School reforms in the late 19th century, mirroring larger social, economic, and political changes in American society, account für the permanent lodging of science into the high school curriculum. Major changes in science courses, texts, and instruction occurred in these years. These changes then and since, however, were marked by ideological struggles among groups of reformers representing university academics, policy makers, and educators over why science knowledge and pedagogy reflected deeply embedded value conflicts in American democracy and over the purposes (...) of the high school in such a society. (shrink)

This article explores the history of Vodou from outlawed African dance to revolutionary magic to depoliticized national Haitian religion and popular dance, its present reduction to Diaspora interpersonal healing, and a possible future. My first section, on Kate Ramsey’s The Spirits and the Law: Vodou and Power in Haiti, reveals Vodou as a sociopolitical construction of racist legal oppression of Africana dances rituals, and artistic-political resistance thereto. My second section, on Karen McCarthy Brown’s Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn, (...) a “postmodern ethnography” of intersectional oppressions and Black female Haitian resistance in the Diaspora, foregrounds the figure of Gedelia, a feminist variant on Papa Gede, central Vodou spirit (lwa) of resurrection and healing. Finally, my last section, on the “observing participant” analyses of Black dance anthropologist Yvonne Daniel’s Dancing Wisdom: Embodied Knowledge in Haitian Vodou, Cuban Yoruba, and Bahian Candomblé, finds a dancing Gedelia in her centering of Oyá, a warrior spirit of storms and death. On this basis, I propose the figure of tornadic black angels as a possible magical tool (in Vodou, a pwen, or “point”) intended to re-spiritualize and thereby re-politicize the secularized and whitewashed social Latin dance called “salsa” for social justice. (shrink)

The Cuban Revolution in 1959 installed in the Caribbean island the ideology of the extreme left, the revolutionary government, the transition from populism to Marxism in broad sectors of Latin American intllectual youth. Such context produced the entry into the geopolitical and sociocultural scene of the boom era as a movement for the liberal emancipation of Latin America and postulated its protagonists as mobilizers and inspirers of the ideological conflict in the bosom of the Cold War. These are (...) two unpublished and critical realities due to their socio-historical particularity, because they produced the radical change in Marxist politics and the metamorphosis of the Latin writer. Under the Latin Americanist perspective and beyond regionalism, our analytical interpretation will focus on such a pragmatic duality, shedding more light on a hypothetical question: If the uprising in the South was the product of the Cuban Revolution or explicit opposition to the cultural project of Havana. (shrink)

Cet article étudie les éditions du Noticiero ICAIC Latinoamericano (NIL), les actualités cinématographiques de la Révolution cubaine, qui reflètent la participation des femmes à la politique internationale de Cuba pendant la guerre froide. Un acteur institutionnel féminin se dégage tout particulièrement : la Fédération des femmes cubaines, dont on suit les voyages des dirigeantes dans les pays du bloc de l’Est. Ce rapprochement avec le « camp socialiste » est aussi sensible dans les éditions traitant de la mode ou du (...) sport féminin soviétiques, présentés comme des modèles à suivre. Les femmes sont également encouragées à défendre la Révolution, contre la menace que représentent les États-Unis, en s’engageant dans des milices féminines, suivant en ce sens l’exemple des combattantes vietnamiennes ou de l’agente est-allemande Tamara Bunke, alias « Tania », dont le NIL fait l’éloge. (shrink)

The guerrilla led by Fidel Castro and the political implications of his triumph in 1959 constitute a widely researched object of study. This text seeks to offer a reading of US responses through the construction of a geopolitical code, which aims to neutralise the revolutionary inspiration produced by the Cuban example in Latin America. The analysis draws on a series of primary sources to highlight the political, economic and diplomatic strands that shape White House foreign policy not only towards (...) Cuba, but also towards the whole of the region. (shrink)

