As long as a man's sensibility (Emilius, p. 4, vol. ii.) " is confined to himself, there is no morality in his actions. It is " only when he begins to extend his sensibility to others, that he " first conceives those sentiments, and afterwards, those notions...

v. 1. 1737-1756, lettres 1-249 -- v. 2. 1757-1760, lettres 250-464 -- v. 3.1761-1774, lettres 465-720 -- v. 4. 1774-1800, lettres 721-855 -- v. 5. Quatre nouvelles lettres, errata, additions et modifications, lettres exclues de l'édition proprement dite, généalogies, liste des lettres, index et table des matières.

This article explores a historical challenge for contemporary accounts of the role that the desire of being esteemed can play in exercising social control. According to Geoffrey Brennan and Philip Pettit, the economy of esteem normally has two aspects: it is supportive of virtuous action and it occurs spontaneously. The analysis of esteem presented by the 18th‐century materialist Claude‐Adrien Helvétius challenges the intuition that these two aspects go together unproblematically. This is so because, in Helvétius's view, the desire for esteem (...) is always triggered by sensible interest. In the frequent situations where sensible interest diverges from the demands of virtue, the economy of esteem thus can be spontaneous but will not be supportive of virtue. Helvétius allows for cases of moral luck where sensible interest coincides with the demands of virtue but regards these cases as rare occurrences. This is why he believes that a functioning economy of esteem crucially depends on political constitutions—in which case the economy of esteem can be supportive of virtue but will not be spontaneous. (shrink)

Existe uma reconhecida proximidade entre os materialistas franceses do século XVIII que teria se mostrado tanto em investigações sobre a natureza quanto à moral e organização pública. Porém, as divergências entre eles podem desencadear um entendimento muito diferente sobre como se considera uma sociedade. Por isso é necessário analisar no detalhe tais divergências para determinar seu ponto nevrálgico. O presente artigo dedica-se à investigação das críticas feitas por Diderot à Helvétius, reunidas em Réfutations d’Helvétius. Para tanto, centra-se na distinta concepção (...) da natureza da sensibilidade humana e sua importância para o desenvolvimento humano no que concerne à educação e a moral. (shrink)

How persuasive are Rousseau’s and Diderot’s objections against Helvétius’s view that it is always interest that guides our esteem? Against Helvétius’s view that we always esteem ourselves in others, Rousseau objects that we can esteem the ideas that we recognize to be superior to our own ideas; against Helvétius’s idea that particu-lar societies and nations can only esteem ideas that are useful for them, Diderot objects that we can experience and esteem the feeling of universal benevolence. However, Rousseau and Diderot (...) overlook that Helvétius’s conception of moral luck explains why experiences of the kind that they describe can occur. At the same time, Helvétius’s conception of moral luck explains why these experiences occur so rarely. This is why he holds that what we esteem needs to be modified through republican constitution building—expresses itself a kind of opti-mism concerning the possibility of cultivating morally good qualities of individuals through political agency. (shrink)

It is a remarkable fact that of all the ideas and aspirations which led up to the Revolution the concept and desire of political liberty, in the full sense of the term, were the last to emerge, as they were also the first to pass away. Alexis de Tocqueville.

ABSTRACTDe l’esprit was read and commented on by Rousseau, Diderot, and Voltaire, in 1758. So was De l’homme when it appeared posthumously in 1773. We will go into this series of books, marginalia, and refutations, to address the question: what exactly was widely discussed between the three authors during the 1750s? Is it ‘materialism’? Our first point is to interpret the potential distortions, re-workings or re-appropriations in Rousseau’s marginalia, known as Notes sur De l’esprit, especially here about the so-called theory (...) of passive judgement. We will then see that there certainly is, in the discussion between Rousseau and Helvétius, a real opposition on the question of matter and its properties, as the examination of the Favre manuscript and the revised version of Émile would easily prove it. But this question is not the key to Rousseau’s first reaction to Helvétius's De l’esprit. I shall focus on the moral and anthropological dimensions of the discussion in the Notes. From this point of view, we wil... (shrink)

The present article draws attention to some specific similarities between Helvétius and Bentham in their treatments of the morality of the desire for esteem. These similarities can be observed in three fields: (1) Helvétius and Bentham integrate the desire for esteem into more general accounts of how sensible interest motivates human action; (2) they analyse various everyday situations in which the desire for esteems has consequences that are detrimental for social life; and (3) they emphasize republican constitution building as an (...) instrument for making the desire for esteem virtue-supporting. (shrink)

