The article argues that the end of the formal division of the world between a colonizing metropolis and a colonized periphery requires a different reading of the State’s history. The essay deals with the relation between the formation of British India and the development of Indian nationalist movement through the events related to the ‘tiger of Mysore’, Tipu Sultan, and the swadeshi movement as portrayed in Tagore’s The Home and the World. The essay shows how colonial constitutionalism developed through the (...) contemporary affirmation of the rule of law and the colonial difference. The postcolonial State emerged via concrete crossing of this difference, which today allows a different reading of the political discourses beyond the affirmation of the State as the barycenter of political organization at a global scale. (shrink)

Per l’antropologo Pierre Clastres, i concetti di “Stato” e di “politico” sono sempre stati colti, nel mondo occidentale, come due elementi interdipendenti: lo Stato è politico, non c’è politica senza Stato. I suoi studi etno-antropologici tentano di ribaltare questa visione, concettualizzando le società primitive come “senza” e “contro lo Stato”. Il presente testo esamina i testi di Clastres cercando di inserire le sue riflessioni all’interno di paradigmi giuridici e politologici consolidati e di dimostrare come l’antropologia politica (...) e le scienze politiche possano mettersi in comunicazione. (shrink)

Il saggio prova a leggere Il principio speranza di Bloch non solo come l'ultima grande difesa filosofica della speranza ma anche come vero e proprio lavoro di restituzione filologica di tutti quei luoghi situabili fra gli interstizi delle tradizioni teologiche, teologiche-naturali, mistiche e storico-filosofiche, e le spie delle manifestazioni letterarie e artistiche "in cui si insinua l'utopico". La teoria postcoloniale puň contribuire, almeno nella riconfigurazione politicamente piů radicale delle sue posizioni, a pensare ancora alla speranza come coscienza anticipatrice ed (...) emancipatrice. Il romanzo postcoloniale africano, in particolare un romanzo come La generazione dell'utopia, diventa un luogo di osservazione privilegiato per rintracciare le immagini o i simulacri della speranza stessa in tutte le sue rifrazioni passionali e politiche, individuali e collettive. (shrink)

Che cosa ci puoa dire oggi una riflessione sulla pohtica quando la politica come, per esempio cento anni fa, e vista come una „cosa sporca"? Se veramente una tale riflessione ha solo un valore teoretico o anche storico? Sembra di no... Uno dei modi per evitare le controversie sulla realtä e per comprendere bene i meccanismi del funzionamento di uno Stato, della societa, di un partite e delVethos politico nella sua complessita e quelle di intendersi sui concetto di politica. (...) II fatto che questo concetto della politica, negli ultimi tempi, e soprattutto nei paesi postcomunisti, sia oggetto di notevoli studi ed approfondimenti, sta ad indicare che ci si trova di fronte ad un tema molto attuale e che i l nuovo clima di distensione e frutto di cambiamenti socio-politici e di una faticosa riflessione e preparazione di numerosi studiosi delle piu varie discipline: dalla sociologia alla storia, dalla filosofia al diritto, dall'etica all'insegnamento sociale della Chiesa. (shrink)

Depuis Edward W. Said, les recherches sur le rapport entre discours et représentations idéologiques ont permis d’éclairer la situation postcoloniale en ouvrant un champ de recherche propre à revisiter la question de l’altérité. Depuis, dans cette même ligne, des études comme celles de Gayatri Chakravorti Spivak ont prolongé la réflexion en portant leur attention sur la condition des femmes dans les anciens pays colonisés. L’auteur de la présente contribution s’efforce, alors, en premier lieu, de montrer de quelle façon la (...) philosophe indienne utilise la déconstruction derridienne pour penser la question de la condition féminine indienne. Ensuite, il souligne comment sa lecture postcoloniale de la littérature contribue à revisiter l’histoire de l’indépendance et ses prolongements, en interrogeant la place des femmes, notamment les plus défavorisées. Enfin, après avoir rappelé les grandes lignes du texte «Can the subaltern speak?», largement commenté à travers le monde, Fred Poché propose quelques repères utiles pour la prise en compte de la parole des «subalternes». (shrink)

L’articolo intende proporre una lettura del _Breve trattato sulle cause che possono far abbondare li regni d’oro e d’argento_ di Antonio Serra incentrata su una storia delle arti di governo. Ricostruendo il dibattito napoletano sulle cause della crisi monetaria degli inizi del XVII secolo e focalizzando l’attenzione sul problema delle pratiche di governo della moneta, l’obiettivo del saggio è quello di sottrarre il trattato di Serra all’ipoteca di una retrospettiva sulla scienza economica per inquadrarlo all’interno dei problemi politici del proprio (...) tempo. (shrink)

We asked a series of questions to Monica Cioli and David Rifkind, authors of two important books which focus on the process that enabled art and architecture to acquire a specific political meaning under fascism. The outcome is a dialogue that shows how the relationship between fascism and art is not characterized by a mere appropriation or a mutually functional exploitation between the artist or the architect and the fascist regime. Art prepares a specific appropriation of technology and serves to (...) introduce the political anthropology of the fascist man. Similarly, architecture establishes an organization of urban spaces coherent and necessary to the hierarchical order of the corporatist society. (shrink)

