoliko razloga. Prvi od njih leži u lucidnoj analizi tzv. »krize demokracije«, njenih institucija, te općenito predstavničkih tijela demokratskog političkog sistema. Povrh toga, ona ukazuje na krizu kapitalizma, koji nije u stanju smanjiti sve veće ekonomske razlike te čiji se razvoj pokazuje ekološki neodrživim. Osobito drugi dio knjige, prikazuje razvoj Vattimovih teoretskih promišljanja i posljedice tog razvoja (...) na njegove praktičko-političke stavove. Djelo ukazuje na ono što je novo u njegovu promišljanju, ali istovremeno i kako su te nove postavke i zaključci proizašli iz dosadašnjeg filozofskog puta autora. Konkretno djelo ukazuje kako promišljanje slabe misli, kritike apsolutnih vrijednosti, u ovom povijesnom trenutku nužno vodi zaključku da treba postati komunist. Isto tako na pitanje zašto čitati Ecce komun moglo bi se odgovoriti: zato da bi se u potpunosti shvatile ne samo praktično-teoretske implikacije Vattimove misli već i njezin razvojni put, pa utoliko i njezine osnove.This article examines Gianni Vattimo’s book-cum-political autobiography Ecce comu. Come si diventa ciò che si era . The principle value of this work lies in its discussion of the current political and theoretical position of the father of weak thought in relation to developments in his philosophical thought and his personal life. Vattimo’s position has been directly influenced by the concrete historical moment of widening economical differences and dominant “economicism”. More than any other previous work, in this book Vattimo calls for the need to think a communist ideal. With regard to the question over whether it is possible to be a communist today, Vattimo responds that not only is it a possibility but an imperative. In other words, if post-metaphysical philosophy of the present world intends to remain non-dogmatic, it must rediscover an anarchistic, libertarian and anti-totalitarian communism. Consequently, one of the goals of this paper is to explore what Vattimo means by being a Communist and his idea of Communism. The paper demonstrates that the Communism Vattimo has in mind is not a model of a perfect society but an ideal to follow in order to realize a truly democratic society. (shrink)

Interesuje nas, prednost koju Delez daje sintagmi?revolucionarna institucija? u odnosu na manje originalnu sintagmu?institucionalna revolucija?. Delez nekoliko puta upotrebljava u svojim tekstovima?revolucionarna institucija?, sigurno sasvim svestan da ova sintagma ima jednu prilicno haoticnu i nejasnu istoriju tokom post-revolucionarnog perioda, ali i da je ona savrseno u duhu Sanzistovih namera. Treba da proverimo da li ova sintagma najbolje opisuje jednu Delezovu imaginarnu teoriju institucije, ali i njegov angazman u teoriji uopste. Preeliminarna teskoca, koja automatski dovodi u pitanje i devalvira (...) nasu intervenciju, jeste Delezovo odbijanje da on s?m zaista tematizuje instituciju i svoj napor, te da zaista odgovori na pitanja koja s?m postavlja pedesetih godina proslog veka:?sta je to sto objasnjava instituciju?? i?koje bi to trebalo da budu savrsene institucije, to jest one koje se suprotstavljaju svakom ugovoru i pretpostavljaju tek najmanji broj zakona??. (shrink)

Internet gradually becomes the inevitable source of information in almost every field of life and enables very quick information flow between people from various continents. Considering the difference in the level of Internet development across the world and the great number of web presentations, domestic web sites have great competition in informing about Serbia coming from foreign web sites. Internet polako postaje nezaobilazni izvor informacija u gotovo svim sferama zivota i obezbedjuje da informacije velikom brzinom cirkulisu izmedju ljudi sa razlicitih (...) kontinenata. Internet ima znacajnu ulogu i u prezentaciji zemlje, njenih institucija i vrednosti. S obzirom na razlike u nivou njegovog razvoja u svetu i na ogroman broj prezentacija na web-u, domaci sajtovi u informisanju o Srbiji imaju veliku konkurenciju od strane inostranih sajtova. (shrink)

