Eusebius of Caesarea drew heavily on pagan philosophy in developing the first Christian political theology. His quotations from Plato’s most political work, the Laws, are so extensive that they are treated as a manuscript authority by modern editors. Yet Eusebius’s actual use of the Laws is oddly detached from Plato’s own political intentions in that work, adapting it to a model of philosophical kingship closer to the Republic and applied to the emperor Constantine. For Eusebius the (...) Laws mainly shows the agreement of Christian and pagan morality, while his political theory centers on the establishment and maintenance of a Christian empire under a Christian emperor who is a philosopher-king. His view represents one of the fundamental political options in ancient Christianity, one that influenced later Byzantine political theology, but was largely rejected in the west. (shrink)

Of the many accounts of the Battle of the Milvian Bridge ina.d.312 written soon after the conflict, only those of Eusebius of Caesarea have Maxentius cross the Tiber on a bridge of boats to face the forces of Constantine. This detail, it is here argued, suggests that Maxentius may be seen as a latter-day Xerxes, the Persian emperor who, in preparation for his invasion of Greece in 480b.c., famously spanned the Hellespont with a pair of boat-bridges. The article (...) first reviews the seminal accounts of Xerxes’ feat in Aeschylus’Persiansand Herodotus’Histories, and next discusses the story's long afterlife in subsequent Greek (and Latin) authors, including those of Late Antiquity. Close analysis of Eusebius’ battle narratives in hisEcclesiastical History(9.9.3–8) and in hisLife of Constantine(1.38) reveals that their vocabulary echoes the distinctive language used by Aeschylus, Herodotus and later writers in reference to Xerxes’ achievement. The article concludes by exploring the implications of this identification of Maxentius with Xerxes. It exemplifies two venerable tactics in Roman political propaganda: that of portraying a native rival as a foreign enemy and that of mapping the Persian Wars onto contemporary events. As Xerxesrediuiuus, Maxentius is cast as the quintessential barbarian tyrant, an Eastern despot resident in Rome. (shrink)

The present article concerns the problem of the different endings of the Gospel of Mark according to Eusebius of Caesarea, Quaestiones ad Marinum, 1, 1-3 and Severus of Antioch, Homily 77, 16, 1, which is largely based on Eusebius’ Quaestiones ad Marinum. The author proposes a new interpretation of Eusebius’ passage by comparing it with what Severus of Antioch says in his Homily. The final chapter deals with a possible allusion to a lost Quaestio ad Marinum (...) in Severus’ Homily. (shrink)

The Demonic in the Political Thought of Eusebius of Caesarea explores how Eusebius of Caesarea's ideas about demons interacted with and helped to shape his thought on other topics, particularly political topics Hazel Johannessen builds on and complements recent work on early Christian and early modern demonology. Eusebius' political thought has long drawn the attention of scholars who have identified in some of his works the foundations of later Byzantine theories of kingship. However, Eusebius' (...) political thought has not previously been examined in the light of his views on demons. Moreover, despite frequent references to demons throughout many of Eusebius' works, there has been no comprehensive study of Eusebius' views on demons, until now, as expressed throughout a range of his works.The originality of this study lies both in an initial examination of Eusebius' views on demons and their place in his cosmology, and in the application of the insights derived from this to consideration of his political thought. As a result of this new perspective, Johannessen challenges scholars' traditional characterization of Eusebius as a triumphal optimist. Instead, she draws attention to his concerns about a continuing demonic threat, capable of disrupting humankind's salvation, and presents Eusebius as a more cautious figure than the one familiar to late antique scholarship. (shrink)

In 1967 Alan Cameron published a landmark article in this journal, ‘The fate of Pliny'sLettersin the late Empire’. Opposing the traditional thesis that the letters of Pliny the Younger were only rediscovered in the mid to late fifth century by Sidonius Apollinaris, Cameron proposed that closer attention be paid to the faint but clear traces of the letters in the third and fourth centuries. On the basis of well-observed intertextual correspondences, Cameron proposed that Pliny's letters were being read by the (...) end of the fourth century at the latest. That article now seems the vanguard of a rise in scholarly interest in Pliny's late-antique reception. But Cameron also noted the explicit attention given to the letters by two earlier commentators—Tertullian of Carthage, in the late second to early third century, and Eusebius of Caesarea, in the early fourth. The use of Pliny in these two earliest commentators, in stark contrast to their later successors, has received almost no subsequent attention. (shrink)