In this article, I propose to examine the origins and follow the process of the development of philosophy in Mexico, its periods, currents and most important features, and some of the problems that it is confronting in modern times. One of the guiding ideas that structure this reflection is that philosophy in Mexico has developed along the horizon of a series of economic, political and social events to which philosophy itself has attempted to respond but that, in a manner both (...) simultaneous and decisive, have contributed to configuring philosophy itself. Among these events I would emphasize, first, the experience of the Mexican Revolution, but would add the experience of the Russian Revolution, World Wars I and II, the explosion of the atomic bomb and, later, the Cuban Revolution, the 1968 Student Movement in Mexico, the nuclear catastrophe in Chernobyl, the fall of the Berlin Wall and, more recently, the emergence of the Neo-Zapatista movement in the country, as well as the ecological disasters that characterized the 20th century. Nor can we ignore the great challenges that have emerged in recent decades due to the worldwide scourge of inequality, and the extensive migratory movements from poor countries to rich ones caused by the overwhelming force of diverse forms of political and religious fundamentalism, climate change and new forms and waves of violence on both the national and international levels. The recent development of philosophy in Mexico has been marked by growing professionalization and specialization and the formation of a solid community of philosophers with specialized journals that provide spaces for reasoned public discussion and debate that is subject to the argumentative constraints proper to the discipline and conforms to the criteria established by a community that finds itself coming into ever-closer contact with other philosophical communities in and beyond the Spanish-American world. However, and paradoxically, beside this emphasis on specialization, philosophy has lost some of its presence in the public space and grand national discussions and debates. As another central element of its discourse in recent decades we can mention the fact that, parallel to increasing specialization, philosophy in Mexico has been conducted, through its own development, towards greater interaction and dialogue with other sciences and disciplines, leading it to insert itself into a learning process that has allowed it to potentiate the development and advancement of philosophy itself. (shrink)

Moving to the discipline of political sociology, we will articulate certain contributions of the critical Argentine Marxists, Silvio Frondizi and José Aricó, whose primary writings spanned the decades of 1960s to the 1990s.As a hypothesis, we will consider that these contributions can be productively linked to the themes of the “translatability of scientific and philosophical languages” and of “constitutionalism”, referred to by Antonio Gramsci at different moments of his political-intellectual trajectory, but fundamentally in his already legendary Prison Notebooks.In the period (...) from the Cuban Revolution of 1959 to the transitions to democracy in Latin America in the last decades of the 20th century, what Frondizi and Aricó have set out to develop is the full potential of the notion of popular sovereignty. (shrink)

This special issue of _boundary 2_ revisits the 1960s through a global and multidisciplinary lens. It treats the decade as a global historical event, comprising decolonization, liberation, revolution, and movements against various establishments. Engaging questions of history and temporality, this issue illustrates that continued exploration and consideration of the 1960s around the world are crucial to a critical engagement with the present. Contributors to this issue represent a wide range of disciplines, from Latin American studies and sociology to political (...) theory and literary criticism. They bring a global perspective to the social and political legacy of the 1960s, touching on the Caribbean, Latin America, the former USSR, China, and France, as well as the United States. One contributor presents a reexamination of Latin American armed struggles in the 1960s that foregrounds the relatively positive influence of these struggles on present-day Latin American society and politics. Another contributor translates a seminal essay on José Martí written by one of Cuba’s foremost intellectuals in the mid-1960s, when the course of the Cuban revolution was still uncertain. Yet another contributor considers the forces that have sought to neutralize the struggles and negate the gains of the African American liberation movement in the 1960s American South. _Contributors_. John Beverley, Anthony Bogues, Christopher Connery, Roberto Fernández Retamar, Wlad Godzich, Boris Kagarlitsky, Nina Power, Hortense Spillers, Silvia D. Spitta, Alberto Toscano. (shrink)

