Machiavelli's continuing fascination arises not just from his hard‐headed maxims but at a deeper level from his willingness to face up to agonising moral choices. The author is a former editor of The Director, a Renaissance scholar, and currently edits International Minds.

El pensamiento nómada de Carlos Pereda es un intento de escapar de la razón arrogante hacia la razón porosa a través de máximas que nos animan a hacer todo tipo de preguntas, incluso las que provocan escándalo. Objeto a Pereda con tres cuestionamientos. La primera interrogación se refiere a por qué si el pensamiento nómada se desplaza de un lugar a otro, no puede apartarse de sus propias máximas. La segunda pregunta si el modelo interactivo de resolución de controversias es (...) universal o particular y cómo este modelo interactivo puede resolver agravios históricos. Por último, la tercera interrogante atañe a cómo este panfleto nos puede hacer ver lo común en una forma de emancipación y resistencia política. (shrink)

Liberal democracy today, having aligned itself with capitalism, is producing a generalized feeling of weariness and disillusionment with government among the citizenry of many countries. Because of a decades-long march of globalized capitalism, economic oligarchies have gained oppressive levels of political power, and as a result, the economic needs of many people around the world have been neglected. It then becomes essential to remember that our ability to change society emerges from our power to formulate different questions; or, in this (...) case, alternative understandings of democracy. This book draws together a variety of alternative theories of democracies in a quest to expose readers to a selection of the most exciting and innovative new approaches to politics today. The consideration of these leading alternative conceptualizations of democracy is important, as it is now common to see xenophobic and racist rhetoric using the platform of liberal democracy to threaten ideas of plurality, diversity, equality, and economic justice. In looking at four different models of democracy this book argues that encounters with alternate conceptualizations of democracy is necessary if citizens and scholars are going to understand the constellation of possibilities that exist for inclusive, plural, economically equal, and just societies. (shrink)

Machiavelli's continuing fascination arises not just from his hard‐headed maxims but at a deeper level from his willingness to face up to agonising moral choices. The author is a former editor of The Director, a Renaissance scholar, and currently edits International Minds.

_Post-anarchism has misinterpreted traditional anarchism with the assumption that all traditional anarchist thought contains ontologically essentialist ideas about the human condition. This paper makes the following argument. I argue that Flores Magón’s anarchist philosophy is not characterized by fundamental and stable essentialism regarding humanity. On the contrary, he promotes the idea that the nature of humanity is arbitrary and inconsistent with a future of moral transformation (becoming)._.

This book describes the political-philosophical controversies in nineteenth-century France and Mexico. Frausto argues that these controversial spaces and times integrate humanities, sciences, and technologies. The power of the metaphysical artifact is a democratic metaphor to transcend disciplinary boundaries and welcome different perspectives.

This article provides a theoretical framework to help us understand the controversies between the federalist and anti-federalists in the early history of the United States of America during the Federal Convention in 1787 as a conflict of two political philosophical traditions. The sources of these opposed traditions may be traced back to the disputes in ancient Greek philosophy, in thinkers such as Plato and Aristotle who defined politics in different ways. Plato grounds his definition of politics in epistêmê, which means (...) that society should be ruled by the wisest. The federalist argued the best form of government is one where the people could avoid decision-making and leave the wisest representatives to handle politics. In opposition to this, Aristotle believes that politics should be inspired by the notion of phrônesis, which means that decisions should be considered collectively. Similarly, the anti-federalist believed that the government tends to be corrupted, and citizens should be suspicious of the government. They believed the ideal way to govern society is to have everyone involved in decision-making. (shrink)

La actividad científico-informativa constituye un componente esencial de la actividad científica. Las etapas y tareas que la integran persiguen como propósito fundamental garantizar a los investigadores la información pertinente para el desarrollo exitoso de su trabajo. De ahí la necesidad de evaluar con periodicidad su comportamiento en las bibliotecas médicas. A partir de ello, el objetivo del estudio fue sistematizar los aspectos teórico-metodológicos correspondientes a la evaluación de la actividad científico- informativa en bibliotecas médicas. Para su realización se realizó revisión (...) bibliográfica en la que se analizaron tanto documentos normativos que rigen su accionar en el sector de la salud cubano, como materiales emitidos por otras instancias nacionales e internacionales. The informative work constitutes an essential component of the scientific work. The stages and tasks that comprise it pursue as fundamental purpose to ensure relevant information in order that researchers achieve the successful development of their work. Hence the need to assess regularly their behavior in the medical libraries. Based on that, the objective of the study was to systematize the methodological aspects relating to the evaluation of the scientific-informative work at the medical libraries. In order to accomplish this a broad literature review was made which analyzed both normative documents governing its actions in the Cuban health sector, as materials issued by other national and international bodies. (shrink)

The book uses marginality as a critical discourse to outline ways colonial and postcolonial education policies in sub-Saharan Africa created and perpetuated it and deprived some groups from realizing the democratic equality role of education. It provides new ideas for integrating policies to address the educational needs of marginalized children.