Procesi globalizacije događali su se mnogo puta u povijesti, daleko prije pojave riječi ‘globalizacija’ u drugoj polovici 20. st. Suvremena globalizacija podrazumijeva društvene, gospodarske i političke procese usmjerene na prelaženje državnih granica i stvaranje globalnog svjetskog poretka. No ona se ne smije svesti samo na to, budući da njeni procesi pogađaju sva područja ljudskog života i djelovanja: medije i komunikacije, gospodarstvo, politiku, pravo, kulturu, ekologiju, etiku, religije i crkve. Posljedice globalizacije jesu nova iskustva na društvenoj, političkoj i gospodarskoj razini – (...) povezivanje i umrežavanje kroz procese internacionalizacije i transnacionalizacije, kroz skupove poput G7 i Međunarodnog gospodarskog foruma u Davosu, ali i brojni društveni lomovi i gospodarska recesija. Globalizacija potiče religije na približavanje, na jačanje suradnje i na zauzimanje zajedničkog stava. Religije to i čine kroz postojeće zajedničke institucije, poput Svjetskog parlamenta religija i Svjetske konferencije religija za mir , tražeći nove oblike približavanja, dijaloga, solidarnosti, suživota, suradnje i ostvarenja etičkog konsenzusa, vodeći računa o zaštiti vlastitog identiteta u vremenu pluralizma i multikulturalnosti. Religije su svjesne da je etičko pitanje postalo pitanje planetarne odgovornosti koje zahtijeva globalnu etiku oko koje se trebaju složiti svi subjekti na svjetskoj razini, a u kojoj će čovjek biti aktivni subjekt. Kršćanske crkve uzimaju u obzir određene pozitivne zakonitosti procesa globalizacije tako da možemo govoriti o »kršćanskoj globalizaciji«. Kršćanstvo je od svojih početaka bilo usmjereno na određenu vrstu globalizacijskih procesa – daleko prije nego li se pojavio naziv ‘globalizacija’. Crkve su svjesne svoje zadaće zajednički braniti u vremenu globalizacije dostojanstvo svakog čovjeka, svake tradicije i kulture. One to čine preko brojnih postojećih međucrkvenih institucija na svjetskoj razini kao što su Ekumensko vijeće crkava , Ekumensko vijeće mladih u Europi . Katolička Crkva je od početka bila globalna i iz te je perspektive kroz stoljeća misijski djelovala. Nakon II. vatikanskog sabora to će djelovanje pojačati osnivanjem Papinskog vijeća za jedinstvo kršćana koje je nastalo iz Tajništva za jedinstvo kršćana , zatim Svjetskog dana mladih i Caritasa internationalisa.Processes of globalization have been happening numerous times through history, long prior to the appearance of the word ‘globalization’ in the second half of 20th century. Modern globalization includes the social, economic and political processes headed to crossing national boundaries and creating a global world order. However, globalization cannot be attributed simply to that issue, for its processes deal with all dimensions of human life and activity: media and communications, economy, politics, law, culture, ecology, ethics, religions, and churches. The consequences of globalization are new experiences related to social, political and economical sphere – interconnection and networking through processes of internationalization and transnationalization, through the meetings of the members of G7 and International Economic Forum in Davos, and also the numerous social breaks and economic recession. Globalization inspires religions to aim at the approaching, the stronger cooperation and the intercession for the common attitude. For realization of this purpose religions act through the existing common institutions like The World Parliament of Religions and World conference of religions for peace , asking for a new way of approaching, dialogue, solidarity, coexistence, cooperation and realization of ethic consensus, taking into account the protection of its own identity in time of pluralism and multiculture. Religions are aware of how ethic question has become the question of world’s responsibility. That issue requires global ethical principles around which all subjects on the world scale are to agree with. In that global ethic the human being will be respected as an active subject. The Christian Churches take into consideration the certain positive lawfulness of globalization process, thus we can speak of “Christian globalization”. Christianity has been headed to globalization process from the earliest days of the faith – prior to the process has emerged known as globalization. The Churches became aware of its responsibility in order to protect in the time of globalization the dignity of every person, every tradition, and culture. The Churches respond to this phenomenon through numerous existing interchurch institutions on world domain such as The World Council of Churches , Ecumenical Youth Council in Europe . The Catholic Church from the beginning has been global and based on this perspective the Catholic Church through centuries has been carrying out its missionary work. After the Second Vatican Council the Catholic Church has strengthened its activity by establishing Pontifical Council for Christian Unity , which has emerged from Secretariat for Promoting Christian Unity , World Youth Day and Caritas internationalis. (shrink)