Objetivo: Realizar un estudio retrospectivo, descriptivo e histórico sobre la Ortodoncia en Camagüey. Método: Se revisaron las bases de datos Scielo, Cumed y documentos impresos disponibles en bibliotecas, sobre evolución de la Ortodoncia a nivel mundial, nacional y provincial. Resultados: Se analizaron los resultados según diferentes momentos: desarrollo mundial de la Ortodoncia durante el siglo XIX; práctica de la Ortodoncia en Cuba desde el siglo XIX hasta después del triunfo de la Revolución; y el desarrollo de la Ortodoncia en Camagüey. (...) Conclusiones: El triunfo revolucionario provocó profundas transformaciones en la Estomatología. Los profesores que asumieron la enseñanza contribuyeron al desarrollo del país y la formación de profesionales competentes. También fue útil la comprensión y apoyo brindado por las direcciones provincial y nacional del Ministerio de Salud Pública. Objective: To carry out a retrospective, descriptive and historical study on the beginning and development of this specialization in the county of Camagüey. Method: Documents were revised it has more than enough history and evolution of the world Orthodontics, in the country and databases Scielo, Cumed and printed documents in books and magazines in libraries. Results: Their results were analyzed according to different moments: the develop of the Orthodontics during the XIX century; practice of the Orthodontics in Cuba during the XX century before and after the victory of the Cuban revolution; year 1962 and dentistry changes in the county of Camagüey and development of the Orthodontics in the territory. Conclusions: The revolutionary victory in Cuba caused deep transformations in the dentistry. The professors that assumed the teaching in Cuba contributed to the development of the country and the formation of competent professionals with positive values. The understanding and support toasted by the provincial and national addresses of the Ministry of Public health also useful. (shrink)

In 1968, Aimé Césaire travelled to Cuba to participate in the Havana Cultural Congress, a mass international meeting where delegates discussed the place of culture in the struggle against imperialism, neo-colonialism, and underdevelopment. Among the likes of C.L.R. James, Nicolás Guillén, René Depestre, Michel Leiris, and Daniel Guérin, it was in Havana that the Martinican politician undertook the until-now untranslated interview with Sonia Aratán for the Casa de las Américas revue and delivered his Cultural Congress conference paper – previously believed (...) by Césaire scholars to be lost. Both texts shed light on Césaire’s little-known views on Fidel Castro, the Cuban Revolution and Marxism in the context of late-1960s tricontinentalism. By reconstructing Césaire’s exchanges with Cuban writers before and during the Congress, we propose a consideration of the role of Cuba in Césaire’s political thought as a tragic possibility, combining the catastrophe of Caribbean history with the uncertain potential of new social forms. (shrink)

This article analyses the intellectual and political trajectory of the Pasado y Presente group in Argentina, focusing on its main representative, José María Aricó (1931–91). Although usually described as ‘the Argentine Gramscians’, the ‘Gramscianism’ of the Pasado y Presente group was actually little more than a theoretical cover for its erratic political behaviour, which led them from Stalinism to Guevarism, from Guevarism to Maoism, from Maoism to Montoneros’s branch of Peronism, and from Peronism to Alfonsín’s Radicalism. Politically, their weakest point (...) was that they distanced themselves from Stalinism empirically, because of the popularity of foquism, without undertaking a thorough critique of Stalinism. This made them vulnerable to the ubsequent crisis of Stalinism, which they identified with a ‘crisis of Marxism’ sans phrase. What made them historically significant was that they articulated the radicalisation of a whole social layer in Latin America under the impact of the Cuban Revolution, as well as its subsequent deradicalisation and adaptation to bourgeois parliamentary democracy. The article closes with an analysis of Aricó’s intellectual legacy, particularly his well-known book Marx y América Latina (1980). (shrink)

This article presents fashion as a mechanism of domination and political legitimacy, focusing on Soviet-type state socialist regimes. In particular, it documents some dynamics shaping the politics of fashion in the socio-political context of 1960s Cuba arguing that the consolidation of a radically new political order in the country was based, in part, on the production of denotative logistics that associated clothes with political values. The article concludes that denotative logistics are activated as mechanisms of impersonal rule in periods of (...) political transition or regime change, such as after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. In those moments, they articulate processes of social engineering oriented toward producing a new society and a new man. (shrink)