This book introduces the study of Biblical studies, theology, religion and philosophy from an African perspective. The book comprises twenty six chapters divided into four sections.

Contemporary theories of self-consciousness typically begin by dividing experiences of the self into types, each requiring separate explanation. The stereotypical case of an out of body experience may be seen to suggest a distinction between the sense of oneself as an experiencing subject, a mental entity, and a sense of oneself as an embodied person, a bodily entity. Point of view, in the sense of the place from which the subject seems to experience the world, in this case is tied (...) to the sense of oneself as a mental entity and seems to be the ‘real’ self. Closer reading of reports, however, suggests a substantially more complicated picture. For example, the ‘real’ self that is experienced as separate from the body in an OBE is not necessarily experienced as disembodied. Subjects may experience themselves as having two bodies. In cases classed as heautoscopy there is considerable confusion regarding the apparent location of the experiencing subject; is it the ‘real mind’ in the body I seem to be looking out from, or is it in the body that I see? This suggests that visual point of view can dissociate from the experience of one’s own “real mind” or experience of self-identification. I provide a tripartite distinction between the sense of ownership, the sense of embodiment and the sense of subjectivity to better describe these experiences. The phenomenology of OBEs suggests that there are three distinct forms of self-consciousness which need to be explained. (shrink)

Ce recueil d'impromptus obéit aux mêmes principes que le précédent, publié chez le même éditeur, il y a une vingtaine d'années : il s'agit toujours de textes brefs, écrits sur-le-champ et sans préparation, entre philosophie et littérature, entre pensée et mélancolie, sous la double invocation de Schubert, qui donna au genre ses lettres de noblesse musicale, et de Montaigne, philosophe "imprémédité et fortuit". Je m'y suis interdit toute technicité, toute érudition, toute systématisation. Ces douze textes, dans leur disparate, dans leur (...) subjectivité, dans ce qu'ils ont de fragile et d'incertain, visent moins à exposer une doctrine qu'à marquer les étapes d'un cheminement. Un impromptu est un essai, au sens montanien du terme, donc le contraire d'un traité. Si vous n'aimez pas ça, n'en dégoûtez pas les autres."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

We have a striking ability to alter our psychological access to past experiences. Consider the following case. Andrew “Nicky” Barr, OBE, MC, DFC, (1915 – 2006) was one of Australia’s most decorated World War II fighter pilots. He was the top ace of the Western Desert’s 3 Squadron, the pre-eminent fighter squadron in the Middle East, flying P-40 Kittyhawks over Africa. From October 1941, when Nicky Barr’s war began, he flew 22 missions and shot down eight enemy planes in his (...) first 35 operational hours. He was shot down three times, once 25 miles behind enemy lines while trying to rescue a downed pilot. He escaped from prisoner of war camps four times, once jumping out of a train as it travelled from Italy into Austria. His wife Dot, who he married only weeks before the war, waited for him at home. She was told on at least three occasions that he was missing in action or dead. For 50 years, Nicky Barr never spoke publicly, and rarely privately, of his war-time experiences. He was very much a forgotten and forgetting hero (for further details, see Dornan, 2002). In his first public interview in 2002 on the Australian documentary program “Australian Story”, Nicky explained his 50 year silence by saying. (shrink)

Investigation of “out-of-body experiences” has implications for understanding both normal bodily-self integration and its vulnerabilities. Beyond reported associations between OBEs and specific brain regions, however, there have been few investigations of neurochemical systems relevant to OBEs. Ketamine, a drug used recreationally to achieve dissociative experiences, provides a real-world paradigm for investigating neurochemical effects. We investigate the strength of the association of OBEs and ketamine use relative to other common drugs of abuse. Self-report data from an online survey indicate that both (...) lifetime frequency of ketamine use and OBEs during ketamine intoxication were more strongly related to the frequency of OBEs and related phenomena than other drugs. Moreover, the apparent effects of other drugs could largely be explained by associated ketamine use. The present results, consistent with the role of NMDA receptors in OBEs, should encourage future studies of the role of neurochemical systems in OBEs. (shrink)

