The growing presence of smart devices in our lives turns all of society into something largely unknown to us. The strategy of demanding transparency stems from the desire to reduce the ignorance to which this automated society seems to condemn us. An evaluation of this strategy first requires that we distinguish the different types of non-transparency. Once we reveal the limits of the transparency needed to confront these devices, the article examines the alternative strategy of explainable artificial intelligence and concludes (...) with the idea that these types of complex realities exceed individual capacities and are only comprehensible in a collective fashion. (shrink)

Introduction : the future taken seriously -- The future of democratic societies : a theory of intergenerational justice -- The temporal landscape of contemporary society : a theory of acceleration -- How do we know the future? : a theory of future studies -- How is the future decided? : a theory of decision -- Who is in charge of the future? : a theory of responsibility -- Chronopolitics : a theory of social rhythm -- Politics in a post-heroic society (...) : a theory of political contingency -- The political construction of collective hope. (shrink)

El conocimiento, más que un medio para saber es un instrumento para convivir. Su función más importante no consiste en reflejar una supuesta verdad objetiva, adecuando nuestras percepciones a la realidad exterior, sino en convertirse en el dispositivo más poderoso a la hora de configurar un espacio democrático de vida común entre los seres humanos. Y es que nuestros principales problemas colectivos no son, contra lo que suele afirmarse, problemas de voluntad, de falta de decisión o de inmoralidad; deberíamos considerarlos (...) también fracasos cognoscitivos o que tienen su origen en un organización deficiente del conocimiento desde el punto de vista de su legitimidad democrática. Este libro desarrolla la tesis de que el conocimiento y sus aledaños (las políticas de la ciencia y la innovación, el asesoramiento político a los gobiernos, la evaluación de las políticas públicas, la comprensión de las actuales transformaciones sociales o la competencia cognoscitiva de los reguladores) son ámbitos donde se decide no sólo la prosperidad económica sino, fundamentalmente, la calidad democrática. Las políticas del conocimiento y a través del conocimiento se nos han convertido en un asunto de ciudadanía democrática, donde nos jugamos muchos problemas teóricos pero, principalmente, la calidad de nuestro espacio público. (shrink)

El autor hace una crítica a la pretensión de la ciencia económica de constituirse como un saber exacto e hiperespecializado al considerar que esta pretensión se ha traducido en una pérdida de la capacidad que es necesaria para comprender la complejidad social de las realidades económicas. Seducida por el objetivo de la exactitud, la economía parece haber olvidado su carácter de construcción social. Además, la economía ha olvidado que es una más entre las ciencias sociales y el largo periodo en (...) el que se ha separado de ellas reivindicando su plena autonomía no ha sido satisfactorio ni para ella ni para el resto de las ciencias sociales. Según el autor la crítica al capitalismo contemporáneo, si quiere ser más radical que moralizante, debe dirigirse a combatir el supuesto realismo de la ciencia económica dominante.The author criticizes the pretension of economic sciences of being an exact science and its tendency to specialization. The consequences of those pretensions are a loss of its capacity to understand the social complexity of the economic realities. The economy, seduced by its aim of exactitude, seems to forget that it is a social construction. Moreover, economy seems to forget that it is just a social science, and for a long period of time economy evolved as a separated and autonomous science; that time was not good neither for economic science neither for social sciences in general. According to the author, if we want to build a more radical and not only moralizing critique to contemporary capitalism, we must criticize the hypothetical realism of the economic science. (shrink)

Those who claim, whether with fear or with hope, that algorithmic governance can control politics or the whole political process or that artificial intelligence is capable of taking charge of or wrecking democracy, recognize that this is not yet possible with our current technological capabilities but that it could come about in the future if we had better quality data or more powerful computational tools. Those who fear or desire this algorithmic suppression of democracy assume that something similar will be (...) possible someday and that it is only a question of technological progress. If that were the case, no limits would be insurmountable on principle. I want to challenge that conception with a limit that is less normative than epistemological; there are things that artificial intelligence cannot do, because it is unable to do them, not because it should not do them, and this is particularly apparent in politics, which is a peculiar decision-making realm. Machines and people take decisions in a very different fashion. Human beings are particularly gifted at one type of situation and very clumsy in others. The part of politics that is, strictly speaking, political is where this contrast and our greatest aptitude are most apparent. If that is the case, as I believe, then the possibility that democracy will one day be taken over by artificial intelligence is, as a fear or as a desire, manifestly exaggerated. The corresponding counterpart to this is: if the fear that democracy could disappear at the hands of artificial intelligence is not realistic, then we should not expect exorbitant benefits from it either. For epistemic reasons that I will explain, it does not seem likely that artificial intelligence is capable of taking over political logic. (shrink)

