This paper reports the text of the intervention pronounced by Claude Lévi-Strauss for the 60th anniversary of Unesco in 2006. Lévi-Strauss recalls the intersections between his activity in the field of anthropology and ethnology and Unesco since its foundation, and the role Unesco can play nowadays in the preservation of cultural diversity and biodiversity.

The article looks at the varying forms taken by parenthood in different societies, past and present. It examines how it belatedly came to be defined by Lewis Morgan, in the context of our modern societies, in terms of an aristocratic and genetic conception, thus establishing a model which Lévi-Strauss unintentionally took to an aporia. Against such a schematic conceptualisation of parenthood, the article posits the material and sentimental links which grow from the responsibilities assumed for the material and educational (...) needs of minors by « parents » devoid of any genetic link to those who are dependent on their care. (shrink)

Cet article se propose de reconstruire la réflexion de Hans Blumenberg sur le mythe en dégageant les ‘principes’ directeurs du mythe tels que Blumenberg les conçoit et en rattachant chacun de ces principes à un mythe considéré alors comme paradigmatique. Il s’agit moins de reprendre la théorie schellingienne selon laquelle le mythe «s’auto-explique» que de montrer la fécondité de l’hypothèse de Blumenberg, celle d’un «travail du mythe» qui se prolonge dans les tentatives mêmes d’explication du sens de la pensée mythique. (...) Ce dépassement en acte de l’opposition logos/mythos confirme l’importance anthropologique du mythe comme technique de mise à distance de l’angoisse et rupture avec ‘l’absolutisme de la réalité’. Mais la réhabilitation théorique du mythe ne saurait déboucher sur un nouveau mythe politique: si le ‘travail du mythe’ de Blumenberg, n’est pas dénué d’effets politiques, comme d’ailleurs celui de Lévi-Strauss, ces effets ne peuvent être qu’indirects, suivant la valorisation du détour qui caractérise toute l’œuvre de Blumenberg. (shrink)

El objeto de este artículo es mostrar las similitudes que existen entre el estructuralismo metateórico sneedeano y la que considero es la propuesta teórica más desarrollada del estructuralismo francés, la teoría antropológica de Claude Lévi-Strauss, en particular, su teoría de los sistemas elementales de parentesco. Aunque entre el estructuralismo francés de Lévi-Strauss y el estructuralismo metateórico sneedeano sólo existe, como diría Wittgenstein, un “aire de familia”, sin embargo, quiero mostrar que gracias al trabajo algebraico de André Weil (...) y, en particular, a su clarificación de la noción de estructura, existe un “puente” entre la propuesta teórica de Lévi-Strauss y la metateórica del estructuralismo inaugurada por J. D. Sneed en 1971 con la publicación de su libro The logical structure of mathematical physics. (shrink)

Při výběru z teorií, které bychom mohli aplikovat na problém, jímž se zabýváme, je pro nás účinnost jejich použití jedním z nejdůležitějších kritérií. Jinými slovy, naše hodnocení teorií se odvíjí o jejich schopnosti řešit problémy. V tomto eseji nejprve ukáži, jaké druhy problémů jsou pro sociální vědy klíčové, a s pomocí strukturalistické kritiky funkcionalismu nabídnu ilustrace těchto problémů. Budu přitom tvrdit, že Lévi-Straussovy přísliby spojené s jeho metodou nebyly nikdy naplněny a že je strukturální antropologie neuspokojivá.

Resumen: El presente artículo intenta explorar en dos tiempos de indagación del método estructural de Claude Lévi-Strauss. El primero de ellos se ubica en torno de los criterios epistemológicos y metodológicos que cifran el análisis del parentesco y del mito. El segundo tiempo pretende indagar en el alcance de estos criterios para definir la categoría de sujeto y de pensamiento al interior de la antropología estructural. Finalmente, una ilustración de estos problemas es elaborada mediante el tratamiento que el (...) método estructural asigna a la teoría psicoanalítica.: This article attempts an exploration in two inquiry stages of Claude Lévi-Strauss structural method. The first stage will be focused on the epistemological and methodological criteria that encrypt the analysis of kinship and myth. The second stage intends to investigate the scope of these criteria to define the category of subject and thought within the structural anthropology. Finally, an illustration of these problems is elaborated through the treatment that the structural method assigns to psychoanalytic theory. (shrink)