This article presents fashion as a mechanism of domination and political legitimacy, focusing on Soviet-type state socialist regimes. In particular, it documents some dynamics shaping the politics of fashion in the socio-political context of 1960s Cuba arguing that the consolidation of a radically new political order in the country was based, in part, on the production of denotative logistics that associated clothes with political values. The article concludes that denotative logistics are activated as mechanisms of impersonal rule in periods of (...) political transition or regime change, such as after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. In those moments, they articulate processes of social engineering oriented toward producing a new society and a new man. (shrink)

La revolución cubana es un proceso en el cual la producción de imágenes es parte fundamental para explicar su desarrollo histórico. A través de una fotografía de Fidel Castro, capturada por el fotorreportero español Enrique Meneses, se muestra la posibilidad de hacer una historia -en apego a la propuesta de John Mraz- con y de fotografías. Dicha representación iconográfica, toma de Fidel Castro en Sierra Maestra en los primeros meses de 1958, y que se integró en la edición de un (...) libro del mismo fotógrafo, ofrece una buena oportunidad para reflexionar sobre los aportes que tiene la iconología en el Circuncaribe, y toda América Latina. (shrink)

El mundo estaba en guerra o, por lo menos, el resto del mundo cuando nacimos. No quedaba claro contra quien peleaban, pero sí que el gran vencedor apuntaban a ser los EUA -cuna de la democracia y la libertad-. Ese era el escenario mundial que nos aguardaba acompañado de la fecha fundamental para tod..

Beginning in 1989, the breakup of the Soviet Bloc disrupted trade and cut off Cuba's source of subsidized fuel oil, making many modern agricultural practices impossible, including the wide use of pesticides. Among Cuba's responses was an emphasis on biological control of plant diseases. Research into biological control began in the 1930s, and after the revolution many scientists maintained an unofficial interest. When the 1989 economic crisis occurred, the government placed a high priority on biocontrol, and researchers were in (...) a position to begin immediate implementation. For example, the construction of factories for the mass production of biological agents had been approved in 1988, and are currently in operation. Disease monitoring was undertaken before the current crisis, with more than 90% of Cuban agriculture using it to some extent. Such monitoring has allowed a reduction in pesticide use. Since the 1989 onset of economic crisis the monitor system has not been greatly modified for use with biological control techniques, but an example of a successful transition from chemical treatment to biocontrol in Cuba is in banana plantations.At the various research centers, research is being conducted in the biocontrol of vegetable diseases, tobacco root diseases, nematodes, and pasture weeds. Technical research is being done on mass production of inoculum, the production of application formulations, and storage of biocontrol products. Because wide use of biocontrol agents was urgently desired, the government cooperated at every step of research, including in regulatory matters. Obstacles to successful biocontrol mentioned by Cuban scientists were the lack of taxonomic knowledge and the need for strict quality control.There are few economic studies of biocontrol agents despite the importance of such studies. Cuban scientists are in an excellent position to do such research. Forced by the economic crisis to act, Cuba has made a major change in national agronomic policy that may represent a significant and new direction for “modern” agricultural practices. (shrink)

How was this idealistic and utopian goal linked to specific political and economic programs? How do the policies of these particular regimes, based as they are on universal communist ideology, reflect national and cultural traditions? Cheng begins by exploring the origins of the idea of human perfectibility during the Enlightenment. His discussion moves to other European intellectual movements, and then to the creation of the Soviet Man, the first communist new man in world history. Subsequent chapters examine China's experiment with (...) human nature, starting with the nationalistic debate about a new national character at the turn of the twentieth century; and Cuban perceptions of the new man and his role in propelling the revolution from a nationalist, to a socialist, and finally a communist movement. The last chapter considers the global influence" --Book Jacket. (shrink)