Eusebius' Life of Constantine is the most important single record of Constantine, the emperor who turned the Roman Empire from prosecuting the Church to supporting it, with huge and lasting consequences for Europe and Christianity. The only English version previously available is based on a seventeenth-century Greek edition, but two new critical editions produced this century make a new English version necessary. The authors of this edition present the results of the recent scholarly debate, as well as their own (...) researches so as to clarify the significance of Eusebius' work and introduce the student to the text and its interpretation, thus opening up the contentious issues. At face value much of what Eusebius wrote is false. This book shows how, once his partisan interpretations and rhetoric are properly understood, both Eusebius' text and the documents it contains give vital historical insights. (shrink)

In this paper, I argue that Samantha Vice is correct to claim that whites should feel shame and regret, though perhaps not guilt, at their whiteness. She is wrong, however, to suggest that there is a sense in which whites should live in silence and humility, and withdraw from public political space. In particular, I argue that this latter claim has absurd consequences, since it implies a withdrawal from non-public and non-political spaces also. Besides, whites, as complex selves, face conflicting (...) reasons for action which Vice insufficiently grapples with. I conclude, however, that Vice is best interpreted as rightly suggesting that whites should live in careful reflective self-awareness of how their whiteness, and whiteliness, unfairly privileges them, still. This is preferable advice to Vice’s notions of silence and humility which are rightly but unnecessarily susceptible to confusion and compelling counterargument. Or so I argue. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to analyze a fragment by Porphyry concerning Seleucid history and transmitted by Eusebius of Caesarea's Chronicon. A short introduction on this work will be followed by a defense of the authorship of the fragment as Porphyrian, and by a cautious suggestion to assign it to the Contra Christianos. In the last section, the fragment will be examined at length and its ideological background will be highlighted. In particular, the account of Seleucid kings' (...) deaths shows that Porphyry turned to sources favorable to that dynasty. A critical voice seems to raise only when the author recounts of Demetrius I and of his descendants. (shrink)

This paper intends to focus once again on the Roman legal document which is improperly called the “Edict of Milan”. The approach and arguments put forward here are not necessarily new or original. Nevertheless, it seems that this umpteenth return to this issue is useful, after several international scientific events were organised on the occasion of the supposed 1700th anniversary of the proclamation of this document by Constantine. We will see, in particular, that the title of edictum dates back to (...) an error in translating from Greek to Latin. We will also be interested in the legal nature, as well as the historical significance and interest of the text that Eusebius of Caesarea and Lactantius have given us. (shrink)

The Alexandrian theologian Origen wrote that God the Father exceeds the Son in a way that surpasses the Son’s own transcendence of creation, and he apparently did so in order to oppose those who disregarded Jesus’ statement that «the Father is greater than I» . Just a few years after Origen’s death, however, when correction of his Son of God theology was well underway, Arius radicalized the latent subordinationism present in Origen’s thought by placing the Son among created things. The (...) Arian tendency to associate the Son with the created realm can be traced back to the attempts of Methodius of Olympus and Eusebius of Caesarea to counter Origen’s doctrine of eternal creation. Arius claimed that Christ is called «Son» because he is the created instrument of God’s will, and he gained sympathy for this voluntaristic view by citing John 14:28. Here was irrefutable scriptural proof of the metaphysical priority of the Father over the Son who is a separate and yet perfect creature of God. (shrink)

In this study, Andrew Radde-Gallwitz argues that Basil and Gregory develop an understanding of divine simplicity which does not require that God be identical with the properties of God or that these be identical with one another. Their motivation is that they want to hold that we cannot, in all eternity, know God's essence and yet that we have knowledge of God. Radde-Gallwitz argues that, for Basil and especially Gregory, in addition to our "conceptualizations" (epinoiai), we also have knowledge of (...) propria, properties necessarily connected to God's essence.In the early chapters, Radde-Gallwitz surveys the background to the Cappadocians, beginning with the second century. He argues that in early Christianity the .. (shrink)