Romi su veoma disperzirana etnicka zajednica. Od kako je nad Kosovom uspostavljen medjunarodni protektorat, Romi su najbrojnija nacionalna manjina u Jugoslaviji. Kada se govori o diskriminaciji i integraciji Roma, treba imati u vidu da su do sada najcesce bili izlozeni negativnim vidovima diskriminacije, a da je integracija cesto znacila fakticku asimilaciju. Kako postoji i pozitivna diskriminacija manjinskih grupa u drustvu, ocigledno je da u osnovni pristup 'romskom pitanju' podrazumeva strateski obrat ponasanja svih drzavnih institucija i drugih drustvenih cinilaca od (...) negativne ka pozitivnoj diskriminaciji i od asimilacije ka istinskoj integraciji Roma. Osnovni pristup za koji se autor zalaze je onaj koji omogucava Romima da budu nasi ravnopravni sugradjani. Krugovi bede u kojima se nalazi romsko stanovnistvo postaju sve dublji. Medjutim, carstvo bede se siri jugoslovenskim prostorom. Osiromasenje je opste. Devastacija uslova zivota za sve gradjane Jugoslavije, odnosno Srbije i Crne Gore, izuzev uskog kruga ratnih profitera i ljudi iz centara moci, traje vise od jedne decenije. Srednji slojevi su nestali sa drustvene scene, a mnoge porodice su dosle u subproletersku zonu siromastva. (shrink)

The present article analyses the qualitative and quantitative parameters of the execution of foreign policy in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania. It should be noted that the matters of foreign policy were on the brink of constitutional regulation for a long time. The powers of institutions of the state in the field of foreign relations were established laconically by the Constitutions of first and second “waves” of establishment of constitutionalism. It was argued that the choices of decisions and (...) the execution of foreign policy were determined by political reasons and the law could only fix the results of that policy. That is why these constitutions should be seen as establishing quantitative characteristics of action of the state institutions in the field of foreign policy. As a result of the changes in the concept of the Constitution and the general recognition of the relevance of constitutional regulation from the middle of the twentieth century the constitutional acts began to define not only the powers of certain state institutions in the field of the foreign policy but also the objectives and principles of this policy. These objectives and principles are qualitative parameters of the action of state institutions, which are mandatory constitutional requirements to all subjects engaged in foreign policy. From a qualitative standpoint, the powers of the state institutions can be exercised only by taking the constitutional objectives into account and by respecting the Constitution. The Constitution establishing both qualitative and quantitative characteristics of the execution of foreign policy becomes an actual basis of this policy. It is unlawful to execute foreign policy without complying with its objectives and constitutional principles. The institutions of constitutional review have the powers to determine the constitutionality of legal acts related to the execution of foreign policy. Constitutional regulations previous to the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania of 1992 only defined the powers of state institutions, i.e. the quantitative parameters of their action. The Lithuanian Constitution of 1992 also established the constitutional objectives and principles of foreign policy. This area of constitutional regulation has been enhanced by the participation of the Republic of Lithuania in the European Union. The author suggests analysing this matter as an autonomous constitutional principle and not only as a case of participation in international organisations or an integral element of the principle of geopolitical orientation. Constitutional objectives and principles of foreign policy, as well as the other provisions of the Constitution regarding the exercise of foreign policy, are interpreted in constitutional jurisprudence. In cases concerning the constitutionality of international treaties, laws and other legislative acts directly related to the exercise of foreign policy, the Constitutional Court reveals the content and meaning of the qualitative and quantitative constitutional parameters of foreign policy. Despite the fragmented nature of the case law one can see the precise contours of the foreign policy system. (shrink)

Danas su nastavnici suočeni s brojnim izazovima, posebice u Hrvatskoj u kojoj je u tijeku provođenje opsežne reforme obrazovanja. Reforma obrazovanja stavila je u prvi plan drugačiju paradigmu procesa podučavanja i učenja koja zahtijeva od nastavnika neka nova znanja i vještine. Studije i analize pokazale su kako su upravo nastavnici najvažniji faktor ostvarenja obrazovnih ciljeva učenika. Pored stručnih kompetencija, za razvoj znanja, umijeća i stavova učenika od velike su važnosti i pedagoško-psihološko-didaktičko-metodičke kompetencije nastavnika. U ovom se radu uz pomoć podataka (...) prikupljenih upitnikom na uzorku od 115 studenata željelo detektirati u kojoj su mjeri studenti dviju visokoškolskih institucija – Fakulteta hrvatskih studija i Hrvatskog katoličkog sveučilišta – zadovoljni inicijalnom nastavničkom naobrazbom te smatraju li je pogodnom i dovoljnom za izazove koje nosi njihovo buduće zanimanje. Rezultati provedenog istraživanja pokazuju da su studenti u prosjeku zadovoljni kvalitetom studija i nastavničke naobrazbe te da preferiraju postojeći model stjecanja pedagoških kompetencija uz predmetni studij. Rezultati istraživanja analizirani su u kontekstu ispitivanja potrebe za sadržajnim i praktičnim osmišljavanjem novog načina stjecanja nastavničkih kompetencija, odnosno dorađivanjem ili proširivanjem studija nastavničke naobrazbe. Today, teachers are faced with numerous challenges, especially in Croatia, where extensive educational reform is underway. Education reform has placed a new teaching and learning paradigm in the foreground that demands new knowledge and skills from teachers. Studies and analyses show that teachers are the most important factor in reaching pupils’ educational goals. In additional to professional competencies, pedagogical, psychological, didactic, and methodical teacher competencies are of great importance to the development of knowledge. Using survey data from a sample of 115 students, this paper examines the extent to which students of two institutions of higher education – the Faculty of Croatian Studies and the Catholic University of Croatia – are satisfied with their initial teacher education, and whether they consider it appropriate and sufficient for the challenges their future careers hold. The results of this research show that students are, on average, satisfied with the quality of their studies and teacher education, as well as that they prefer the existing pedagogical competency attainment model that is added to the regular subject study. The research results are analysed in the context of examining the need for a new design of such programmes, their refinement or expansion of teacher education study programmes. (shrink)