How was this idealistic and utopian goal linked to specific political and economic programs? How do the policies of these particular regimes, based as they are on universal communist ideology, reflect national and cultural traditions? Cheng begins by exploring the origins of the idea of human perfectibility during the Enlightenment. His discussion moves to other European intellectual movements, and then to the creation of the Soviet Man, the first communist new man in world history. Subsequent chapters examine China's experiment with (...) human nature, starting with the nationalistic debate about a new national character at the turn of the twentieth century; and Cuban perceptions of the new man and his role in propelling the revolution from a nationalist, to a socialist, and finally a communist movement. The last chapter considers the global influence" --Book Jacket. (shrink)

The era from the late fifties to the early seventies was marked in Africa and the Caribbean by a rush of newly articulated anticolonial sentiment that was associated with the burgeoning of both international back consciousness and more localized nationalist movements. Between 1957 and 1973 the vast majority of African and the larger Caribbean colonies won their independence; the same period witnessed the Cuban and Algerian revolutions, the latter phase of the Kenyan “Mau Mau” revolt, the Katanga crisis in (...) the Cong, the Trinidadian Black Power uprising and, equally important for the atmosphere of militant defiance, the civil rights movement in the United States, the student revolts of 1968, and the humbling of the United States during the Vietnam War. This period was distinguished, among Caribbean and African intellectuals, by a pervasive mood of optimistic outrage. Frequently graduates of British or French universities, they were the first generation from their regions self-assured and numerous enough to call collectively for a renunciation of Western standards as the political revolts found their cultural counterparts in insurrections against the bequeathed values of the colonial powers.In the context of such challenges to an increasingly discredited European colonialism, a series of dissenting intellectual chose to utilize a European text as a strategy for getting “out from under this ancient mausoleum of [Western] historic achievement.”1 They seized upon The Tempest as a way of amplifying their class for decolonization within the bounds of the dominant cultures. But at the same time these Caribbeans and Africans adopted the play as a founding text in an oppositional lineage which issued from a geopolitically and historically specific set of cultural ambitions. They perceived that the play could contribute to their self-definition during a period of great flux. So, through repeated, reinforcing, transgressive appropriations of The Tempest, a once silenced group generated its own tradition of “error” which in turn served as one component of the grander counterhegemonic nationalist and black internationalist endeavors of the period. Because that era of Caribbean and African history was marked by such extensive, open contestation of cultural values, the destiny of The Tempest at that time throws into uncommonly stark relief the status of value as an unstable social process rather than a static and, in literary terms, merely textual attribute. Rob Nixon is a Ph.D. candidate in English at Columbia University. He is working on the topics of exile and Third World-metropolitan relations in the writing of V. S. and Shiva Naipaul. His previous contribution to Critical Inquiry is “No Names Apart: The Separation of Word and History in Derrida’s ‘Le Dernier Mot du Racisme’ ”. (shrink)

The 1989 collapse of trade relations with the former socialist bloc plunged Cuba into an economic and food crisis. Cuban farmers, scientists, and planners have responded with alternative agricultural technology to make up for imported food and Green Revolution inputs that are no longer available. A review of Cuban experience to date with biological pest control practices shows that, on the one hand, significant progress has been made that may serve as a model for other countries, while, (...) on the other hand, there still remains a long way to go if Cuba is to create a truly sustainable agriculture. It is essential that we understand the Cuban case if we are to be concerned about ethical issues in biological control. The apparent ability of Cuba to overcome a food crisis without significant use of pesticides stretches our concept of the possible. It thus helps refute the most common argument – that we couldn't “feed the hungry” without pesticides – against taking the “ethical” position in real-world pest management policy debates. (shrink)

Proposal of formation of the Cuban historical regions. Here are included six periods: the first, about the initial shaping of regions until the first half of the XVI century: the second, of early consolidation and arising of new subdivisions from the second XVI century halfto the beginnings of the XVIII; the third. of regional development and "plantacionist" climax, from the XVIII to the XIX; the fourth, of the regional base consolidation sugar-bowl, from the end of the XIX until the (...) first decades of the XX; an "intermezzo" between 1940s and 1950 where is produced a frustrated regional revitalización: and a fifth period, of balance search in the Cuban regional development, that began with the victory of the Castroist revolution in 1959. (shrink)