Članek je posvečen vprašanju, katere vire je pri pisanju svoje Cerkvene zgodovine oziroma dodatka k prevodu Evzebijevega istoimenskega dela uporabljal Rufin iz Akvileje. Iz samega besedila izhaja, da je upora­bljal tako ustne kot pisne vire, pri čemer Rufin prve večkrat navaja, drugih pa skorajda ne. Kljub temu je danes moč zanesljivo reči, da se je pri pisanju opiral na številne tako latinske kot grške vire. Rufinov ugled na področju (cerkvene) zgodovine je v zadnjem stoletju precej omajala teza, da je za (...) večji del svojega dodatka enostavno prevedel danes izgubljeno cerkveno zgodovino Gelazija iz Cezareje. Ker naj bi bilo vsebino slednje moč rekonstruirati iz kasnejših grških virov, je Rufinov dodatek v strokovnih krogih deležen manj pozornosti, kot si kljub svojim pomanjkljivostim zasluži. Članek se tako osredotoča predvsem na dva vidika Rufinovih pisnih virov — na vprašanje njegove odvisnosti od Gelazija in na vprašanje, za katere pisne vire dejansko lahko rečemo, da jih je uporabljal. (shrink)

À partir de la fin du cinquième siècle, on rencontre parfois des références à une histoire ecclésiastique de Gélase, évêque de Césarée (367-avant septembre 400) et neveu de Cyrille de Jérusalem (348-387). On a beaucoup spéculé sur le caractère et l'étendue de cet ouvrage, mais depuis les travaux de F. Winkelmann un consensus s'est établi: Gélase fut le successeur immédiat d'Eusèbe de Césarée et son histoire ecclésiastique, des persécutions de Dioclétien jusqu'à son propre temps, fut la source principale des historiens (...) postérieurs de l'église, Rufin, Socrate, Sozomène, Théodoret et Gélase de Cyzique, et de nombreuses vies hagiographiques. Bien qu'il existe encore des discussions sur le point de chute de l'histoire (la mort de Valens en 378 ou celle de Théodose I en 395) et sur son caractère (un ouvrage indépendant ou une continuation, dans le même manuscrit, de l'histoire ecclésiastique d'Eusèbe de Césarée), on ne doute plus de l'originalité de Gélase de Césarée. En effet, selon cette théorie Gélase fut à l'origine d'importantes traditions comme la trouvaille de la vraie croix par Hélène, ou la conversion des Éthiopiens et des Géorgiens. Désireux de connaître la version originelle de Gélase, des savants ont investi beaucoup d'énergie dans la reconstruction minutieuse de son texte perdu, surtout sur la base des ouvrages de Rufin, Socrate et Gélase de Cyzique. (shrink)

English summary: This volume presents eight contributions by representatives of classical philology, church history, philosophy and religious studies, dealing with elucidating the possible relations between Origen the Christian theologian and Origen the Platonic philosopher. Thus, the volume contains discussions of the - not yet conclusively answered - question of whether the Christian Origen and the Platonic Origen might in fact have been one and the same person; it also investigates the Platonic traits of the Christian Origen, which are easily recognizable (...) in some of his works, and the reception both the philosopher and the Christian Origen had in late antiquity, in authors such as the Platonists Porphyry and Proclus as well as the Christian theologian Eusebius of Caesarea. German description: Der hier vorgelegte Band versammelt insgesamt acht Beitrage (von Vertretern der Klassischen Philologie, der Kirchengeschichte, der Philosophie und der Religionswissenschaft), die sich mit den moglichen Beziehungen zwischen dem christlichen Theologen Origenes und dem platonischen Philosophen Origenes beschaftigen. Dabei geht es nicht nur um die (immer noch nicht abschliessend beantwortete) Frage, ob der Christ Origenes und der Platoniker Origenes vielleicht sogar dieselbe Person sind, sondern auch um den (in manchen Werken deutlich erkennbaren) Platonismus des christlichen Theologen Origenes und die Rezeption dieses oder dieser Origene(i)s in der Spatantike: bei den Platonikern Porphyrios und Proklos und bei dem christlichen Theologen Eusebius von Caesarea. Mit Beitragen von: Balbina Babler, Peter Gemeinhardt, Jens Halfwassen, Theo Kobusch, Winrich Lohr, Heinz-Gunther Nesselrath, Christoph Riedweg, Ilinca Tanaseanu-Dobler, Andrea Villani. (shrink)