Alan M. Turing, pioneer of computing and WWII codebreaker, is one of the most important and influential thinkers of the twentieth century. In this volume for the first time his key writings are made available to a broad, non-specialist readership. They make fascinating reading both in their own right and for their historic significance: contemporary computational theory, cognitive science, artificial intelligence, and artificial life all spring from this ground-breaking work, which is also rich in philosophical and logical insight. An introduction (...) by leading Turing expert Jack Copeland provides the background and guides the reader through the selection. About Alan Turing Alan Turing FRS OBE, (1912-1954) studied mathematics at King's College, Cambridge. He was elected a Fellow of King's in March 1935, at the age of only 22. In the same year he invented the abstract computing machines - now known simply as Turing machines - on which all subsequent stored-program digital computers are modelled. During 1936-1938 Turing continued his studies, now at Princeton University. He completed a PhD in mathematical logic, analysing the notion of 'intuition' in mathematics and introducing the idea of oracular computation, now fundamental in mathematical recursion theory. An 'oracle' is an abstract device able to solve mathematical problems too difficult for the universal Turing machine. In the summer of 1938 Turing returned to his Fellowship at King's. When WWII started in 1939 he joined the wartime headquarters of the Government Code and Cypher School (GC&CS) at Bletchley Park, Buckinghamshire. Building on earlier work by Polish cryptanalysts, Turing contributed crucially to the design of electro-mechanical machines ('bombes') used to decipher Enigma, the code by means of which the German armed forces sought to protect their radio communications. Turing's work on the version of Enigma used by the German navy was vital to the battle for supremacy in the North Atlantic. He also contributed to the attack on the cyphers known as 'Fish'. Based on binary teleprinter code, Fish was used during the latter part of the war in preference to morse-based Enigma for the encryption of high-level signals, for example messages from Hitler and other members of the German High Command. It is estimated that the work of GC&CS shortened the war in Europe by at least two years. Turing received the Order of the British Empire for the part he played. In 1945, the war over, Turing was recruited to the National Physical Laboratory (NPL) in London, his brief to design and develop an electronic computer - a concrete form of the universal Turing machine. Turing's report setting out his design for the Automatic Computing Engine (ACE) was the first relatively complete specification of an electronic stored-program general-purpose digital computer. Delays beyond Turing's control resulted in NPL's losing the race to build the world's first working electronic stored-program digital computer - an honour that went to the Royal Society Computing Machine Laboratory at Manchester University, in June 1948. Discouraged by the delays at NPL, Turing took up the Deputy Directorship of the Royal Society Computing Machine Laboratory in that year. Turing was a founding father of modern cognitive science and a leading early exponent of the hypothesis that the human brain is in large part a digital computing machine, theorising that the cortex at birth is an 'unorganised machine' which through 'training' becomes organised 'into a universal machine or something like it'. He also pioneered Artificial Intelligence. Turing spent the rest of his short career at Manchester University, being appointed to a specially created Readership in the Theory of Computing in May 1953. He was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of London in March 1951 (a high honour). (shrink)

Článok porovnáva chápanie metód dedukcie a indukcie, s ktorým pracujú vybrané texty zo spoločenskovednej metodológie, s poňatím týchto metód, o ktoré sa opiera moderná logika. Ukazuje, že viaceré príručky spoločenskovedného výskumu vychádzajú zo zastaranej koncepcie, podľa ktorej dedukcia predstavuje „postup od všeobecného k jednotlivému" a indukcia „postup od jednotlivého k všeobecnému". V niektorých prípadoch sa tiež obe metódy chybne stotožňujú s metódami výstavby teórie, prípadne sa dvojica dedukcia - indukcia mylne spája s dvojicou kvantitatívny - kvalitatívny výskum. Článok upozorňuje na (...) niektoré problematické dôsledky takého postupu a navrhuje jednoduché riešenia. (shrink)

This chapter examines certain claims made for near‐death and out‐of‐body experiences (ND/OBE), adding neuro‐physiological and theological insights. ND/OBE aredecidedly this‐worldly events and have nothing to do with supposed journeys to spiritualized or nonphysical realms, nor amalgamations with so‐called cosmic consciousness. Classical spiritual encounters were discussed by William James, and by William P. Alston. The chapter compares classic examples of divine disclosure with those given by NDE subjects. Considering the “spiritual” properties of NDE reports, one might be somewhat reluctant to credit (...) them with any serious divine import, or, like some of the otherreports, of enlightening revelatory content. The chapter also summarizes author's analysis that offers arguments against any serious import to NDE phenomenology, other than deriving from stored material in brains of subjects reporting. It continues in critically examining the notion of afterlife, as envisioned throughout the NDE literature, compared with Christian precepts of the creedal “Life Everlasting”. (shrink)

Le philosophe doit fournir au législateur les moyens théoriques d'établir dans les cités des constitutions droites, seules à même de rendre les citoyens vertueux, et donc heureux, en les faisant obéir à de bonnes lois. Plutôt que d'instaurer une fois pour toutes une cité "parfaite", il faut, le plus souvent, réformer les institutions existantes et notamment mélanger les aspects positifs des différentes constitutions déviées. Même s'il entend promouvoir la concorde entre les citoyens, Aristote reconnaît le caractère à la fois naturel (...) et parfois bénéfique de la lutte des classes qui empêche une faction de devenir hégémonique. En permettant au législateur d'analyser la réalité sur laquelle il doit travailler, Les Politiques sont le premier traité de science politique."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