Se realizó una investigación con el objetivo de elaborar una semblanza del Comandante Dr. Alberto Oscar Ibietatorremendía Vega en el décimo aniversario de su fallecimiento. Hombre de positivos valores morales, políticos y sociales, que además de ejercer la Medicina y practicar varios deportes, integró varios procesos revolucionarios de izquierda con carácter antiimperialista, desde la Joven Cuba hasta el Movimiento 26 de Julio. Continuó en las filas del movimiento revolucionario donde asumió todas las tareas asignadas, especialmente el cumplimiento de misiones internacionalistas (...) en Argelia y Nicaragua. Su vida constituye un digno ejemplo para las nuevas generaciones, por lo que debe figurar en la historia de la Medicina cubana. An investigation was carried out with the objective of developing a biographic profile of the medical doctor and commander Alberto Oscar Ibietatorremendía Vega as a way to pay tribute to him during the tenth anniversary of his demise. Being a man of high moral, political and social values, he was a member of several revolutionary groups such as Joven Cuba and Movimiento 26 de Julio. Moreover, he practiced medicine and was active in several sports. After the triumph of the Revolution, he continued his work as a member of the revolutionary process. He held different responsibilities, especially those in international missions in Algeria and Nicaragua. His life is an example to the new generations and must therefore have a place in the history of Cuban medicine. (shrink)

Se mencionan hechos importantes y transformaciones ocurridas en el Ministerio de Salud Pública, la Educación Superior desde el siglo XX, y la Colaboración Internacional de Cuba después del triunfo de la Revolución. Se relata la experiencia docente durante 7 años de profesoras especialistas en Ortodoncia, quienes representaron la Facultad de Estomatología de la Universidad de Ciencias Médicas "Carlos J. Finlay" de Camagüey, en la Universidad de Saná en la República de Yemen. El reconocimiento por parte de estudiantes, profesores y evaluadores (...) externos de otras universidades del mundo árabe, sobre la calidad de programas de la especialidad, introducción de formas de organización docentes y la metodología en las evaluaciones frecuentes es una muestra de la utilidad de la colaboración docente cubana en países hermanos. Important events and changes that occurred within the Public Health Ministry, the Higher Education from the 20th century, and the International Collaboration of Cuba after the Triumph of the Revolution are mentioned. The objective of the work is to expose the teaching experiences during the teaching of the undergraduate degree in Stomatology and contribution provided by two medical teachers from the Medical University "Carlos J. Finlay" of Camagüey in Sana'a University, Republic of Yemen during the international collaboration for 7 years. Recognition by students, faculty and external evaluators of other universities in the Arab world on the equality of programs of specialty, introduction of Teaching Organization Forms and the methodology in the frequent evaluations is an example of the usefulness of the Cuban educational collaboration in neighboring countries. (shrink)

The author recalls his encounters with Jean-Paul Sartre in Cuba and Moscow, during the 1960s. Sarte?s views on Castro, the Cuban and Russian revolutions, as well as Sartre?s behaviours in the different countries he visited, are lively evoked in this short first-hand portrait.