Autor se bavi razmatranjem Jaspersovog shvatanja krize i razaranja ideje univerziteta i njegovim pokusajima da u svojim radovima iz 1923. godine i 1945. godine izvrsi rehabilitaciju ove ideje. Autor pokazuje da se Jaspers u svom razmatranju ideje univerziteta oslanja na premise izvedene iz implicitne sociologije nemackog idealizma. Za Jaspersa su institucije forme objektivnog duha koje mogu da funkcionisu samo dotle dok u zivoj formi ovaplocuju ideju koja joj je inherentna. Cim je napusti duh, institucija se okamenjuje u nesto sto (...) je samo mehanicko, poput organizma bez duse, koji se raspada u mrtvu materiju.. (shrink)

Author considering, appearing and existing modern idea about university like one of the most important institution of knowledge which is arise in modern epoch. In this work particular attention will be initiated on considered different ideas and conception university which were before so-called Himbolt?s idea of university which has global disposition and which is in the last two centuries regardless on period of crisis, had dominant position in contemporary high school education.. The second part of work is consecrated on analysis (...) constitute the first Serbian university. In this part of work will be analyze different treatise and projects of university which are during 19. and on the beginning of 20. century arise in circle of Serbian intellectual elite in which are essentially influence at form of institutionally profile the first Serbian university. The third part of work surround there different phase of develop on university and university education in Serbia in XX and on the beginning of XXI century. The first phase present the time between two war; the second phase is consecrate the time of and the third phase consecrate the last decade of XX and the first decade of XXI century in which are tempestuous changes in society announce new searching and fundamental over questioning the state in our high school institution with primary target that theirs work coordinate with standard of European universities and that way accomplish theirs integration in net of European universities. Autor razmatra uslove nastanka srednjovekovnog univerziteta, shvacenog kao korporacije fakulteta, i govori o filozofskim idejama koje su uticale na stvaranje i sirenje moderne ideje univerziteta, sigurno jedne od najznacajnijih institucija znanja koja je nastala u modernoj epohi. U ovom radu posebna paznja bice posvecena razmatranju razlicitih filozofskih ideja univerziteta koje su prethodile stvaranju tzv. Humboltove ideje univerziteta koja je u poslednja dva veka, bez obzira na periode krize, imala u savremenom visokom skolstvu dominantnu poziciju. Drugi deo rada posvecen je razmatranju procesa konstituisanja prvog srpskog univerziteta. U ovom delu rada bice analizirane razlicite rasprave i projekti univerziteta koji su tokom 19. i pocetkom 20. veka nastali u krugovima srpske intelektualne elite i koji su bitno uticali na institucionalni karakter i obrazovni profil prvog srpskog univerziteta. Treci deo rada obuhvata razmatranje cetiri razlicite faze razvitka modernog univerziteta i univerzitetske nastave u Srbiji u XX veku. Prvu fazu cini period od osnivanja Beogradskog univerziteta do pocetka Prvog svetskog rata. Druga faza je posvecena razmatranju univerzitetskog obrazovanja u medjuratnom periodu, a treca i cetvrta faza obuhvataju analizu razvitka i funkcionisanja univerziteta u doba komunizma i pocetak tranzicije. Burne promene u nasem drustvu devedesetih godina XX veka, najavile su nova traganja i temeljna preispitivanja stanja na nasim visokoskolskim institucijama s osnovnim ciljem da se njihov nacin i program rada uskladi sa savremenim evropskim univerzitetskim standardima i na taj nacin pripremi njihovo integrisanje u mrezu evropskih univerziteta. (shrink)

Polazeći od nekih razmatranja o obuci učitelja općenito, a i o normativnom primatu liberalizma nad demokracijom, autor zagovara stajalište da bi političko obrazovanje u srednjim školama trebalo podučavati osnove političkih institucija i pravnog sistema kao takve. Međutim, čini se da postoji rastući konflikt između učenja demokraciji i sposobnosti političkog prosuđivanja u sve kompleksnijoj i raznolikijoj političkoj stvarnosti.