We are still unable to correctly identify the true crisis in Europe: whether it is a question of a lack of a demos or cratos; whether it is the democracy, legitimacy, or justice that is inadequate; whether we are facing a problem of intelligibility or of too little politicization. The article begin the analysis with three hypotheses: (1) none of the attempts to explain the crisis that focus on a single deficit or weakness seems satisfactory, so the discussion should focus (...) on the way these types of deficiencies are expressed and the extent to which each one of them is involved. For this very reason, it makes no sense to entrust the entire solution to the strengthening of one single criterion (participation, effectiveness, or communication, for example). (2) Polarizing the legitimacy framework around two possibilities (input and output) seems to be a simplification that does not do justice to the intricate way in which the results and the procedures, effectiveness and consent are related in a democracy. (3) The resulting description cannot be less complex than that which it is attempting to describe, so the task of repairing EU legitimacy should be carried out through a sophisticated division of labor (between institutions, criteria, and values). The process of European integration may be one of the most interesting manifestations of a general problem in today’s societies: how to reconstruct political authority to confront the new challenges of communal life. (shrink)

La ciencia se ha convertido en cada vez más en un asunto público, lo que indudablemente requiere una monitorización de su calidad. Este artículo examina los beneficios de la evaluación de la ciencia, pero llama la atención sobre algunos de sus límites y paradojas, como la dificultad que estos procedimientos tienen para registrar lo verdaderamente nuevo, sus efectos secundarios o el hecho de que generalmente no respeten la especificidad de las ciencias humanas y sociales.

Si la democracia consiste en posibilitar que todas las personas tengan iguales posibilidades de influir en las decisiones que les afectan, las sociedades digitales tienen que interrogarse por el modo de conseguir que los nuevos entornos hagan factible esa igualdad. Las primeras dificultades son conceptuales: entender cómo se configura la interacción entre los humanos y los algoritmos, en qué consiste el aprendizaje de estos dispositivos y cuál es la naturaleza de sus sesgos. Inmediatamente después nos topamos con la cuestión ineludible (...) de qué clase de igualdad estamos tratando de asegurar, teniendo en cuenta la diversidad de concepciones de la justicia que hay en nuestras sociedades. Si articular ese pluralismo no es un asunto que pueda resolverse con una técnica agregativa, sino que requiere compromisos políticos, entonces una concepción deliberativa de la democracia parece la más apta para conseguir esa igualdad a la que aspiran las sociedades democráticas. (shrink)

A major collection of essays by a multidisciplinary panel of experts exploring the various interpretations of the European crisis and the future of the European Union.

This book calls for a philosophical consideration of the development, challenges and successes of the European Union. The author argues that conceptual innovation is essential if progress on the European project is to be made; new meanings, rather than financial or institutional engineering solutions, will help solve the crisis. By applying a philosophical approach to diagnosing the EU crisis, the book reconsiders the basic concepts of democracy in the context of the complex reality of the EU and the globalised world (...) where profound social and political changes are taking place. It will be of interest to students and scholars interested in EU politics, political theory and philosophy. (shrink)

The source of hospitality lies in the fundamental ethical experiences that make up the fabric of the social lives of people. Therein lies a primary form of humanity. Whether we are guests or hosts, this reveals our situation in a world made up of receiving and meeting, leaving room for the liberty to give and receive beyond the imperatives of reciprocity. This book proposes an ethic that promotes the possibility of stirring emotion before that of protecting ourselves from unexpected encounters. (...) Fundamental ethical competence consists of opening up to the wholly-other and to others, to be accessible to the world s solicitations. There is moral superiority of vulnerable love over control and moderation, of generous passion over rational prudence and of excess over exchange. Constructing an ethic of hospitality is essential at a time when we are torn between the imperatives of modernization and growth and the demands of concern and protection. The experience we all have today, that of the fragility of the world, is giving rise to a powerful tendency toward solicitude. From such a perspective, the duty of individuals no longer consists of protecting themselves from society, but of defending it, taking care of a social fabric outside of which no identity can be formed. ". (shrink)

Forms of failure in later Beethoven.- In the later style of Beethoven can be seen certain modes of expression which could be understood as a criticism of absolute idealism. The way in which the sonata-form breaks up is what best illustrates the failure of hegemonic subjecti-vity.

When we talk about globalization, we tend to focus on its social and economic benefits. In Governance in the New Global Disorder, the political philosopher Daniel Innerarity considers its unsettling and largely unacknowledged consequences. The "opening" of different societies to new ideas, products, and forms of prosperity has introduced a persistent uncertainty, or disorder, into everyday life. Multinational corporations have weakened sovereignty. We no longer know who is in control or who is responsible. Economies can collapse without sufficient warning, and (...) the effort to rebuild can drag on for years. Piracy is everywhere. Is there any way to balance the interests of state, marketplace, and society in this new construct of power? Since national economies have become deterritorialized and political interdependencies aggravate our common vulnerabilities, Innerarity contends that there is no other solution except to move toward global governance and a denationalization of justice. Globalization tries to unify the world through technologies, the economy, and cultural products and styles, but it cannot articulate or regulate political and legal equivalents. Everyone faces the same risks to their security, food supply, health, financial stability, and environment, and these risks demand a new global politics of humanity. In her foreword, the sociologist Saskia Sassen isolates the key takeaways from Innerarity's argument and the solutions they present to growing global tensions. (shrink)