The experience of the post-colonial State underlines the transformations of the modern State. In fact, some features of the post-colonial State which were regarded as being overcome or at least inconsistent with the constitutional, democratic and rational form of the State, are now emerging also in those States that never made experience of colonization, or have been colonizers. The essay analyses the transformations of the modern State aiming to articulate the concept of Global State. In this case, the question of (...) origins does not represent a principle of legitimation, as it was with the doctrine of social contract. Rather, the symbolic and historical discontinuity defines a cut between the origin and the functioning of the State, corresponding to a transformation of the legitimating sources of the State itself. Within the global State, sovereignty is not anymore a monopoly, but a widespread practice enacted by several social structures. (shrink)

What have been the geographical consequences of the restrictive policies due to the Covid-19 pandemic? Has there been a transformation of ordinary spaces into spaces of exception, by virtue of a sanitary emergency and the policies adopted to contrast it? These topics have been only partially debated: the object of analysis that this article intends to focus on is precisely the link that seems to connect the emergency condition deriving from the Covid-19 pandemic and the creation of spaces of emergency (...) or exception deriving from “social distancing” policies, from generalized closures, from restrictive policies, from State control that has poured into a control of everyday places and a redefinition of individual and collective borders and geographies. Starting from the philosophical-political reflections proposed by Carl Schmitt, Clinton L. Rossiter and Giorgio Agamben about the “state of exception” – which according to some authors would define the current reality, while according to others it would not coincide with what has been experi-enced in recent years –, in this contribution a consequentiality between the politi-cal and geographical plan is proposed, trying to catch a glimpse the signs of the Italian political reality in the pandemic period in the light of the theories on the state of exception and the related geographical consequences, linking the theo-retical and practical dimensions, experienced and perceived. (shrink)

The multiplication of actors on the global scene displays how economics and political interdependences are plural and rooted, and how far are the States bonded to new political and economics subjects. The national space has no longer the centrality it acquired during modernity. This loss is due to the emergence of plural spaces in which the State – globalized and discontent – is forced to operate. However, the external bonds represented by this new economics of interdependences, are sided by the (...) transformations in the principles orienting the choices and the behaviours of individuals, interpreted as economic agents. Those principles do represent the inner bond of politics and the internal limits to the agency of the States. The economic governance of politics constitutes a new economics of interdependences and behaviours expressing, at the same time, the promotion and the management of subjectivities. It operates as a new ratio societatis : a new “global economic civilization”. (shrink)

Il n’est pas sûr que l’opposition dialectique État/empire soit un outil qui permette de comprendre finement le processus historique qu’elle entend éclairer. Plutôt que d’opposer ce que l’on doit aux empires à ce que l’on a cru être le produit exclusif des États, il convient de reconnaître l’articulation étroite et complexe entre les uns et les autres. Au même titre que l’idée moderne d’État façonnée sur la réalité des États-nations, cette opposition n’est-elle pas une invention récente ? Dans le « (...) laboratoire » italien de la politique moderne, on était conscient de la grande variété des assises territoriales et des formes de domination, qui ne correspondaient pas à une division si tranchée. L’étude des concepts de la pensée politique et de l’historiographie italienne au XVIe siècle permet ainsi d’interroger cette dichotomie et la pertinence d’une interprétation de la modernité sur la base de l’opposition tranchée entre deux grands modèles territoriaux et administratifs. (shrink)

Il n’est pas sûr que l’opposition dialectique État/empire soit un outil qui permette de comprendre finement le processus historique qu’elle entend éclairer. Plutôt que d’opposer ce que l’on doit aux empires à ce que l’on a cru être le produit exclusif des États, il convient de reconnaître l’articulation étroite et complexe entre les uns et les autres. Au même titre que l’idée moderne d’État façonnée sur la réalité des États-nations, cette opposition n’est-elle pas une invention récente? Dans le « laboratoire (...) » italien de la politique moderne, on était conscient de la grande variété des assises territoriales et des formes de domination, qui ne correspondaient pas à une division si tranchée. L’étude des concepts de la pensée politique et de l’historiographie italienne au XVIe siècle permet ainsi d’interroger cette dichotomie et la pertinence d’une interprétation de la modernité sur la base de l’opposition tranchée entre deux grands modèles territoriaux et administratifs. (shrink)

Lo Stato, Il sovrano, Repubblica o monarchia, di A.C. de Meis.--Lettere di F. Fiorentino a Silvio Spaventa sullo Stato moderno.

This article was originally published in January 2007 on the online version of the journal “Rivista della scuola superiore dell'economia e delle finanze”. Since the journal’s webpage does not exist anymore, I have uploaded a PDF of the article as it was published in January 2007. In questo articolo esamino l'idea humboldtiana di progresso. Più precisamente, ricostruisco come Wilhelm von Humboldt teorizzi il progresso del singolo individuo, del cittadino e del genere umano. Secondo la mia ricostruzione, l’idea humboldtiana di progresso (...) presenta un intreccio di motivi illuministi, storicisti e antirazionalisti, ed esige una riforma dello stato in senso liberale. La mia tesi è che, tuttavia, il pensiero politico di Humboldt sfoci in un conservatorismo non liberale che in quanto tale spalanca uno iato tra il sistema istituzionale auspicato e la possibilità di progresso. (shrink)