V pričujočem prispevku bom kritično presodil dva splošno sprejeta pristopa k umetnosti in estetiki, ki nakazujeta, da filozofska estetika ni več mogoča. Tako sociologija umetnosti kot tudi številni poststrukturalistični pristopi k umetnosti trdijo, da so pokazali, da sta tradicionalna umetnostna zgodovina in filozofija umetnosti nelegitimni. Sociologija umetnosti in poststrukturalistična teorija sta obe prišli - po povsem različnih poteh -do podobnega sklepa: estetika je v osnovi ideološki diskurz, ki mora biti demaskiran. Poskušal bom pokazati, da Bourdieujev pristop - čeprav razjasni nekatere (...) aspekte umetnostne presoje -resno napačno razlaga naravo sodobne filozofske estetike. Zdi se mi, da so mnogi poststrukturalistični misleci zagrešili isto napako, kot jo je Bourdieu: nagnjeni so k temu, da tradicionalno umetnostno in literarno zgodovino itd. razumejo kot neizpodbitno »logocentrično« in »esencialistično«. To je tako, kot da bi hoteli povedati, da mrrabiti vsaka, svojega imena vredna estetika esencialistična, nezgodovinska in zatorej ideološka. Trdim, daje koncept umetnosti, kot ga mi poznamo in ki seje izoblikoval v sedanjo obliko konec 18. stoletja, zgodovinski koncept. Umetnost, kot jo mi poznamo, ni večna, čeprav presega naše življenje. To pa ne pomeni, da umetniškega vzgiba, kije soroden simbolnemu in kije lahko uresničen na mnogo načinov v različnih zgodovinskih in kulturnih pogojih, ne moremo legitimno obravnavati kot stalno odliko človeške narave. Človek ni samo zoon politikon, temveč tudi zoon symbolikon. Estetika je med drugim racionalni odraz naše potrebe po simbolih ter naše zmožnosti simbolizacije. (shrink)

Avtor zatrjuje, da imajo t. i. posredniški pojmi ključno vlogo pri urejanju in tvorbi pravnega znanja. V izhodišču povzame Rossovo razmišljanje o takšnih pojmih, ki ga nato kritizira. Ross je skušal pokazati, da v pravu obstajajo pojmi, ki nimajo nobenega pomenskega ozira, a je njihova raba kljub temu nekaj razumnega, saj imajo pri predstavitvi pravnih pravil koristno vlogo. Avtor meni, da sta obe Rossovi trditvi napačni: zmoten je njegov sklep, da posredniški pojmi nimajo nobenega pomenskega ozira, Rossova opredelitev njihove vloge (...) v pravu pa je preveč omejujoča. (shrink)

Izhajajoč iz dveh slavnih Kantovih tekstov skuša pričujoči spis pokazati na notranjo zvezo med avtonomijo uma in subjektivno svobodo na eni strani ter nujnim pokoravanjem arbitrarni avtoriteti na drugi. V Kantovem načrtu za organizacijo Univerze se ta povezanost kaže kot delitev na zgornje in spodnje fakultete, pri čemer se morajo prve podrejati samovoljnim ukazom zunanje oblasti, druga pa naj se ravna le po načelih uma. Obe plati spadata skupaj v skladu s Kantovim paradoksnim stališčem, da samo omejitev osvobaja, medtem ko (...) bi neposredno sovpadanje obojega privedlo do nevarnosti totalitarizma. Toda ta bistvena zveza med umom in ne-umno arbitrarnostjo naposled meri drugam: subjekt, ki si v svoji radikalni avtonomiji in samoopredelitvi postavlja svoj lastni notranji Zakon, je prav v svojem jedru soočen z radikalno heteronomijo. Moralni Zakon, kategorični imperativ, subjekta šele zares oropa njegove iluzorne avtonomije, konec koncev je še manj umno utemeljen kot njegov objektivni protipol. Od subjekta zahteva nemogoče, ne da se ga zadovoljiti, a prav skozi to nemožnost, skozi to bistveno nezadovoljnost vznikne subjekt razsvetljenstva. Zadnji del skuša pokazati, kako Fou-caultova reaktualizacija kantovske pozicije zatre njene radikalne konsekvence. Foucault zvaja Kantovega subjekta na pred-kantovsko etično držo in tako zgreši tisto zastavitev subjektivnosti, ki je položena v temelje psihoanalize. (shrink)