Michael Oakeshott upućuje kritiku racionalizmu u politici koji isključuje sve što nije utemeljeno u teoriji, odnosno njome opravdano. Teoretsko znanje, prema Oakeshottu, ne može apsorbirati raznolikost svijeta jer rukuje drugačijim kategorijama od onih koje pripadaju realnom svijetu. Posljedično, racionalizam svodi politiku na djelatnost rješavanja problema. Oakeshottova formula za povratak autonomiji političke djelatnosti jest njezina emancipacija u civilnom udruživanju, okviru koji se temelji na priznavanju općih pravila kao takvih, unutar kojeg politička djelatnost zauzima oblik razgovora. Korektiv Oakeshottovu utopijskom projektu nadaje se (...) u misli Michela Foucaulta gdje je najbolje demonstrirana ovisnost zajedničkih institucija, normi i zakona o vrlo kompleksnim odnosima moći. (shrink)

In this paper, which will be conceived in two units, we try to depict the form and content of those texts which could be marked as philosophical in intention. As we will see, that intention, in the first period of publishing, was determined by a strong influence of German and French Enlightenment. This influence was only natural, given the need for education for the newly-liberated population of Nis. The second period can be discribed as having a more partial interpretation of (...) philosophical problems. At the end of the account, the article is focused on the investigation of cultural and social reasons which caused such a tendency. In this sense, the founding and development of the Faculty of Philosophy in Nis was the main reason behind the progress in philosophical publishing. U ovom radu, koncipiranom kroz dve celine, nastojacemo da ukazemo na formu i sadrzaj onih tekstova cija se usmerenost moze oznaciti filozofskom. Kako ce se videti, ta usmerenost, u prvom periodu izlazenja casopisa, odredjena je uticajima nemackog i francuskog prosvetiteljstva. U drugom periodu, s razloga kojih cemo se tokom rada dotaci, primeticemo sve izrazeniju tendenciju ka izlazenju tekstova koji se mogu oznaciti striktno filozofskim. Otuda cemo ovaj casopis sagledavati, s jedne strane, u kljucu njegovog prosvetiteljskog nastojanja za obrazovanjem tek oslobodjenog niskog stanovnistva, s druge, obzirom na kulturne i drustvene okolnosti u drugoj polovini XX veka. Kako cemo na kraju pokusati da obrazlozimo, tendencija ka sve vecoj prisutnosti filozofskih tekstova, kao i njihova sve izrazenija intencija ka parcijalnom sagledavanju problema, bazirana je na zastupljenosti filozofije unutar obrazovnih institucija. (shrink)

Raspravu o pluralizmu u području filozofije autor otvara razlikovanjem institucionalne i supstancionalne razine filozofskog pluralizma. Dok se institucionalni pluralizam odnosi na vanjske uvjete i okolnosti mišljenja i obilježava otvorenost i neutralnost filozofskih institucija, supstancionalni pluralizam izražava odnos prema istini kao imanentnom cilju svakog mišljenja. U tom odnosu pluralizam gubi svaki smisao, jer se istina može pluralizirati samo u svojim aspektima, pa se, sukladno tome, i supstancijalni pluralizam može odraziti kao pluralizam perspektiva . Pluriperspektivizam se, u razlici prema relativističkom perspektivizmu, (...) pobliže određuje kao integrativni perspektivizam, odnosno kao interaktivno povezivanje perspektiva u metodološkom obrascu stvaranja orijentacijskog znanja. Paradigma orijentacijskog znanja, koja se artikulira u protuteži prema monoperspektivizmu novovjeke znanosti, postaje tako duhovnim obilježjem nove epohe. U članku se ekspliciraju kategorijalna razlikovanja "objektne i smisaone istine" , te s druge strane "uporabnog i orijentacijskog znanja" , kako bi se prijelom svjetskopovijesnih epoha mogao izraziti ne samo sredstvima teorije istine nego istodobno obrazložiti i na epistemološkoj razini.Die Diskussion über den Pluralismus im Bereich der Philosophie eröffnet der Autor mit der Unter-scheidung zwischen einer institutionalen und einer substantiellen Ebene innerhalb des philosophischenPluralismus. Während sich der institutionale Pluralismus auf die äußeren Bedingungenund Umstände des Denkens bezieht sowie die Offenheit und Neutralität philosophischer Institutionencharakterisiert, bringt der substantielle Pluralismus den Bezug zur Wahrheit als das immanenteZiel allen Denkens zum Ausdruck. In diesem Bezug verliert der Pluralismus jeglichen Sinn,da die Wahrheit nur in ihren Aspekten pluralisiert werden kann, sodass demgemäß der substantiellePluralismus nur als ein Pluralismus von Perspektiven vertretbar ist. ImUnterschied zum relativistischen Perspektivismus wird der Pluriperspektivismus als ein integrativerPerspektivismus bestimmt bzw. als ein interaktives Verknüpfen von Perspektiven nach einem metho-dologischen Verfahren zur Erzeugung von Orientierungswissen. Das Paradigma des Orientierungs-wissens, das sich als Gegengewicht zum Monoperspektivismus der neuzeitlichen Wissenschaft artikuliert,wird so zum geistigen Merkmal der neuen Epoche. Der Verfasser expliziert die kategorialeUnterscheidung zwischen »Objekt- und Sinnwahrheit« einerseits und zwischen»Verfügungs- und Orientierungswissen« andererseits, welche die weltgeschichtlicheEpochenwende nicht nur mit den Mitteln der Wahrheitstheorie zum Ausdruck bringen, sondernsie zugleich auch auf epistemologischer Ebene begründen soll. (shrink)

