Este artículo analiza algunos interesantes momentos en la recepción feminista del pensamiento de Hannah Arendt. Al igual que respecto a otros clásicos y clásicas del pensamiento contemporáneo —Beauvoir, Foucault o Habermas, por poner sólo tres ejemplos— nos hemos encontrado con una nutrida historia de encuentros y desencuentros. Tras una primera valoración negativa del pensamiento arendtiano, por parte de las teóricas feministas de la segunda ola, el juicio, posteriormente, se matizará y el estudio de la riqueza conceptual de la autora y (...) de su potencia filosófica —su novedosa concepción de la política, su apuesta por la narratividad y el juicio, su definición de la libertad en conexión con la noción de natalidad, …— harán que se desate un interesante juego de apropiaciones y reapropiaciones, de lecturas e interpretaciones, que, incluso, en el caso de Linda Zerilli, propondrá la posibilidad de pensar un feminismo adjetivado como arendtiano. Al hilo de esta reconstrucción histórico-crítica, hemos enhebrado nuestra propia estimación de la recepción feminista de la obra de Arendt en el contexto de los debates políticos feministas de las últimas décadas. La controvertida filósofa política se ha convertido, en suma, en un referente insoslayable en el decurso de la teoría feminista contemporánea. (shrink)

El fenómeno migratorio es creador de transnacionalidad. En este contexto se replantea el carácter restrictivo de la ciudadanía ligada a la mera garantía de los derechos de los individuos pertenecientes al Estado-Nación. La discusión sobre la desterritorialización de la ciudadanía está abierta y no puede desligarse de los cambios propiciados por la globalización. Sin embargo, la perspectiva de género a la que obliga el fenómeno de la feminización de las migraciones, tanto en el plano normativo como en los estudios empíricos, (...) es, hoy por hoy, marginal. Visibilizar las injusticias estructurales ligadas al género tanto en las sociedades emisoras como receptoras de inmigración es una clave para reproponer un nuevo modelo de ciudadanía, con especial incidencia en la igualdad y en los derechos sociales y económicos, coherente con el marco normativo de los derechos humanos. (shrink)

RESUMENEste artículo reconstruye el espectro de críticas feministas a la idea habermasiana de espacio público por su ceguera frente al género. joan Landes, iris Young, Seyla Benhabib y Nancy Fraser lo objetarán con distinto grado de racionalidad. El motivo de este alud de objeciones lo provocó la trudicción al inglés de la historia y critica de la opinión pública, una obra en la que se idealizaba la esera pública burguesa deudora de las ideas de igualdad y universidad. No obstante, las (...) mujeres al ser consideradas seres báicamente privados, simplemente no tenían, por definición, cabida en ella. La tesis de la que partimos es que sin acceso al reconocimiento en el ámbito público no hay posibilidad de acceso a la identidad: ser, como apunta Hannah Ardent, es aparecer públicamente. El reto consiste en incluir a las mujeres como miembros de pleno derecho de la esfera pública dejando de lado los sobreentendidos que las sitúan en los márgenes de la políticaPALABRAS CLAVEESFERA PÚBLICA- FEMINISMO-IDENTIDAD-RECONOCIMIENTOABSTRACTThis paper reviews the spectrum of feminist critiques tothe Habermasian idea of the public space, because of his negligence towards gender issues. Joan Landes, iris young, Seyla Benhabib and Nancy Fraser reject it with different degrees of radicality. At the centr of this critical interest in Habermas lies the publication in English of his The structural Transformation of the public sphere, a book where the bourgeois public sphere, heir to the ideas of equality and universitality, got idealized. Women, deemed to be private individuals, did not enter the public sphere. The paper argues that without recognition in the public sphere there is no acces to having an identity: being, as claimed by Hannah Ardent, is to be public. The rest entails the inclusion of women as equal patners in the public shere, in sprite of the claims that put them in the margins of politicsKEYWORDSPUBLIC SPHERE-FEMINISM-IDENTITY-RECOGNITION. (shrink)

Reseña crítica del libro de Alicia H. Puleo titulado Ecofeminismo para otro mundo posible . Madrid, Cátedra, 2011.

My aim in this tentative text is framing political philosophy in the planetary context of Anthropocene. I will explore the political meaning of three non-excluding scenarios (emergencies, transitions and collapse) in order to demand the adequate doses of realism and utopianism to survive as an eco-dependent humanity. The climate emergency implies the acceptance of resilience as a political objective from the starting point of our radical vulnerability. We need a practical political philosophy that makes room for hope.