In South Africa there is widespread recognition amongst university educators that the new outcomes‐based education (OBE) system can prevent instrumental thinking, particularly in view of OBE's agenda to encourage critical learning. However, what these educators do not necessarily take into account is that many students are not always ready to deal with critical learning because of the apparent persistence of instrumental thinking at some universities in South Africa. Simply put, many students seem to be quite willing to be taught about (...) some of the ends of education, rather than the reasons behind these ends. With this idea of desired student learning in mind, in this article, I argue that it has become necessary to fulfil the promise of democratic justice on the African continent through educating for friendship, rather than perpetuating uncritical modes of learning which could further extend the violation of human dignity on the African continent. Reflecting on several moments in my classroom pedagogy and conversations with colleagues at different universities, I firstly argue that critical learning cannot be blind to prescriptiveness, since students (in this case postgraduate students about to qualify professionally as school teachers) have to be made attentive in some way to the public realm of a democratic post‐apartheid South Africa and post‐colonial Africa. In short, they have to be taught what it means to be democratically just. Thereafter, I argue that teaching students about democratic justice can entail critical learning and, hence, be non‐instrumental, provided that university educators become more responsible educators. Finally, I examine how actions (non‐indoctrination, impartiality and deliberation achieved through respect and friendship) can potentially fulfil the democratic justice project, the success of which is so desperately needed on the African content. (shrink)

Ameriški bogovi (Starz 2017–2021) in Peščeni mož (Netflix 2022– ), dve izrazito gledljivi avdiovizualni seriji, sta priredbi priljubljenega romana Neila Gaimana (2001) in njegove predhodne serije stripov (1989–1996). Obe sta navdihnjeni s klasično in nordijsko mitologijo ter odražata razvoj kulturno in družbeno pomembnih tem, do katerega je prišlo med objavo njunih literarnih predlog in predvajanjem televizijskih serij. Zanimivo je, da priredba romana vključuje več olimpskih bogov, vendar zamolči vpliv Herodota. Po drugi strani je Peščeni mož v svoji televizijski različici, natančneje (...) v tu obravnavani zadnji epizodi prve sezone z naslovom Kaliopa, v prizorih spolne zlorabe precej manj grafičen; drastičnejše podobe prepušča gledalčevi domišljiji, a hkrati doseže še bolj izrazito empatijo do trpeče žrtve in ostro obsodbo storjene nezaslišanosti. (shrink)

Článek se zabývá dějinami střetu mezi analytickou a kontinentální tradicí, který dominoval filozofii 20. století. I když obě tradice vzešly ze stejného intelektuálního prostředí a byly výrazně ovlivněny novokantovstvím, přesto se jejich vzájemné neporozumění postupem času prohlubovalo a při několika příležitostech situace přerostla v otevřené nepřátelství. V článku je popsáno deset nejzávažnějších konfliktů: Russell vs. Bergson, Schlick vs. Husserl, Carnap vs. Heidegger, Ryle vs. Heidegger, Popperova kritika pseudovědy, konference v Royaumont, Searle vs. Derrida, odhalení Heideggerovy nacistické minulosti, Derridův čestný doktorát (...) z Cambridge a Sokalův podvrh. Na počátku 21. století se ukazuje, že rozepře analytické a kontinentální filozofie se vyčerpala. Mnohem podstatnější je spor o samotnou metodologii filozofie, jenž se projevuje v rozhraní mezi naturalisticky a antinaturalisticky zaměřenými mysliteli. (shrink)

This article examines the inflationary view of the body ownership. It reviews a growing body of empirical research on the sense of body ownership that suggests that the deflationary depends on the integration of somatosensory signals. It discusses the results of recent research on out-of-body experiences and shows that the neurocognitive processes involved in the Rubber Hand Illusion are also involved in OBE. It suggests that this experience of bodily ownership may be a critical component of self-specificity.

Tento text se zabývá rozborem pojmu sláva, jak je k nalezení ve filosofických pracích pruského krále Fridricha Velikého (1712-1786), jmenovitě pak v Rozpravě o posměváčcích (Discours sur les satiriques) a Rozpravě o hanopisech (Discours sur les libelles) z roku 1759. Fridrich v obou pracích odlišuje falešnou a opravdovou slávu, přičemž falešná sláva je pouhou pozorností davů bez hlubší podstaty, jde o slávu celebrit. Fridrich ji popisuje jako slávu Herostratovu, výjimečně pro ni používá slovo célébrité. Pravá sláva je pak popisována slovem (...) gloire a jde o etickou kategorii, o slávu, která je motorem činnosti velkých lidí a jejímž soudcem bude historie. Obě slávy jsou sice v obou rozpravách cílem pisatelů satiry a hanopisů, avšak ti místo pravé slávy dosahují pouhé známosti svého jména, pouhé pozornosti davů. Satira a hanopisy jsou v rozpravách odsouzeny proto, že nedosahují pravé slávy, o kterou by měly usilovat, ale pouze slávy falešné, jež je však eticky bezcenná. Klíčová slova: sláva, Fridrich Veliký, hanopisy, filosofie osvícenství, satira. (shrink)