S'il est vrai que l'auteur des Actes des Apôtres peut être en un sens considéré comme le premier historien du christianisme, s'il est également vrai que les Ile et Ille siècles ont vu naître des écrits qui ont entre autres une portées historique , c'est avec Eusèbe de Césarée que surgit la conscience de produire, avec son Histoire ecclésiastique, quelque chose de nouveau : « Je suis, en effet, le premier, écrira-t-il, à m'avancer pour ainsi dire sur un chemin désert (...) et inviolé. » Après avoir étudié l'oeuvre d'Eusèbe, M. Fédou présente ses continuateurs en Orient et en Occident avant d'examiner sa position par rapport à l'historiographie païenne et la manière dont les historiens plus tardifs ont interprété l'histoire de l'Eglise pendant et après la crise de l'arianisme.If it is true that the author of the Acts of the Apostles can be considered in a sense the first historian of Christianity, and if it is also true that the 2rd and 3rd centuries saw the birth of writings that, among others, have a historical importance, , it is, nevertheless, Eusebius of Caesarea who gave rise to an awareness of producing something new with his Ecclesiastical History. He wrote: “I am, indeed, the first to go forward, as it were, on a deserted and inviolate road.” After studying the work of Eusebius, M. Fédou presents his commentaries on East and West before examining his position as regards pagan historiography and the manner in which later historians had interpreted the history of the Church during and after the crisis of Arianism. (shrink)

Œnomaus of Gadara, in his work Detection of Deceivers, of which long fragments are preserved by Eusebius of Caesarea, contests Apollo’s oracles in name of the human action contingency. His targets are not only the Democritean and Stoic determinism, but also the Middle Platonic view of conditional fate. In a fictional address to Apollo, he demonstrates the contingency of the action, in an original way, which he extends to the field of the animal action. The examination of his (...) argument shows that the Stoic conceptions of what depends on us and of consciousness are cannibalized against determinism. (shrink)

Qui a écrit la première histoire du christianisme ? La recherche historienne moderne a rarement hésité à pointer le doigt vers Eusèbe de Césarée, ainsi que le rappellent dans ce dossier les contributions de M. Fédou et de M. Heinzelmann. Une telle reconnaissance devait amener une dégradation de la qualité historienne de l’œuvre lucanienne, évangile et Actes des Apôtres, reconnue jusqu’au XVIIIe siècle. Ainsi, jusque dans les années 60 du XXe siècle, la recherche sur cette œuvre devait être dominée par (...) cette tonalité lourde. Une révision de ces attitudes, dont certaines se sont manifestées dès le début de ce même siècle, s’est depuis engagée, grâce notamment à une meilleure connaissance et acceptation des caractéristiques de l’historiographie ancienne. C’est donc un véritable historien qui se révèle désormais dans l’œuvre lucanienne, légitimant du même coup le concept d’histoire théologique, et rendant à Luc sa place, la première, bien avant Eusèbe de Césarée.Who wrote the first history of Christianity? Modern historical research has rarely hesitated to designate Eusebius of Caesarea, as the contributions of M. Fédou and M. Heizelmann recall here. Such recognition led to downgrading the historical quality of Luke’s writings, the Gospel and Acts of the Apostles, which had been accepted until the 18th century. Thus, up until the 1960’s, research on these writings was dominated by this overriding approach. A revision of these attitudes, some of which arose in the early 20th century, has since emerged, especially due to a better understanding and acceptance of the characteristics of ancient historiography. Hence, Luke now appears as a true historian, thereby legitimizing the concept of theological history and once again acknowledging Luke’s place as the first historian of Christianity, well before Eusebius of Caesarea. (shrink)