Nonviolent action is activity undertaken to call for, struggle for, or achieve change without using violence. This paper examines St. John XXIII’s historic encyclical on world peace, Pacem in terris, and its relationship to nonviolent action. It focuses on two nonviolent actions that contributed to this historic magisterial teaching: John’s efforts to foster a resolution to the Cuban Missile Crisis and a fast undertaken by the spiritual activist Lanza del Vasto during Lent 1963. It argues that the very writing (...) of this papal letter was a form of nonviolent action and that it has inspired nonviolent action around the world since it was promulgated, including Catholic leadership in the People Power Revolution in the Philippines. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:104 Feminist Studies 44, no. 1. © 2018 by Feminist Studies, Inc. Estelle Carol The Chicago Women’s Graphics Collective: A Memoir In 1973, the Chicago Women’s Graphics Collective worked in an old run-down second-floor office on Belmont Avenue, which we shared with the main offices of the Chicago Women’s Liberation Union (CWLU).1 They call it New Town now, but in 1973, there wasn’t much new about it. We weren’t (...) the only artists in the building though; downstairs was a tattoo parlor. Still, it was better than having the studio located in my apartment on Newport Street, where there were silkscreen tables in the dining room and a bathroom that doubled as a darkroom. My bedroom door opened directly into the dining room and usually reeked of the foul chemicals we used to make the posters. Just one OSHA inspection would have shut us down forever, but it was not until later that we learned about the dangers of long-term exposure. On Newport Street, the apartment was right next to the Ravenswood Branch of the “L,” and it shook like the aftershock of a California earthquake each time a train passed. But we were in the midst of a women’s revolution, and our priorities were clear. 1. The Chicago Women’s Graphics Collective (WGC) was a “workgroup” of the CWLU from the very start. There were about 25 workgroups and other groups within the CWLU. CWLU outreach to recruit new members got a lot of new women into WGC. WGC, Women’s Liberation Rock Band, and Womankind Newspaper were the cultural arms of the CWLU. Cultural outreach to attract new CWLU members and new feminists to the movement in general was critical to the CWLU’s success. In Celebration of Amazons, 194. All posters designed and silkscreened collectively by the Chicago Women’s Liberation Union, www.cwluherstory.org. Courtesy of CWLU Herstory Project. All posters are on silkscreen. Turning Through Time, Workwoven, 195. Sisterhood Is Blooming, Springtime Will Never Be the Same, 190. Chicago Women’s Labor History, 194. International Women’s Day (reprinted from a Cuban poster). ABOVE Healthcare Is for People, Not for Profit, 195. OPPOSITE Abortion Is a Personal Decision, Not a Legal Debate, 190. ABOVE Healthcare Is for People, Not for Profit, 195. OPPOSITE Abortion Is a Personal Decision, Not a Legal Debate, 190. OPPOSITE Chicago Maternity Center, 192. ABOVE Lesbian Pride, 192. Mountain-Moving Day, 192. ABOVE Detail from Mountain-Moving Day, 192. OPPOSITE Women Unite, Take Back the Night, 199. Lipstick and Blood (reprinted from a Cuban design). Women Are Not Chicks, 191. Liberation School for Women, 192. Boycott Red Coach Lettuce, 192. Working Women Unite, 195. International Women’s Day, Many Waves But One Ocean, 192. Estelle Carol 121 If you look at Chicago Women’s Graphics Collective posters, you’ll rarely see a person’s name on them, because we decided early on that art had been done all wrong by men. It was based on egotism and the cult of the individual—the great-men-of-art syndrome. So we decided to throw all that out, and art now had to be a collective experience. So every poster that we created had to be done by committee. Every one. We had a system in which any one of the collective could get an idea or a phrase or an image and decide to do a poster. They would ask two or three other members to be their assistants and to help develop the idea. And then in little teams they would physically create the poster in silk screen. It had to be a collective process. There’s no way that one single woman could really do it because we were using very primitive reproduction methods, and we needed at least three people to run the silk screen. The silk screens were all hand printed. No machines. If a poster was more than one color, it had to be hand printed, one color at a time, so it was very, very labor intensive. And... (shrink)