Difficulties in distinguishing veridical reports of experience from confabulations have implications for theories of consciousness. I develop some of these implications through a consideration of out-of-body experiences (OBEs). Do these variations indicate individual variation in experience or are they post-hoc confabulations, stories told by subjects to themselves in an attempt to make sense of the core phenomenology? I argue that no existent or possible evidence would be sufficient to favour one hypothesis over the other. How such evidence is interpreted depends (...) on prior commitments to one or other of these hypotheses or to a theory of consciousness that is not neutral as to these hypotheses. One of these types of theory, namely vehicle theories, has difficulty accommodating the existence of confabulations and so allows for only the elaborate phenomenology hypothesis. Because we cannot know that reports are not confabulations, vehicle theories are insufficient to explain OBEs. (shrink)

Henri Bergson se za svého života těšil velké popularitě. Přes jistý ústup ze slávy jeho filosofie i v druhé polovině dvacátého století inspirovala např. Gillese Deleuze. Nicméně analytická filosofie Bergsonovi dosud mnoho pozornosti nevěnovala. Ačkoli na první pohled skutečně s analytickou filosofií nemá mnoho společného, najdeme v jeho díle některé myšlenky, které by si zasloužily, aby je analytická filosofie zhodnotila. Zaměříme se na Bergsonovo pojetí špatně položených otázek, které je v mnohém podobné pojetí logických pozitivistů. Dále navrhneme, v čem může (...) spočívat jeho přínos pro teorii pravidel a normativistickou teorii významu. Obě témata jsou zde především programaticky nastíněna, jejich hlubší rozpracování je úkol pro další práci. (shrink)

U radu ce biti predstavljeni i razmotreni argumenti koje R.Pevnik, u svojoj novoj knjizi Imigracija i ogranicenja pravde, nudi protiv pristupa koji podrazumeva zatvorene granice, a u prilog pristupu otvorenijih granica u reformi imigracione politike SAD-a. Ukazacemo na brojne probleme u Pevnikovoj argumentaciji povodom obe tvrdnje.

Desde la separación estricta de ética y derecho, la Rechtslehre kantiana sostiene que es la ética la que exige al sujeto que haga suya la máxima de actuar conforme al derecho. En la misma línea defiende J. F. Kervégan que los sujetos habríamos de reconocer como un deber ético el respeto a las normas jurídicas, sin que esto quiera decir que el derecho dependa de la ética, pues en estricto derecho no podría tenerse a la intención de conciencia como móvil (...) de la acción justa. Lo que el derecho regula y juzga son las acciones exteriores, y también el móvil tiene que es el poder coercitivo, que el derecho, a diferencia de la ética, tiene la facultad de imponer a la sociedad a fin de que cada miembro de ella en su acción externa evite por su propio interés perjudicar la libertad de cualquier otro. Por esta unicidad del móvil sostiene Kant que derecho y facultad de coaccionar significan una y la misma cosa. El formalismo de su planteamiento impide a Kant entrar en la complejidad del entramado de derechos y deberes, de bienes y cargas, que hace de la justicia distributiva el verdadero objeto del arte jurídico. Y por su externalización estricta del derecho reduce al jurista a la observancia de los textos, ignora el procedimiento de la controversia judicial, excluye la equidad como ajena al derecho, y convierte al derecho en el gendarme de la moral . En cuanto a la intención interior, una cosa es que las leyes no puedan motivar el albedrío por la conciencia de la obligación, y otra que si derecho y coacción significaran lo mismo no habría diferencia entre cumplir la ley para evitar el castigo o eludir el castigo burlando la ley -opción ésta que a muchos resultaría más provechosa, dado que el poder del Estado es incapaz de vigilar en cada momento a cada sujeto, y que los vigilantes mismos necesitan ser vigilados, ad infinitum. Tras una breve alusión a los conocidos argumentos de Platón, Hobbes y Montesquieu sobre la obediencia voluntaria como el otro móvil del derecho, no menos necesario que la coerción, se recuerda que también el profesor Kervégan ha defendido en otro contexto que un orden jurídico cualquiera tiene dos componentes irreductibles entre sí: el sistema de normas que define lo que debe ser y la decisión que conforma el ser al deber-ser. Finalmente, en el derecho interestatal no puede Kant invocar la facultad de coaccionar, que deja de significar lo mismo que "derecho" porque, al no haber ninguna fuerza superior a la soberanía de los Estados, el pacto durará hasta que alguno de ellos lo incumpla por su libre y soberana decisión. From a firm distinction between ethics and right, the Kantian Rechtslehre holds that the demand to adopt the maxim to act according to the right is an ethical demand. Also J.F. Kervégan defends that individuals should recognize the ethical obligation to respect juridical rules, but this does not mean that right depends on ethics, because, in strict right, internal disposition or intention could not be considered as motive for the rightful action. Law regulates and judges the external actions and also the motive has to be external as it is external the coercion that right -but not ethics- can impose on society so that each member of it, for his own interest, does not damage in his external agency any other member's freedom. Because of this only one motive, Kant declares that right and coercion's capacity signify the same thing. His formalist position stops him to go into the complex network of rights and duties, of advantages and burdens, which makes distributive justice the true subject of juridical art. Moreover, because of the strict externals of the law Kant is unaware of the juridical controversy, reduces the jurist to the observance of texts, ejects the equity as not right's own, and risks to transform the right in the gendarme of morals . With regard to intention, one thing is that in strict law the internal disposition can not be deemed as the motive, and other thing is that if law and coercion's capacity signify the same thing, there is no difference between obeing the law to avoide the punishment, or avoiding the punishment in breaking the law; then, the last option would be profitable for too many people, since the coercion power is not able to survey in every moment each individual, and the watchmen themselves need to be watched over and so on. After a short mention of the well known Plato, Hobbes and Montesquieu's arguments about the voluntary obedience as the other motive of the strict right, not less necessary than coercion, we remember that J. F. Kervégan also defended in another context that any juridical order has two irreducible le système des normes générales qui définissent ce qui doit être, et la décision qui conforme l'être au devoir-être. Finally, in the interstates right, Kant can not maintain that right and capacity of coercion mean the same thing, because there is not any force over the sovereignty of the States, and therefore the contract will last till one of them breaks it by its free and sovereign decision. (shrink)