Najnovije rasprave o civilnom društvu razmatrale su procese globalizacije čime je proširen teorijski diskurs kako bi se obuhvatio pojam globalnoga civilnog društva. Pojam i praksa civilnog društva globalizirali su se na način koji odražava empirijske procese međupovezivanja društava i oblikovanja svjetskog društva. Iz normativno mobilizirajuće perspektive, aktivisti i teoretičari civilnoga društva ističu potrebu za obranom svjetskog društva od globalne prijetnje nuklearnim ratom, ekoloških katastrofa, zločina i nasilja, dominacije svjetskih sila nad sudbinom pojedinih zemalja i društava, tj. potrebu da se ono (...) suprotstavi tendenciji »politike moći« na svjetskoj razini i da obrani autonomiju društva kao onoga koje je primarno uskladivo s ekspanzijom politika koje su zasnovane na vladavini zakona diljem svijeta, a neuskladivo s politikom sile, državnih razloga i dominacijom svjetskih središta moći. Procesi globalizacije rezultiraju sukobljavanjem i/ili asimilativnim prelaženjem civilizacija i kultura, kao i kontroverznim tendencijama: s jedne strane, pokušaja uvođenja međunarodnih političkih institucija i usvajanja međunarodnih konvencija za zaštitu ljudskih prava, za zaštitu demokratskih vrijednosti, za borbu protiv terorizma i segregacije prema različitim osnovama, vodeći time prema globalnoj standardizaciji kulture ljudskih prava i demokratskog političkog i pravnog poretka, a s druge strane, rastom ksenofobije, partikularizacije i etnonacionalizma, građanskih ratova, ekoloških prijetnji, globalnog terorizma, prijetnjom problema gladi, nuklearnog rata, novim bolestima itd. Suvremena pobjeda liberalnih i demokratskih vrijednosti pozitivni je doseg, no praćen osporavanim pitanjem suvereniteta, propadanjem urbanog, rasizmom, etničkim čišćenjem, ksenofobijom, neuspjelim političkim legitimacijama , a na globalnoj razini praćen je: globalnom nepravdom, siromaštvom, ekološkim opasnostima, masovnim i smrtonosnim bolestima, ugnjetavanjem manjinskih skupina, nezaustavljivim rastom stanovništva, velikim nesrazmjerima političke i ekonomske moći, terorizmom na globalnoj razini, prijetnjom nuklearnom katastrofom itd. Globalno civilno društvo ima tri dimenzije: 1.) empirijski fenomen globaliziranih društvenih relacija, međupovezanosti, 2.) mobiliziranje, formativnu silu projekta/vizije i 3.) društvene čimbenike na globalnoj/transnacionalnoj razini. Antiglobalizacijski pokret je pokušaj djelovanja nasuprot uočenim negativnim aspektima tekućih procesa globalizacije. Iako pristaše tog pokreta često djeluju uigrano, sam je pokret heterogen i obuhvaća raznolika, povremeno suprotstavljena, shvaćanja tog procesa, alternativna viđenja, strategije i taktike. Prema tome, iznijansirani pojmovi obuhvaćaju antikapitalističku/ antikorporativnu alternativnu globalizaciju. Njegovi sudionici mogu koristiti pozitivne izraze poput ‘globalna pravda’ ili ‘pokret za poštenu trgovinu’; ili ‘pokret za Globalnu Pravednost i Solidarnost’; ili ‘Pokret svih Pokreta’; ili jednostavno ‘Pokret’; ili ‘antikorporativni kapitalistički pokret’. Općenito govoreći, antiglobalizacijski pokret kao takav nije u velikoj mjeri suprotnost globalizaciji nego je oporba određenom načinu na koji se ona odvija – kao što je to neoliberalni proces globalizacije. U tom smislu, mnogi predstavnici Pokreta više vole da ih se naziva altermondijalizmom. (shrink)