How did revolutions facilitate empires’ transition to nation-states? This article compares the Bolshevik and the Chinese Communist Revolutions. It conceptualizes this Soviet–Sino comparison through three dimensions of nation-building: separating from a universal community, building a national cultural core and overcoming internal ethnopolitics. Both socialist regimes accommodated the nation-state model by fusing centralized control with limited autonomy for ethnic minorities. Yet, whereas the Soviet Union claimed to be a universal union of nation-states, which was supposed to keep accepting new members until (...) it covered the entire globe, the People’s Republic of China resembled a typical nation-state that preserved multiethnicity and enclosed borders under the title of the ‘Chinese Nation’. In analyzing the influence of revolutions, this article probes three relations: inter-revolution, revolution–society and revolution–counterrevolution. Arising after the Bolsheviks as a follower-revolution, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was confined to a national component of the USSR’s global communism project. This shaped the CCP’s enclosed geographical activity space, Han-dominated ethnic composition and the consciousness of national liberation. The CCP’s mobilization covered far wider social strata than the Bolsheviks’ had, which engendered stronger manpower and motivation to transform the traditional culture into a national culture. Being weak at its borderlands, the CCP was cautious about the doctrine of ‘national self-determination’, not daring to make it a geopolitical weapon for revolution export as the Bolsheviks had done in founding the Soviet Union. Owing to each of these differences in revolutionary trajectories, the CCP was more receptive to ‘China’ than the Bolsheviks were to ‘Russia’, and this led to two distinctive ways of reorganizing empires into nation-states. (shrink)

Jose Marti contributed greatly to Cuba's struggle for independence from Spain with words as well as revolutionary action. Although he died before the formation of an independent republic, he has since been hailed as a heroic martyr inspiring Cuban republican traditions.

The sweeping changes that have taken place in the Eastern European countries and the former Soviet Union have detrimentally impacted an already weak Cuban economy. The establishment of the Special Period (1990-) embodies increasing austerity, especially in the inputs market. Recent economic liberalization policies in Cuba may lead to a more market-oriented economy, the lifting of the U. S. embargo, and commercial relations between the two countries. There is concern on the potential impact that resumption of trade may have (...) on the U. S. and Florida's agricultural economy. This study implies potential costs for the citrus, sugar, horticultural, and seafood industries in Florida, while potential Florida exports unveil trade opportunities of a large magnitude. Further research is needed to quantify potential benefits and costs. Of special importance is the fate of Cuba's recent program on low-input sustainable agriculture once large amounts of inputs become available. (shrink)

For over four decades, Richard Schwartz has engaged with two ethically rich ways of living that, as he charts in this book, he came to appreciate in middle age: Judaism and veganism. Having been born into a secular Jewish family, it was his marriage and an increasing commitment to social justice that propelled him to study and rediscover the essence of his Jewish faith. That sense of social justice further raised his awareness of the environmental movement, and, ultimately, to animal (...) rights and veganism. In Vegan Revolution: Saving Our World, Revitalizing Judaism, Schwartz shows how, now perhaps more than ever, veganism offers a pathway for all of us of whatever faith (or no faith) to reduce hunger, conserve the environment, save water, reinstitute justice, and care for animals and the Earth. It is no coincidence, as Schwartz demonstrates, that many of these ideas are mandates in Jewish scripture, and that reincorporating a care for the world (tikkun olam) can itself reinvigorate the spirit of a faith and galvanize its practitioners to act. (shrink)

Thomas Kuhn's shadow hangs over almost every field of intellectual inquiry. His book The Structure of Scientific Revolutions has become a modern classic. His influence on philosophy, social science, historiography, feminism, theology, and (of course) the natural sciences themselves is unparalleled. His epoch-making concepts of 'new paradigm' and 'scientific revolution' make him probably the most influential scholar of the twentieth century. Sharrock and Read take the reader through Kuhn's work in a careful and accessible way, emphasizing Kuhn's detailed studies (...) of the history of science, which often assist the understanding of his more abstract philosophical work. These historical studies provide vital insight into what Kuhn was actually trying to achieve in his The Structure of Scientific Revolutions: an endeavour far less extreme than either his 'foes' or his 'fans' claim. In the book's second half, Sharrock and Read provide excellent explications, defences and, where appropriate, criticisms of Kuhn's central concept of 'incommensurability', and tackle head on the crucial issue of whether Kuhn's insights concerning the natural sciences can be extrapolated to other disciplines, such as the social sciences. This is the first comprehensive introduction to the work of Kuhn and it will be of particular interest to students and scholars in philosophy, theory of science, management science and anthropology. (shrink)

A review of Susan E. Babbit's book: Jose Marti, Ernesto "Che" Guevara and Global Development Ethics: The Battle for Ideas.