Different philosophers tried ways to restore the role of reason in ethics. This shift in the philosophical climate was influenced by--or was at least in accordance with--the thought of the later Wittgenstein. In particular, this article will consider the relevance of Wittgenstein for cognitivist views, such as that of S. Toulmin, relativist like G. Harman, and British moral realists like S. Lovibond and J. McDowell. In fact, Wittgenstein is one of the founding fathers of antifoundationalism. He gives us the hopeful (...) insight that the end of foundationalism does not necessarily imply the end of moral philosophy but must be considered a new start of it. (edited). (shrink)

There is clearly a demand for rankings and information systems in the field of higher education, but there are also many questions about their validity, quality, and impact. Moreover, it seems that rankings, or at least some important rankings, are inclined to reinforce certain negative tendencies. Until recently, international competition has focused for the most part on publication and research output. As a result, education and the social role of universities have been neglected. It is an important challenge, therefore, to (...) create multidimensional rankings or information systems that take the different functions of universities into account and can be used by students, employers and policy makers. (shrink)

There is clearly a demand for rankings and information systems in the field of higher education, but there are also many questions about their validity, quality, and impact. Moreover, it seems that rankings, or at least some important rankings, are inclined to reinforce certain negative tendencies. Until recently, international competition has focused for the most part on publication and research output. As a result, education and the social role of universities have been neglected. It is an important challenge, therefore, to (...) create multidimensional rankings or information systems that take the different functions of universities into account and can be used by students, employers and policy makers. (shrink)

One of the most central ideas of secular, humanistic morality is the thesis of intrinsic and equal human worth. Paradoxically, it is very hard to place this thesis in a secular worldview, because an indifferent universe can not make room for intrinsic values and a priori human rights. Nevertheless, it would not be a good solution to jettison the whole human rights discourse. Therefore, this paper proposes the stance of moral fictionalism: to believe that the discourse entails or embodies a (...) theory that is false, but to carry on employing the discourse, as if this were not the case, because it is useful to do so. As such, the ideas of intrinsic and equal human worth can be the subject of ëdisbelieving acceptanceí by the secular moral philosopher. (shrink)

Normal 0 false false false MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 In this article, we will look at the political philosophical theories of Brian Barry ( Culture and Equality , 2001) and Chandran Kukathas ( The Liberal Archipelago , 2003) and see which consequences both theories have for the Belgian model of church and state. For both authors, the liberal state should be neutral toward religion but they interpret this neutrality in a different way. According to Kukathas, neutrality implies a hands-off policy and therefore, recognizing (...) and financing religions is out of the question. For Barry on the other hand, the state is neutral if equal people have equal opportunities. Consequently, state support for religions and even the recognition of religions is possible, if religions are treated in the same way. However, a hands-off policy is also in line with Barry’s theory. Both from a pragmatic and from a normative point of view, Barry’s egalitarian liberalism seems the most interesting theory as an inspiring source for the evolvement and modification of the Belgian system, towards more fairness and equality. (shrink)

A common current refrain laments that multiculturalism has failed as a policy model and that it should be replaced by interculturalism. In this article, we present a critical analysis of the backgrounds and targets of multiculturalism and interculturalism. While multiculturalism concerns rights, equality and justice, interculturalism relates to social cohesion, shared participation and practices. Instead of merely juxtaposing these two paradigms, we illustrate the extent to which they are both different and complementary, as well as why they should be implemented (...) simultaneously. Intercultural and multicultural policies can be mutually reinforcing, in addition to adjusting or compensating for possible undesirable outcomes. By emphasising their complementarities, we go beyond the arguments of those who would expel multiculturalism in favour of interculturalism, as well as those who believe that multiculturalism already incorporates the merits of interculturalism. We also demonstrate the presence of both multicultural and intercultural aspects in the ‘civic integration’ policies that are being implemented with increasing rigour in several countries of immigration. (shrink)

In this article, we scrutinize several arguments that are frequently used to legitimize a ban on religious symbols for civil servants. Most arguments, however, do not stand up to the test of Rawlsian political liberalism. One argument stands out as underpinning such a general ban: state neutrality. While this argument has the most potential, we argue why it is still not decisive for a ban on all religious symbols for all civil servants. We conclude that from a political liberal point (...) of view the discussion is inconclusive, and therefore advocate a context-sensitive and balanced approach to the matter of civil servants’ dress code with respect to religious symbols. By arguing that political liberalism is indecisive, our position is different from both ‘exclusive neutrality’ and ‘inclusive neutrality’. (shrink)