The article underlines the significance of social rights as important constitutional rights of a human being and emphasises the peculiarities of their nature from the point of view of not only national, but also international law. The article presents an analysis of the constitutional doctrine of the protection of guarantees of social rights, which has been formulated by the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania in the course of considering the issues of reduction of social guarantees—pensions and remuneration, which (...) were determined by the economic crisis. In the Constitutional Court’s jurisprudence the personal right to social security has been construed in the most broad and comprehensive terms. The human rights and freedoms enshrined in the Constitution have been treated as constituting an integrated and harmonious system, and social rights have been interpreted not only as certain obligations of the state to the public, which inter alia are determined by the social purpose of the state, but also as a person’s individual rights, for which judicial defence is guaranteed. Such concept of the said rights has also been influenced by international law, inter alia the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. Social rights, while being an object of regulation of international law, have been forming the European doctrine of guarantees of these rights and have influenced the concept of these rights in national law. The main attention in the article is devoted to the analysis of the doctrine formulated in the Constitutional Court’s jurisprudence in relation to the correction (limitation) of social rights (payment of pensions and remuneration) under the conditions of economic crisis. In the article the period of formation of this doctrine is divided into two stages: the period of 2002–2006, when the Constitutional Court had to decide regarding the compliance of the legal acts whereby social guarantees had been constricted with the Constitution, and which was caused by the consequences of the so-called Russian economic crisis for the economic development of the state of Lithuania; and the period from 2009 to date, during which the Constitutional Court has been forming the constitutional doctrine of limitation of social rights, which was conditioned by the outcomes of the global economic crisis for the economy of the state of Lithuania. The article raises a question as to whether the constitutional doctrine being formed by the Constitutional Court in relation to the limitation of social rights under the conditions of economic crisis may be assessed as an independent one or whether it still remains to be a separate case of limitation of rights within the general doctrine of limitation of human rights. On the basis of the analysis of the Constitutional Court’s jurisprudence, a conclusion is drawn that the criteria established in the Constitutional Court’s doctrine of limitation of social rights under the conditions of economic crisis are even stricter than the universally recognised criteria for the limitation of human rights in the law of human rights, therefore, it is possible to assess the doctrine of limitation of social rights under the conditions of economic crisis, as formulated by the Constitutional Court during 2009–2012, which is the continuation of the previous doctrine, as an independent doctrine, the basis of which, undoubtedly, remains to be formed by the general principles of limitation of human rights recognised in the law of human rights. The article is not only confined to the analysis of the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, it also provides examples of construction of the doctrine of social rights (inter alia those influenced by the economic crisis) by certain other constitutional courts. (shrink)

Lithuania had a different experience in legal regulation of private property. There were periods when right to private ownership was denied and on the other hand – the periods when right to private ownership was respected and protected. Authors wanted to review today’s status of rights to private property in retrospective. The main purpose of the article is to reveal functions of private property in Lithuania. The article analyzes peculiarities of legal regulation of private property in Lithuania during different stages (...) of the state’s development. The authors have analyzed the social significance of the right to private property, how it changed and how it has been reflected in Lithuanian legislation and the case law of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania, paying a particular attention to entrenchment of the right to private property in the Constitution of Lithuania. The authors evaluate the compliance of the national legal regulation and Article 1 of the First Protocol with the European Convention on Human Rights, and the case law of the European Court of Justice. (shrink)

The article focuses on the new institute of the Lithuanian law of constitutional justice procedure – the dissenting opinion of a Constitutional Court justice as it is consolidated in the Law on the Constitutional Court. It is argued that the current statutory regulation is defective in essence because it creates preconditions for diminishing the quality of both the final act of the Constitutional Court (especially when the dissenting opinion is to be filed by the judge rapporteur) and the dissenting opinion (...) under preparation. The narrative is half-normative and half-behavioural: the institute is analysed in the context of established procedural practice of the Constitutional Court as an extremely collegial institution (also due to the statutory regulation), as well as in the context of the current condition of the public discourse in Lithuania. Namely, statutory regulation allows filing a dissenting opinion (which is not distinguished from the concurring opinion) within three working days after the public announcement of the decision (ruling, conclusion) of the Constitutional Court. Consequently, it is hardly possible to argue that the justice who filed the opinion did not do this in view of the immediate reaction to the decision by the media, the society, or the establishment, and even that he or she did not do this because such reaction took place. Also, the three-day period mentioned above puts any justice ready to file a dissenting (or concurring) opinion into the position where he or she simultaneously needs to participate in the collegial activity of the Court in deciding cases, as well as to write the dissenting (concurring) opinion. In the article, the legislative proposal is presented that the Law on the Constitutional Court should be amended so as to allow for a relatively long time span between the adoption of the decision (ruling, conclusion) and its announcement to the public at large. However, it is not suggested that the general mode of collectivism as dictated by the Law and as implemented in the established practice of the Constitutional Court shall be abandoned. By this article, the author continues his research on the matter as commenced in his two earlier articles (of 2011 and 2012). (shrink)