Cieľom textu je nadviazať na diskusiu o spore realizmu a konštruktivizmu, ktorá prebehla medzi Jaroslavom Peregrinom a Tomášom Marvanom na stránkach časopisu Filosofie dnes. Samotná diskusia vznikla ako reakcia na Marvanom publikovanú knihu Realismus a relativismus. Marvan v nej zastáva špecifické stanovisko realizmu, z ktorého vedie kritiku relativizujúcich postojov. Peregrin tvrdí, že spor nie je možné riešiť, lebo obe súperiace strany sú v konečnom dôsledku nevyvrátiteľné a argumenty pre a proti sa držia v patovej situácii. Marvan tvrdí, že spor je (...) možné riešiť v prospech realizmu. Predkladaný text sa voči obom názorom vymedzuje a predstavuje návrh ako daný spor riešiť. Riešenie spočíva v rozpustení samotného sporu a v predstavení hybridnej koncepcie, ktorá problémy realizmu a konštruktivizmu prekonáva. Text je rozdelený na tri časti, v prvej je uvedená kritika Marvanom zastávaného realizmu, v druhej časti je predstavená stručná analýza zdroju sporu a v záverečnej časti je načrtnutá koncepcia, ktorá spor prekonáva. (shrink)

Přijetí teze, že některé výrazy referují bez zprostředkování identifikujícími podmínkami přímo k objektům, vede k několika problematickým důsledkům týkajícím se propozičních postojů. Jedním z těchto důsledků je ten, že bychom tudíž na základě přesvědčení Lois Lanové, že Superman je silnější než Clark Kent, byli nuceni uznat, že je též přesvědčena o existenci někoho, kdo má tu vlastnost, že je silnější, než skutečně je. Snad žádný racionálně uvažující člověk by však zřejmě přesvědčení o existenci někoho, o kom by tato nemožná vlastnost (...) měla platit, nepřijal. Klíčovým pojmem, na němž platnost vyvození tohoto přesvědčení stojí, je reflexivita – ze zjevně nereflexivního obsahu přesvědčení se vyvozuje přesvědčení reflexivní. Příspěvek se pokouší odhalit, kam je možno reflexivitu v rámci informačního obsahu věty zasadit. Zváženy jsou nejprve dvě možnosti: reflexivita je buď sémantickou vlastností vztahů, nebo anaforických zájmen. Obě možnosti budou vyvráceny prostřednictvím argumentace, že ve větách popisujících vztah mezi obsahy dvou koreferujících singulárních termínů nemůže být reflexivita součástí sémantické informace, jelikož znalost identity reference není podmínkou sémantické kompetence. Reflexivita je u těchto typů vět vázána na koordinaci znalostí mezi mluvčími. Jsou formulovány nutné podmínky, které by platnost daného vyvození teprve ospravedlnily. (shrink)