O presente artigo debruça-se na crítica de Diderot à Helvétius. Apesar da crítica ser feita pontualmente a cada trecho comentado do livro De l’Homme de Helvétius, consideramos que ela possui um núcleo principal, que é a diferente concepção de materialismo dos autores e suas consequências para o que ambos anseiam para a sociedade. Por isso, investigamos o que há no horizonte do materialismo de Helvétius e de Diderot no que concerne à educação e como, apesar de estarem próximos no ponto (...) de partida, o materialismo, seu norte é diferente. A escolha do tema da educação justifica-se por tratar-se de algo que ultrapassa a teorização filosófica e busca inserção prática na sociedade, mostrando assim não só as consequências práticas das teses materialistas como também o ideal de sociedade proposto por cada autor. Aqui, apontamos para as principais diretrizes sobre a construção de uma educação institucional em De l’Esprit (1754) e De l’Homme (1771), de Helvétius, nas Em Reflexions sur le livre De l’Esprit (1877) e Refutations suivre l’ouvrage intitule De l’Homme (1877)1, e em outras obras de Diderot. 1 As críticas reunidas de Diderot foram publicadas apenas postumamente. Estima-se que a segunda, dedicada à De l’Homme foi redigida em um longo período, que coincide com a redação do Plan d’Université (1775) e Elements de Phisiologie (1875). (shrink)

Diderot, Denis: El sobrino de Rameau. El mundo sin Dios y el hombre en la naturaleza; conversación entre d'Alembert y Diderot. Sueño de d'Alembert (fragmentos) -- Holbach, Baron von. Sistema de la naturaleza. -- Helvetius, C. A. Del espíritu.

It is widely accepted that Bentham was influenced by the thought of Helvétius. But the fact that Bentham copied some elements from Helvétius leads to the question of how he changed the Helvétian ideas, and in what respects he aspired to go further than Helvétius. Taking as a starting point Bentham's claim that Helvétius was the Bacon of moral science, whereas he himself was to be the Newton, I argue for the following. First, Bentham's theory can be understood as an (...) attempt to work out in detail the theoretical programme that Helvétius outlined in order to reform moral philosophy. Second, in contrast to Helvétius, Bentham's theory is guided by considerations of feasibility, and this leads to claims that are more moderate than Helvétius's claims. Third, whereas Helvétius did not indicate how utilitarian principles should enter political decisions, in Bentham's approach the citizens, and especially philosophers, are considered active political agents. (shrink)

It is a well-worn, yet astonishingly resilient, cliché that the Enlightenment was the “Age of Reason”. By focusing on Diderot and Helvétius this paper shows that, rather than proceeding in the name of reason, key figures within the progressive philosophy of the French Enlightenment were in fact extremely suspicious of abstract reasoning and attempted to construct a philosophy which purged the faculty of reason entirely from its philosophical anthropology and reduced the mind’s functions to the single faculty of sensation and (...) so to the passions. It is in this sense that philosophy of the French Enlightenment attempted to produce a philosophy without reason. This paper reconstructs this attempt. In doing so it again engages critically with the idea that the philosophy of the Enlightenment was dogmatically rationalist, it provides a historical case study of a period in which philosophy pushed against the limits of its own identity, and it uses this attempt to reflect on the mythological not historiographical service which the cliché of Enlightenment Reason plays for the philosophical identity. (shrink)

Dans Passions de l’intérêt. Matérialisme et anthropologie chez Helvétius et Diderot, Sophie Audidière entreprend de réinventer une autre modernité philosophique (p. 13) en s’intéressant à la place centrale de la notion d’intérêt dans le corpus matérialiste français, particulièrement chez Diderot et Helvétius. Comme le pose de manière éclairante l’introduction, il s’agit alors d’opérer une double distanciation : d’une part, avec l’historiographie cousinienne héritée du XIXe siècle, qui procède...

Le XVIIIe siècle est l'âge d'or du matérialisme français. Qu'il prolonge la doctrine de la nécessité des événements de Hobbes, qu'il retourne la théorie des animaux machines contre Descartes pour penser l'homme machine, qu'il renouvelle l'idée d'une science de l'homme à partir d'une critique de l'intériorité subjective ou invente de nouveaux modèles, on retrouve souvent dans les œuvres les plus importantes la tentative de fournir une explication homogène de la nature, de la société et de l'esprit. Mais cet âge d'or (...) du matérialisme français, tout central qu'il fut dans la pensée des Lumières, n'y fut pourtant pas dominant. C'est pourquoi, outre son aspect proprement théorique, son style est polémique et critique: contre les fictions de la métaphysique, contre l'hypocrisie morale, contre la superstition religieuse. Affrontant directement les pouvoirs ecclésiastique, politique, universitaire, certains textes matérialistes ont vécu, comme on le sait, une vie clandestine et connu une histoire souterraine. Il est question ici de trois matérialistes français majeurs: La Mettrie, Helvétius et d'Holbach. Si ces trois auteurs sont privilégiés, c'est pour remettre au premier plan des œuvres qui ont été parfois éclipsées par l'ombre immense portée par une autre figure importante: Diderot. Mais Diderot n'est bien entendu pas absent du volume. Il se pourrait même que ce soit dans une confrontation avec lui que se dessinent les voies du matérialisme. (shrink)