T. G. Masaryk and M. Romeris are certainly prominent personalities and great names in history. It would be hard to understand the Czech nation and the development of the state of Czechoslovakia without T. G. Masaryk’s philosophical views on person, nation, state, and his political activity; and it would be hard to understand certain aspects of the interwar Lithuania’s legal and political development without M. Romeris’ scientific heritage. These are the personalities, who have left a significant inheritance due to their (...) scientific, political and social activities. (shrink)

The constitution’s standing as a legal act of the highest power not only ensures its exclusive status in the legal system but also determines the hierarchic certainty of all norms within that system. The explicit character of the constitution does not preclude it from ensuring the hierarchical functionality of the legal system. This latter function requires that the limitation “problem” of explicitness be addressed by interpreting the constitution as a systemic document. Applying the constitution, therefore, requires a continuous effort in (...) comprehending it. The official doctrine of constitutional judicial institutions reflects the standard for understanding the constitution. This standard becomes the sole source, not only de jure, but significantly de facto, for determining the legality of legal acts. The constitution, as the prime and foremost law in a country, determines the functionality of the entire system of legal norms. As a legal source, it takes on the role of the material arbiter of final legality. The constant need to ensure the functioning of the system of legal norms hence informs yet another necessity–to apprehend and understand the constitution and the norms and principles established within. A few factors induce this perpetual need for interpretation, those being (a) the abstractness of constitutional norms, (b) “competition” among constitutional norms, (c) the integral and systemic nature of the constitution, and (d) the problem of legislative/regulative omission in the constitution. (shrink)

The article deals with the entrenchment of the institute of criminal liability of a legal person in the Lithuanian criminal law. Upon approval of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Lithuania (hereinafter also referred to as the CC) on 26 September 2000, the criminal liability of a legal person was provided almost in every fifth (at present—in every second) article of the Special Part of the CC. Although criminal liability has been increasingly applied to legal persons (e.g., in 2011, (...) if compared to 2005, almost three times as much punishments were imposed), however, almost 90 percent of the articles of the CC providing also for criminal liability of a legal person are “dead”. One doubt arises with regard to social legitimacy of such lawmaking and the quality thereof in the sense of juridical technique. (shrink)

The paper focuses on the general principles established in the caselaw of the European Court of Human Rights while applying and interpreting the Article 3 of the First Protocol of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms which provides: „The High Contracting Parties undertake to hold free elections at reasonable intervals by secret ballot, under conditions which will ensure the free expression of the opinion of the people in the choice of the legislature.“ Article 3 of (...) the First Protocol enshrines a fundamental principle for effective political democracy, and is accordingly of prime importance in the Convention system. It refers not only to positive obligation of the Contracting State to organize democratic elections, but also guarantees individual rights, including the right to vote and the right to stand for election, although this is not explicitly stated in it. These rights are not absolute; there is room for “implied limitations” and Contracting States are given a wide margin of appreciation in this sphere. However, these limitations must be such that the rights in question were not curtailed to such an extent as to impair their very essence and deprive them of their effectiveness, should be imposed in pursuit of a legitimate aim and should not be disproportionate. (shrink)

The article analyses the legal status of the natural gas market regulatory institutions in Lithuania and in the member states of the European Union. First, the authors assess the most important elements of the legal status of the natural gas market regulators in the EU member states, namely, the degree of autonomy (type of institution, appointment and dismissal procedures of management, duration of the terms of office, sources of funding) and the measures aimed at ensuring accountability, transparency, and prevention of (...) conflicts of interest. Second, the legal status of the National Control Commission for Prices and Energy, which carries out functions of regulation and control of the natural gas sector in Lithuania, is examined. Finally, the authors conclude that the imperfections in the regulation of the legal status of the Commission result in several negative effects and provide reasoned proposals regarding the improvement of the legal status of the Commission. (shrink)