Lévi-Strauss's centennial is an opportunity to show his inextricable connections with the evolution of 20th-century thought and what these promise for 21st-century anthropology. He has mapped the philosophical parameters for a renewed ethnography which opens innovative approaches to history, agency, culture and society. The anthropological understanding of history, for instance, is enriched by methodical application of his mytho-logical analysis, in particular his claim that myths are `machines for the suppression of time'. Lévi-Strauss's thought has led to the development (...) of new and invigorated forms of structural analysis, exemplified by the way that his concept of canonical expression has provided the foundation for the sophisticated application of transformational analysis and formalization. (shrink)

Depuis le célèbre article de Merleau-Ponty, « De Mauss à Claude Lévi-Strauss », la manière dont on évalue le rapport entre ces deux auteurs détermine ou exprime autant d’interprétations historiques du structuralisme et de choix théoriques ou philosophiques quant aux sciences sociales. Cette filiation se voulait une critique: être fidèle à la découverte de Mauss, celle du caractère central de la réciprocité dans la vie sociale, imposait de dépasser la sociologie vers une sémiologie générale. Cet article s’efforce de (...) montrer qu’il ne s’agit pas là, contrairement à l’interprétation subtile qu’en fit Merleau-Ponty, de faire de la réalité sociale un système de points de vue substituables ou de mouvements corrélés de sub-jectivation, mais de montrer que ce sont les « valeurs » qui, du fait de leur nature, de leur ontologie, doivent nécessairement circuler entre plusieurs points de vue exclusifs et complémentaires. Il revisite la célèbre critique de Lévi-Strauss à Mauss sur l’explication de l’obligation de donner par une « force des choses », et replace l’apport de l’anthropologie structurale dans la philosophie de l’esprit contemporaine, là où elle se confronte aux questions ouvertes par la physique sur l’ontologie des objets quantiques. (shrink)

At issue in this study is a question as old as it is presently pertinent: Do individuals form the social or does the social form individuals? Like Socrates, Lévi-Strauss gives ontological priority to society. And his reasons, like those of Socrates, are weighted with ethical concern. But the concern of Levi-Strauss is not "Know thyself." For, by dissolving subjectivity into structures of the collective unconscious, he eliminates the self. Indeed, toward the end of this work, Shalvey likens the entire (...) enterprise of Levi-Strauss to that of Nietzsche. Not content, however, to announce the death of God, he proclaims the death of Man. (shrink)

We cannot simply observe that Emile Durkheim, Claude Lévi-Strauss, and Pierre Bourdieu all received philosophical training and subsequently asserted, in surprisingly similar terms, that escaping from philosophy or breaking away from philosophical modes of thought was a necessary condition for any research in the human and social sciences, without considering whether there might be a direct relationship between the sociological ethos and a particular attitude towards philosophy. The "rupture" with philosophyis never complete: the sociologists' conception of sociology is, (...) on the contrary, heavily influenced by the negative image they have of philosophy, which they always invoke as something to be avoided or a specter that must be exorcised. The sociological perception of philosophy thus constitutes a system of oppositions, a set of likes and dislikes deeply ingrained in the minds of practitioners in the human and social sciences, and which, so to speak, form the very foundation of the discipline and its definition of its identity. By reconstructing it, this article proposes a sociological analysis of the genesis, structure, and function of the sociological unconscious. (shrink)

The methodology of Latin American economic structuralism has been generally interpreted as an implicit extension of classic French structuralism of Claude Lévi-Strauss and others, without careful examination of the methodological pronouncements of Latin American economists and social scientists. The present paper provides a detailed treatment of how Latin American structuralist methodology was formed between the 1950s and 1970s, with emphasis on Celso Furtado's views. Furtado was influenced by both C. Lévi-Strauss's and F. Braudel's apparently incompatible approaches to (...) structure and history. Furtado's suggested combination of structure and history was based on the use of economic models to interpret successive historical structures, plus the development of the notion of creativity as a link between structures and processes. It differed in some important aspects from the ‘historical-structural method’ usually associated with other Latin American authors such as Sunkel, and Cardoso and Faletto, built on ex.. (shrink)