¿Qué cabida tienen, o pueden tener, las éticas y las políticas de la alteridad en el horizonte filosófico actual? En el contexto de la filosofía española reciente, la obra de Gabriel Bello Reguera (Dehesas, León, 1943) ha afrontado el reto ético-político que plantea el tomarse en serio la alteridad. Ha desarrollado su carrera académica en la Universidad de La Laguna como catedrático de Filosofía Moral y en su trayectoria cabría señalar tres giros fundamentales, si bien relacionados entre sí. El primero (...) podemos derivarlo del impacto de la lectura de la obra del neopragmatista Richard Rorty, que incidió en su crítica al fundamentalismo autoritario de la tradición filosófica despertó su interés por la narratividad, ligada a la conversación, como herramienta edificante de la ética. El segundo es debido a la influencia del pensamiento de Emmanuel Lévinas, a partir del cual problematiza las relaciones entre las categorías éticas de identidad, diferencia y alteridad. El tercero, y más reciente, le llevará al terreno del análisis de las migraciones internacionales en su contexto postcolonial como acuciante asunto necesitado, precisamente, de un nuevo marco filosófico, ético y político. En este libro colectivo, a través de la obra de Gabriel Bello, afrontamos con rigor la contextualización de las éticas y las políticas de la alteridad, proseguimos la discusión en torno a estas a la vez que elaboramos, conjuntamente, un balance crítico de una línea de investigación, de sus posibilidades y límites. Con todo ello, además, seguimos la tradición de prestar reconocimiento y gratitud a nuestros maestros y a nuestras maestras. En este caso, reconocemos la trayectoria docente e investigadora del Profesor Gabriel Bello Reguera y su dedicación rigurosa y concienzuda a la vida universitaria. Su obra, que, recorre cuatro décadas, es testimonio de cómo la filosofía en el contexto del Estado español, tras abandonar el erial instigado por el franquismo, participa de los debates transnacionales actuales en los que las éticas y las políticas de la alteridad, especialmente, plantean desafíos insoslayables. Hemos, pues, recreado el ritual académico del Homenaje, algo tan central en la filosofía alemana como la Festschrift, con el deseo de dotarlo del sentido más relevante que, a nuestro juicio, puede tener: el del debate intelectual crítico. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to criticize the process of securitization and militarization that has impacted European migratory policies in the last decades. To do that, first of all, I retell the case of the migratory humanitarian crisis in Canary Islands when thousands of sub-Saharan undocumented migrants crossed, in a very dangerous journey, the sea from Mauritania and Senegal. Secondly, I consider the normative level related to the moral and political meaning of tracing and retracing borders that “limit” national (...) communities discussing Will Kymlicka´s thought. His position is inspiring by the premises of egalitarian liberalism. My conclusion is that we have to deal with the creation of a new model of transnational citizenship, beyond the European construction, that could guarantee the respect for Human Righsts of undocumented migrants in the era of globalization. (shrink)

Nuestro objetivo, desde una perspectiva de género, es visibilizar y analizar las desigualdades económicas, sociales y políticas, de orden global y local, relativas a la migración y la ciudadanía. La naturaleza de esta indagación es exploratoria e interdisciplinar. En el marco de las éticas aplicadas y de la filosofía política se entrecruzan hechos, normas y políticas públicas migratorias con el fin de hacer efectivos los derechos humanos.

The aim of this paper is to estimate the worth of two feminist strategies over identity. Judith Butler, from a foucaultian point of view, propose to subvert the category of identity as a > with disciplinary effects over individuals. Seyla Benhabib, who bets for > thinks that is better to try to contextualize the identities without having to recur to an abstract, formal and empty mode of self hegemonic in the philosophical tradition. Why are we interesting in this debate? Because (...) the ethic and political consequences of this theoretical controversy are decisive to redescribe the feminist identification based on the concept of woman. The > is one of the polemical focus in a feminist philosophical movement that, finally, have won academic credibility. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to explore the ethical possibility of rethinking the role of care and human bonds outside a patriarchal framework. First of all, I revise some philosophical understandings of friendship that havemaintained that women were incapable of it. Equality and symmetry were the requirements for friendship and the subordinated status of women in history was the fact that had made impossible for them to aspire to the moral excellence of philía. Secondly, I analyze the gender subtext (...) of the idea of autonomy to show that have been constructed by masculine patterns, specially, when it dismiss the constitutive fact of human interdependence. Finally, I focus on the last contributions of feminist bioethics to reflect about the need of conceiving autonomy in a framework of relationships and mutual obligations of care. This opens the possibility of recovering a new sense of a autonomy , that is coherent with the moral experience of women, focused on care, and this relational autonomy seems to me a essential point of depart to rethinkmany of the current bioethical debates. (shrink)