Humanity at Risk compares diverse approaches to the theme of global threats using the tools of philosophy, critical theory, and political thought alongside more practical, socio-political observations. By defining the idea of "global risk" more specifically, Editors Innerarity and Solana, and their contributors, believe we can understand how these risks should be evaluated, predicted, and managed within the framework of democratic societies.The goal of this book is to highlight more precisely the necessity, in the face of new global risks, for (...) new governance at a national, European, and global level. (shrink)

La filosofia debe ser breve, como la vida, a la cual está destinada. Esta idea debe corregir el universalismo y la atemporalidad que han dominado cada vez más la Ética Filosófica en su concepción de la virtud y la norma. El autor analiza para ello tres aspectos: 1. La condición temporal de la vida humana, sobre todo las implicaciones positivas de su brevedad, 2. El estar fuera de nuestro control de los comienzos y los fines en que se inscribe nuestra (...) acción, 3. El sentido antropológico de la fatiga. Si la vida buena tiene que ser realizada en y con el tiempo y no a pesar de él, la función de la reflexión moral debe evitar dos peligros: sobrevalorarse o infravalorarse. (shrink)

In this article I examine the extent to which the European crisis has debunked certain images of Europe and spread other new ones. I will try to summarize the stages of this symbolic tour through furtive and mechanical Europe; the remoteness of non-salient Europe; the Europe that hopes and the Europe that fears; headstrong Europe, which claims that crises are necessarily opportunities; and then, the Europe with which I identify the most: contingent Europe, which could be or not be, or (...) be in another fashion, whose interest lies in that it is an uncertain product of our conditioned freedom and which, for that very reason, we can consider a politicized Europe. (shrink)

The issue of climate change has become an ethical and political controversy of the first magnitude. This is a very eloquent case of what might be called “complex justice”, both by the difficulty of assessing the causes and impacts, and the fact that in the controversies that come into play there are different conceptions of justice and due to the complexity and the number of institutions involved in its governance, markets and states, public sector and private sector, science and politics.

Nietzsche understood philosophy as an activity wich arises from a profound passion for truth. This article examines such pathos and tries to show its inconsistencies thus terminating in a philosophy of appearances.

RESUMEN: Una crisis como la del coronavirus, que ha tenido lugar en un entorno digitalizado, ha puesto a prueba la capacidad y los límites del big data para proporcionarnos una imagen completa de la realidad e indicaciones para gestionar la pandemia. Uno de los aprendizajes que hemos de realizar es entender que los datos reflejan la desigualdad existente y, sin una correcta interpretación, invisibilizan a los grupos más vulnerables. Para ello lo más importante es dejar de concebir la realidad social (...) a partir de los criterios estandarizados y pensarla como compuesta de individuos y grupos. (shrink)

Las demás personas son fundamentalmente otros tiempos. La fuente de extraíieza es más la temporalidad de los otros que su localización en un espacio, por lo que el autor defiende una concepción del otro más temporal que espacial. Una consecuencia ética de este planteamiento es reconsiderar los valores y las virtudes desde la finitud de la temporalidad y no desde el universalismo abstracto del deber establecido por la ética tradicional.

If we understand modernity as the construction of a distinction –i.e. subjectivity vs. objectivity– postmodernity can be considered the abolition of that distinction, after the experience of its apories. In this paper the interest points towards a non disjunctive direction, towards a kind of thought that may embrace both ambigüity and the relative indiscernibility of the opposites.

La cuestión acerca de la crisis de valores es reconducida a un examen de los denominados valores postmaterialistasy la nueva ética del cuidado. La individualización social no disuelve necesariamente los valores sino que les confiere una nueva forma. aquélla que, como el espacio de la promesa, tiene su origen en la capacidad de obligarse libremente. Se contigura así una especie de distancia de seguridad respecto de sí mismo gracias a la cual es superado el deseo inmediato, los otros irrumpen en (...) nuestras valoraciones y se adquiere la sabiduría de la decepción. (shrink)

In a so-called knowledge society, whenever we have to choose, decide, anticipate, or entrust a task, the range of options available tends to be so large that we cannot be satisfied that no relevant possibilities have been overlooked. Both individuals and societies as a whole are compelled to manage this explosion of opportunities in its myriad forms, which is why the astute management of the excess of options occupies the majority of their time. Our most important act is the organization (...) of uncertainty. Given the lack of proportion between our limited knowledge and the problems we need to confront, what we celebrate as a “knowledge society” is also a society of ignorance. This essay, published as a guest column, concludes that, in the coming years, the principal controversies we will face will involve questions about what we know, about what we do not know, and about the incompleteness of the knowledge on which we must base collective decisions. (shrink)

The future of democratic societies is at stake in the manner we articulate the legitimacy of their decisions and the cognitive competence with which those decisions are taken. Nowadays this requirement clashes with the drawback that there is an indomitable dimension of ignorance that cannot be eliminated but rather needs to be managed. The experts’ advice increasingly takes on board these ‘unknown unknowns’, whereby the relationship between science and politics has become just as necessary as it is complex.