Like the liberal nationalists, we insist that a sense of belonging together is necessary for the practice of an egalitarian democracy. Therefore, we can take a shared national identity as one of the building blocks of the welfare state. However, we argue that a shared cultural or civic national identity can not be a necessary condition for this sense of belonging together. The mere fact of co-operation and common participation in shared activities and projects can create a sense of belonging (...) together, regardless of whether the participants do share a national identity. Governments of diversified societies can try to establish a shared national culture, but equally important is their task to create a sense of belonging together by virtue of co-operation and shared participation. It is particularly important that people can meet each other, and therefore efforts by the government to establish social mix and a common language may be legitimate policies. (shrink)

This contribution seeks a nuanced democratic view on the position of religious and ideologically inspired views and argumentations on the political forum. We reject the liberal standard vision that rules out every reference to comprehensive doctrines. Political decisions should be neutral in their formulation of a proposition, but this does not exclude that there is some room for pluralism in the debate that precedes those decisions. From a democratic point of view there is no objection to religious and ideological views (...) and argumentations in the political debate on condition that citizens adopt a democratic attitude with regard to their own comprehensive views. (shrink)

This contribution seeks a nuanced democratic view on the position of religious and ideologically inspired views and argumentations on the political forum. We reject the liberal standard vision that rules out every reference to comprehensive doctrines. Political decisions should be neutral in their formulation of a proposition, but this does not exclude that there is some room for pluralism in the debate that precedes those decisions. From a democratic point of view there is no objection to religious and ideological views (...) and argumentations in the political debate on condition that citizens adopt a democratic attitude with regard to their own comprehensive views. (shrink)

In this article, the authors explore how active state support for religions and worldviews could be in accordance with the principle of liberal neutrality. They focus on the Belgian church-state policy because this policy is characterised by an explicit and extended form of active support for recognised worldviews. If this policy is in accordance with liberal neutrality, some other, weaker forms of state support for religions and worldviews may also be in accordance with this neutrality principle. In the light of (...) these considerations, the authors make some suggestions about possible ways to bring the Belgian church-state policy more in accordance with liberal neutrality. (shrink)

En Belgique, l’enseignement de la religion et de la morale est toujours organisé sur base du pacte scolaire de 1958. Or, le paysage convictionnel s’est profondément modifié, sous le double impact de la sécularisation et de l’immigration. L’idée d’une réforme s’impose de plus en plus comme une évidence, mais elle se heurte à des obstacles juridiques et politiques. Ce livre constitue un plaidoyer en faveur de l’organisation d’un cours commun d’éthique, de citoyenneté et de culture religieuse et philosophique (ECCR). Il (...) met en évidence l’impérieuse nécessité d’introduire ce cours indispensable à l’apprentissage du vivre ensemble. (shrink)

Amsterdam University Press is a leading publisher of academic books, journals and textbooks in the Humanities and Social Sciences. Our aim is to make current research available to scholars, students, innovators, and the general public. AUP stands for scholarly excellence, global presence, and engagement with the international academic community.

One of the central tasks of meta-ethical inquiry is to accommodate the common-sense assumptions deeply embedded in our moral discourse. A comparison of the potential of secular and theistic ethics shows that, in the end, theists have a greater facility in achieving this accommodation task; it is easier to appreciate the action-guiding authority and binding nature of morality in a theistic rather than in a secular context. Theistic ethics has a further advantage in being able to accommodate not only this (...) essential conceptual feature of morality, but also the existence of moral requirements and their source of normativity. (shrink)

In this contribution we examine the various amoral types of reasoning that have long predominated in the history of tolerance. In doing this we also hope to show that these amoral notions of tolerance are always far removed from, and in conflict with, the idea of freedom of religion as a moral and political right. In conclusion we show that when the liberal notion of freedom as a personal and moral right predominates, then the notion of tolerance loses some of (...) its meaning. (shrink)

Detection of genetic aberrations in prenatal samples, obtained through amniocentesis or chorion villus biopsy, is increasingly performed using chromosomal microarray, a technique that can uncover both aneuploidies and copy number variants throughout the genome. Despite the obvious benefits of CMA, the decision on implementing the technology is complicated by ethical issues concerning variant interpretation and reporting. In Belgium, uniform guidelines were composed and a shared database for prenatal CMA findings was established. This Belgian approach sparks discussion: it is evidence-based, prevents (...) inconsistencies and avoids parental anxiety, but can be considered paternalistic. Here, we reflect on the cultural and moral bases of the Belgian reporting system of prenatally detected variants. (shrink)