The question of how we should engage with a philosopher’s racial thought is of particular importance when considering Kant, who can be viewed as particularly representative of Enlightenment philosophy. In this article I argue that we should take a stance of deep acknowledgment when considering Kant’s work both inside and outside the classroom. Taking a stance of deep acknowledgment should be understood as 1) taking Kant’s racial thought to be reflective of his moral character, 2) Kant being accountable for his (...) racial thought and 3) being willing to consider the possibility that Kant’s racial thought is consistent with and inextricable from his moral philosophy. Alternative forms of engaging with Kant’s racial work have either moral or pedagogical failings, which range from simply teaching the history of philosophy uncritically to outright deception. A stance of deep acknowledgement will allow philosophers to understand how Kant’s racial thought interacts with his moral philosophy and allow instructors to teach philosophy in a historically contextualized approach so as to not alienate students whose demographic was disparaged by Kant. (shrink)

todas las esferas de la sociedad cubana, en tal sentido, la presente investigación ofrece una metodología para promover un accionar más activo y transformador de las instituciones sociales en la Educación Comunitaria desde el trabajo comunitario integrado que vincula los intereses y necesidades de la población en las tareas del desarrollo social. The existence of indifference behaviors to principles reveals the need for strengthening the educative work in all spheres of the Cuban society. In that sense, the present research provides (...) a methodology in order to promote a more active and transforming work of social institutions in the community education from the integrated community work connecting the interests and needs of the people on duties of social development. (shrink)

In the context of a public health emergency it is imperative to conduct research studies that will produce evidence rapidly while upholding ethical standards. The Ebola and Zika outbreaks highlighted the importance of devising agile processes for ethics review in emergencies, and international research ethics guidelines stress the duty to depart from standard processes for ethics review in emergency circumstances. However, before the COVID-19 pandemic it was not entirely clear what emergency procedures should look like. An additional challenge is that (...) while the same substantive ethical standards apply in emergency and non-emergency settings, deciding what these standards entail in the specific circumstances of a pandemic may be difficult. During the COVID-19 pandemic, challenges included identifying thresholds of social and scientific value, along with duties towards research participants, given the absence of therapeutic options; assessing continually changing risk–benefit profiles of studies, given rapidly emerging new evidence; developing appropriate informed consent processes, given lockdown scenarios; and even addressing the ethics of offering unproven interventions outside research settings. Additional issues raised during epidemics include devising feasible and meaningful community engagement strategies, mechanisms to ensure fairness in the distribution of the benefits that may result from research, and equitable and effective data-sharing plans that will inform pandemic response. Learning from these procedural and substantive challenges encountered in the ethics review of COVID-19 research is important for enhancing ethics preparedness for future emergencies. It can also potentially contribute to improving the ethics review of research in non-emergency circumstances. The seven cases in this chapter highlight ethical issues associated with ethics approval of multi-centre studies in pandemics, the need for careful consideration of the social and scientific value of research and challenges encountered when interventions are being transitioned from research to rollout, and issues that can arise when existing regulations and policies may limit capacities to appropriately adapt research to pandemic contexts. (shrink)

Collective apologies on behalf of governments to historically mistreated minorities have become more common. It is unclear, however, how we should respond to these apologies and other practices that invoke collective responsibility for oppression (chapter 1). I review the current literature on collective responsibility to better understand the obstacles facing an account of collective responsibility for oppression (chapter 2). I then argue that we can make sense of these practices by holding powerful organized collectives (chapter 3) and privileged disorganized collectives (...) (chapter 4) responsible for oppression. These practices then can be what I call “morally legitimate” if they are confessions of self-blame, and this self-blame contains an element of collective-self protest (chapter 5). (shrink)

Ejes de la territorialidad patriarcal -- Fronteras y antifaces del signo mujer -- En el flujo heterogéneo de la liberación.

The denial of voting rights to certain types of persons continues to be a moral problem of practical significance. The disenfranchisement of persons with mental impairments, minors, noncitizen residents, nonresident citizens, and criminal offenders is a matter of controversy. This book makes a contribution to this largely neglected yet key topic.

This article compares the ‘enfranchisement lottery’, a novel method for allocating the right to vote, with universal suffrage. The comparison is conducted exclusively on the basis of the expected consequences of the two systems. Each scheme seems to have a relative advantage. On the one hand, the enfranchisement lottery would create a better informed electorate and thus improve the quality of electoral outcomes. On the other hand, universal suffrage is more likely to ensure that elections are seen to be fair, (...) which is important for political stability. This article concludes that, on balance, universal suffrage is prima facie superior to the enfranchisement lottery. Yet the analysis shows that the instrumental case for the ‘one person, one vote’ principle is less conclusive than democratic theorists usually suppose. (shrink)