This paper proposes a number of improvements to the text of Basil of Caesarea's Homiliae in hexaemeron 4 and 5. The biblical text poses particular problems for the fourth and the fifth homilies. Therefore, the text form of Genesis from these two homilies is discussed first, and then further individual instances from the fourth and the fifth homilies are examined. The passages are presented in the format of a commentary under the assumption that the reader has the GCS edition (...) at hand. (shrink)

Was Sabellius really a Libyan? Examining contemporary sources and ancient historiography on one of the most enigmatic heretics in the history of dogmas, the article shows that the Libyan origin of Sabellius is unlikely, and that it is an exaggeration to claim that Libya was a Sabellian home in the third century. Eusebius of Caesarea is probably guilty of having identified the adversaries of Dionysius of Alexandria located in Ptolemais as disciples of Sabellius, and the testimony of Origen (...) on the theology of the identification between the Father and Christ is too abstract to deduce that this theology was as widely diffused in the East as it has previously been held. (shrink)

Both Origen and Basil of Caesarea report that some people saw Ps. 115,2 LXX – “ I said in my alarm, ' Every human being is a liar ' ” -- as an expression of the Liar Paradox and formulated a version of the paradox based upon it. But Ps. 115,2 is actually not susceptible to the Liar paradox, despite Origen and Basil believing it to be so. Not realizing this, both sought to undermine the possibility that Ps. 115,2 (...) did express the Liar paradox by offering a contextual exegesis, in which they argue that the speaker of the verse, David, can be considered a god, not a human being. (shrink)

In contemporary research, the prevailing view is that the Therapeuts, of which Philo of Alexandria writes in Vita Contemplativa, were a Jewish group or sect. There is also an opinion that Therapeuts are the product of Philo’s utopian fantasy. In both cases, the report of Eusebius of Caesarea in the Church history is dismissed as unfounded. In this paper, we will outline the reasons why we believe that Eusebius’s view cannot be rejected as unfounded, and that it (...) is more convincing than alternative assumptions. (shrink)

It would be hard to find a more effective visual source for understanding the political ideology that underscores Dante's relationship to Boniface VIII in the Divina Commedia than the frescoes that line the walls of the Oratorio di San Silvestro in the Basilica of the Santi Quattro Coronati in Rome. These frescoes, which depict episodes from the life of St. Sylvester and his relationship to the emperor Constantine, express as their clear subtext the thirteenth-century papacy's view of the proper relationship (...) between ecclesiastical and secular power . Their vivid dramatization of these events synthesizes and, more importantly, interprets two well-known literary sources: the life of St. Sylvester that was thought to have been composed by Eusebius of Caesarea and the text of the Donation of Constantine, the Constitutum Constantini. The account of the life of St. Sylvester that is contained in the Golden Legend also provides a readily accessible point of reference for the cycle, since it is roughly contemporaneous with it and is itself a compilation based on these earlier texts. (shrink)

This article will attempt to show that from the beginning of the letter of Eusebius of Nicodemia to Paulinus of Tyre, the meaning of ὁμοούσιος should be sought in the opposition on the part of the Council of Nicea to the divisive doctrine of hypostases by Arius and his followers. The assertion of the similarity or identity of nature or ousia between the Father and the Son that ὁμοούσιος suggests is traceable to the teaching of Alexander of Alexandria, but (...) also of Eusthatius of Antioch, so that it could be thought that in Nicea a convergence between the two major opponents of Arius could have taken place, in the same way in which it had occurred over the Antiochene formula of 325. Analysis of the doctrine of ὁμοούσιος by Athanasius confirms that the term was opposed to the divisive interpretation of the hypostases within Arianism. The second part of the article, takes into consideration the study on the interpretation of the Nicene ὁμοούσιος proposed by P. F. Beatrice. The Author argues that Beatrice’s thesis, which attempts to trace the introduction of the term in the Nicene Creed back exclusively to Constantine, with the agreement of Eusebius of Caesarea, is not backed by the documentation at our disposal. (shrink)