Claude Lévi-Strauss is aware of his affinity with the thrust of the Gestalt school. He suggests that he only adds the discipline of sociology or anthropology to those guided by the concept of Gestalt. The structure is made of several elements, none of which can undergo a change without effecting changes in all other elements. Yet one additional aspect has to be emphasized, that of possible prediction applied to a structure. The presence of the properties comprised in a (...) structure makes it possible, according to him, to predict how the model will react if one or more of its elements are submitted to certain modifications. (shrink)

This article reframes our understanding of French structural anthropology by considering the work of André Leroi-Gourhan alongside that of Claude Lévi-Strauss. These two anthropologists worked at opposite poles of the discipline, Lévi-Strauss studying cultural objects, like myths and kinship relations; Leroi-Gourhan looking at material artifacts, such as stone tools, bones, arrowheads, and cave paintings. In spite of their difference in focus, these thinkers shared a similar approach to the interpretation of their sources: Each individual object was meaningful (...) only as part of a larger whole. For Lévi-Strauss, structuralism was designed to unlock features of the human mind; for Leroi-Gourhan, to uncover the material processes that underlay human life. Again, in spite of their difference in orientation, both structuralisms produced similar theories of human society. Whether ‘primitive’ or ‘advanced’, all societies functioned the same way: Their institutions worked harmoniously, beyond the intentions of any individual actors, to preserve the stability of the group. This eliminated the basis for thinking one society was superior to another. Finally, the article argues that both Lévi-Strauss and Leroi-Gourhan believed that structural anthropology could found a ‘new humanism’, and thereby rescue modernity from moral degeneration. This ‘new humanism’ could not only produce a universal description of human nature, but also help rethink French colonialism, broker new geopolitical alliances, and prevent the erasure of world cultures. Structural anthropology thus imagined a tight relationship between its social-scientific work and its political-moral mission. (shrink)

According to the author, the most important lesson of Claude Lévi-Strauss at the epistemological level is the interpretation of anthropology as a transversal knowledge: its innovative definition of structure goes in this direction. The failure of its structuralism is however due to a strong and intolerable reduction of the wealth of aspects and dimensions of the ethnographic experience and the purpose to predispose a frame of limited possibilities (closed system). The author proposes to rehabilitate the thesis of anthropology (...) as a transversal (cross-cultural) knowledge resorting to Wittgenstein’s idea of family resemblances: a flexible approach (open system) that fits the needs and characteristics of anthropological research. (shrink)

According to the author, the most important lesson of Claude Lévi-Strauss at the epistemological level is the interpretation of anthropology as a transversal knowledge: its innovative definition of structure goes in this direction. The failure of its structuralism is however due to a strong and intolerable reduction of the wealth of aspects and dimensions of the ethnographic experience and the purpose to predispose a frame of limited possibilities (closed system). The author proposes to rehabilitate the thesis of anthropology (...) as a transversal (cross-cultural) knowledge resorting to Wittgenstein’s idea of family resemblances: a flexible approach (open system) that fits the needs and characteristics of anthropological research. (shrink)

The ambition and proposal for data modeling of myths presented in this paper is to link contemporary technical affordances to some canonical projects developed in structural anthropology. To articulate the theoretical promise and innovation of this proposal, we present a discrete-event system specification modeling and simulation approach in order to perform a generative analysis and a dynamic visualization of selected narratives, aimed at validating and revitalizing the transformational and morphodynamic theory and methodology proposed by Claude Lévi-Strauss in his (...) structural analysis of myth. After an analysis of Lévi-Strauss’s transformational methodology, we describe in detail how discrete-event system specification models are implemented and developed in the framework of a DEVSimPy software environment. The validation of the method involves a discrete-event system specification simulation based on the extension of discrete-event system specification models dedicated to provide a dynamic Google Earth visualization of the selected myth. Future work around the discrete-event system specification formalism in anthropology is described as well as future applications regarding the impact of computational models to new contemporary anthropological domains. (shrink)