The text offers an examination of socio-political bases, modes of functioning, and of the consequences of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on Serbian disunity. The first section of the paper deals with what is being expressed and what is being done socially when narratives on Serbian disunity are invoked in everyday discourses. The next section investigates what political actor sty, by publicly replicating them, or by basing their speeches on key words of those narratives. The narratives on Serbian disunity are (...) then related to their historical and social contexts, and to various forms of identity politics with which they share common traits. The nineteenth century wars over political and cultural identity, intensified by the struggle between contesting claims to political authority, further channeled by the development of party politics in Serbia and radicalized by conflicts of interest and ideology together provided the initial reasons for the apparition of modern discourses on Serbian disunity and disaccord. Next, addressed are the uninnally solidifying or misinterpreting really existing social problems, or because of intentionally exploiting popular perceptions of such problems, the constructive potential related to existing social conflicts and splits can be completely wasted. What results is a deep feeling of frustration, and the diminishing of popular trust in the political elites and the political process in general. The contemporary hyperproduction of narratives on disunity and disaccord in Serbia seems to be directly related to the incapacity of the party system, and of the political system in general, to responsibly address, and eventually resolve historical and contemporary clashes of interest and identity-splits. If this vicious circle in which the consequences of social realities are turned into their causes is to be prevented, conflicts of interest must be discursively disassociated from ideological conflicts, as well as from identity-based conflicts, and all of them have to be disentangled from popular narratives on splits and disunity. Most important of all, the practice of political instrumentalisation of popular narratives on disunity and disaccord has to be gradually abandoned. U radu se istrazuju istorijske i drustvene osnove narodskih prica o srpskom nejedinstvu i neslozi, kao i posledice njihove politicke instrumentalizacije. Paznja se prvo usmerava na ono sto se narodskim pricama o srpskom nejedinstvu i neslozi najcesce postize u svakodnevnoj komunikaciji. Narodskim pricama se, pre svega, ukazuje na pretpostavljeno nepromenljivo svojstvo srpskog identiteta. Njima se odredjuje i glavni uzrok poraza ili neuspeha, u kom slucaju one neretko prerastaju u jeremijade nad istorijskom sudbinom Srba. Najzad, nesloga se moze predstaviti i kao posledica jednog, ili citavog niza faktora, od mentaliteta ili kulture Srba, pa do tudjinske zavere. U sledecem segmentu rada, istrazuju se vidovi politickog instrumentalizovanja narodskih prica o neslozi i ne jedinstvu Srba, odnosno njihova upotreba kao ogleda, modela i velova. U prvom slucaju, politicki akter narodsko vidjenje stanja stvari koristi kao izgovor za svoje neuspehe, ili kako bi naglasio razlike izmedju sebe, svojih takmaca i pobornika. Narativi o neslozi omogucuju akteru i da usmerava publiku na zeljeni nacin, bilo da zeli da unese nove podele u grupu, zaostrava sukob vec postojecih frakcija i povezuje se sa nekom od njih, ili a uspostavlja izgubljeno jedinstvo grupe. Obe prethodne mogucnosti akter moze iskoristiti da bi obezbedio retoricki veo kojim ce prikriti svoje prave namere. Analiza se potom pomera ka ispitivanju istorijskih i drustvenih osnova prica o srpskom ne jedinstvu. Ratovi oko politickog identiteta iz sredine i druge polovine devetnaestog veka, pojacani trvenjima izmedju rivalskih pretenzija na politicki autoritet, dodatno usanceni razvojem stranackog sistema, i radikalizovani novim oblicima sukoba izmedju interesa, vrednosti i identiteta na pocetku dvadesetog veka, zajedno su uslovili razvoj narativa o srpskom ne jedinstvu i rascepima. Na takvu osnovu su se potom nadovezivali rascepi izazvani dinastickim, konfesionalnim ili nacionalnim razlikama, svi zajedno zacementirani iskustvima ratova i revolucija. Analiza se najzad pomera ka nenameravanim posledicama narodskih prica o srpskom ne jedinstvu i razlicitih oblika njihove politicke instrumentalizacije. Zbog pogresnog predstavljanja ili objasnjavanja stvarnih problem a, karakteristicnog za narodske price, a pogotovu zbog politicke zloupotrebe narodskih prica o tim problemima, konstruktivni potencijal vezan za drustvene konflikte i njihovu narativizaciju biva ozbiljno ugrozen. Sledi duboki osecaj frustracije i opadanje poverenja u politicke elite i politicki proces uopste. U zakljucku se skrece paznja na cinjenicu da je savremeno umnozavanje narodskih prica o srpskom ne jedinstvu, kao i prakse njihove politicke instrumentalizacije, povezano sa nesposobnoscu srpskog partijskog sistema i politickog sistema uopste da se odgovorno suoci sa, a pogotovu da razresi splet istorijskih i savremenih sukoba interesa i identitetskih rascepa koji su izvoriste narodskih prica. (shrink)