IN the Byzantinische Zeitschrift xxi. 52 Paul Maas states: ‘Es ist das Verdienst von H. B. Dewing, zuerst erkannt zu haben, dasz Prokop seine Satzschliisse rhythmisch reguliert.’ That this is only partly true appears from the remark of Heisenberg in the Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 1901, Sp. 1481, who comments on it, and that in a case of text–criticism, and likewise from a remark of Cronert in the Rheinisches Museum, 54, 1899, 593. Dewing was the first to point out the connection (...) between the rhythm of Procopius and Meyer's law and to collect specific statistical material, although his numbers are to a great extent of no practical value. Compare in this connection Maas B.Z. xix. 593 . It appears to me that the correct statement of the end–rhythm of Procopius is that given by Maas for Constantinus Manasses, B.Z. xi. 505: ‘Im Ausgang der Satzglieder musz die Zahl der zwischen den letzten beiden Hochtonen stehenden Silben eine gerade sein,’ on condition that 0 is considered as an even number. (shrink)

Le présent article propose de s’intéresser une nouvelle fois au document juridique romain qui est improprement qualifié d’ « Édit de Milan ». L’approche et les arguments avancés ici ne sont pas nécessairement nouveaux et originaux. Néanmoins, il a semblé qu’un énième retour sur cette question s’imposait, après que plusieurs manifestations scientifiques internationales ont été organisées à l’occasion du supposé 1700e anniversaire de la proclamation de ce document par Constantin Ier. On verra, notamment, que le qualificatif d’edictum remonte à une (...) erreur de traduction du grec vers le latin. On s’intéressera aussi à la nature juridique, de même qu’à la signification et à l’intérêt historiques du texte que nous ont livré Eusèbe de Césarée et Lactance. (shrink)

Procopius employs the motif of “grieving in silence” to describe the deliberations preceding Justinian’s invasion of Vandal North Africa in 533 (Wars 3.10.7-8) and his vendetta against the urban prefect of Constantinople in 523 (HA 9.41). The particularity of Procopius’ language in these passages makes their collocation especially pronounced. The distance between the Wars and the Secret History, which represents itself breaking the silence between what the Wars can state publicly and the unvarnished truth (HA 1.1-10), may be measured by (...) two “wise advisers” who speak when others are silent: the quaestor Proclus, warmly remembered for his probity, and the praetorian prefect John the Cappadocian, a figure universally reviled. Discontinuities between the presentation of John in the Wars and the merits of the policies he endorses problematize readers’ impressions of not only John but also the relationship between the Wars and the historical reality the work claims to represent. (shrink)

The quintessence of Byzantine faith is the twofold identification of the God-Man. Yet, the image of God Jesus Christ and the transcendent Trinity is a one-God concept. Inevitability, I argue Byzantine aesthetics had to recognize God as both anthropomorphous and divine. Since, omission of God’s divinity would verify God as divisible. In line with apophatic theology, Byzantine aesthetics used non-categorizations and non-identifications, what I denominate meta-images, to teach about God’s divinity and that God is. Since 'holy' equals right manner and (...) right teaching about God , anything else would have been heresy. The desired effect of salvation would come to naught if the image did not concur with 'right opinion' . Contemplation and imitation as well as communion with God depend on aesthetics 'of right belief' . God is Beauty and God is Truth, and vice versa. In context of aesthetics, the idea of beauty refers to potential impetus to restore the natural image in the believer. Beauty identifies in deification , spiritual knowledge of the supreme beauty of God. Beauty does not refer to the perishable, but to the imperishable, not to physical strength and vigor, but to spiritual strength, yearning, and purity. Aesthetic approaches that help believers go beyond physical law to divine law, beyond the corporeal mundane to spiritual knowledge are good and beautiful. Interaction of narration, flattened corporeality, inverted perspectives, and meta-images such as light, brilliance, and patterned borders identifies the twofold reality of God and the historical event within and beyond time and space. This interaction of Incarnation and Grace refers to the Beauty of God, the prerequisite for salvation of humankind. (shrink)