ZusammenfassungAnhand unterschiedlicher Fallbeispiele aus dem 5. Jahrhundert wird gezeigt, dass die Mobilität barbarischer Verbände in der Regel ein temporäres Phänomen darstellte. Der Alterungsprozess der Kerngruppen kriegerischer mobiler Verbände erhöhte mit der Zeit den Druck auf den Anführer, nach Ansiedlungsmöglichkeiten zu suchen. Der Prozess der Ansiedlung selbst überführte den Anführer einer mobilen Kriegergemeinschaft in die neue Rolle eines Herrschers über ein stehendes Heer. Er war mit enormem ökonomischem Aufwand verbunden und führte offenbar dazu, dass die Herrscher sich verstärkt um dynastische Absicherung (...) bemühten, obwohl eine solche während der liminalen Phase des Übergangs in der Regel zum Scheitern tendierte. (shrink)

This paper examines the figure of the hate-fighting digital vigilante as embodied through Aryan Queen, an online persona developed and depicted by self-proclaimed antifa member Talia Lavin in her book Culture Warlords. One chapter in the 2020 memoir relays Lavin’s pursuits to elicit and make known identifying information of Der Stürmer, an anonymous white supremacist online hater. I first locate Lavin’s undertaking in the porous policy landscape regulating online hate transnationally to make a case for its value as an (...) entry into the navigation of hate on Telegram, a platform that has become a popular enclave for hate, and one that remains otherwise impenetrable to state efforts at formal governance. I then introduce the digital vigilante as a cultural figure that has become increasingly distinguished from, but developed in relation to, the classical or analogue vigilante in academic literature, albeit with only limited attention paid to the seemingly boundless temporality that constitutes the virtual sphere. Attending to processes of temporalization, I argue, can well serve an analysis of the moral universe within which the digital vigilante operates, thereby enabling a critical engagement with the motivations, methods, and intentions of her justice pursuits online. With the support of anthropological theories of temporalization – namely, past presencing, un/doing futures, and affective justice – I show that justice pursuits by way of digital vigilantism for Lavin are entangled with an affective longing for revenge, and manifest a complex intermingling of open wounds from injustices that emerge from and produce entanglements of the past, present, and future. (shrink)

El propósito es una lectura de la tercera edición del Facundo como estrategia de Domingo Faustino Sarmiento para la concreción de fines políticos. El estudio se centra en el nuevo escrito que el autor inserta en esta edición: "El Chacho, último caudillo de la montonera de los llanos". Se aborda, desde el campo de la Historia Intelectual, la historicidad del concepto "caudillismo", analizando los usos que hace Sarmiento del término en sus diversos contextos de enunciación. A su vez se propone (...) un análisis de la historicidad del texto mismo, observando las estrategias discursivas con que opera su autor para intervenir en la escena política. The aim is a reading of the 3rd edition of Facundo as a strategy by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento to achieve political purposes. The study focuses on the addition by the author in this edition of: "El Chacho, último caudillo de la montonera de los llanos". It discusses, from the field of Intellectual History, the historicity of the concept of "warlordism", analyzing the uses that Sarmiento makes of the term in its various contexts of enunciation. At the same time it proposes an analysis of the historicity of the text itself, observing the discursive strategies that the author operates to intervene in the political scene. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:RusselL on Chinese Civilization 23 RUSSELL ON CHINESE CIVILIZATIONI Yu DONG Ph}losophy / McMaster University Hamilton, Ont., Canada L8s 4K1 1 I am indebted to Nicholas Griffin for his valuable comments and encouragement. I thank Marty Fairbairn and Perer Lovrick for many corrections in the paper. I am also greatly indebred to Ken Blackwell for his helpful criticisms and suggesrions. • (London: Allen & Unwin, 1922), p. 20. 3 (...) Karl Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies (Princeron: Princeton U. P.), p. 173· B ertrand Russell arrived in China with Dora Black in October 1920. World War I had deepened his disillusionment with both the capitalist system and Western civilization in general. Seeking a socialist solution, he had visited Soviet Union just a few months before. But he had found that the Communist state there presented an unappealing alternative to the capitalist West in that it treated its citizens as slaves. The sad mood in which he "set out for China to seek a new hope"2 was described in his The Problem of China, published in 1922 after his nine-month visit: "It was on the Volga, in the. summer of 1920, that I first realized how profound is the disease in our Western mentality, which the Bolsheviks are attempting to force upon an essentially Asiatic population, just as Japan and the West are doing in China" (p. 18). The 1920S were a time when China, both as a nation and as a civilization, was in deep trouble. Her young people were eagerly looking outside their country to find a way of saving her. Since the 1840 Opium War, the Western Powers had poured into China, which had been a closed society, at least in Karl Popper's sense,3 for more than 3,000 years. With the collapse of the Qing dynasty in 19I1, China had been thrown into a state of anarchy by feuding warlords. The Great World Powers had both politically and economically dominated China through successive wars with her;4 through demanding indemnities, the cession of territory, fixed tariffs, etc.; and through controlling the corrupt and inept central government and warlords. Meanwhile, China was plagued by famine, piracy, brigandage, incipient rebellion,5 and the failures of various attempts at reform and revolution.6 China was well on the way toward disintegration, divided into "spheres of influence" by Britain, Germany, France, Russia and, especially, Japan. In the 1920S, China was also in the period of the May Fourth Movement-named after a popular student protest on 4 May 1919against foreign imperialism and an impotent Chinese government. It was agitated by the Treaty of Versailles which transferred, at the request ofJapan, the properties and privileges of the German sphere of influence in the Shandong Peninsula to Japan. This movement advocated learning science and adopting democratic principles in order to save China. It is important in Chinese history as a symbol of Chinese awareness of the need for the most profound changes in her tradition. All of these factors constituted the background to Russell's visit to China and thus affected the formation of his distinct view of the problem of China.? The invitation to him was a part of Chinese efforts in seeking methods from the West to save their country. Russell had already been known in China as a great philosopher, not only for his philosophy of logic and science, but also for his views on social problems. Some Chinese had access to his books: Principles ofSocial Reconstruction (1916), Political Ideals (1917), Roads To Freedom (1918), and magazine publication of parts of The Practice and Theory ofBolshevism (1920).8 Considering this background, it is quite understandable why 4 For example, Brirain and France 1856-60, Japan 1894-95, 1914-15. 5 For example, Taiping 1850-65, and the Boxer Rebellion of 1900. 6 The revolution of 1911 actually just changed the name of the government, rather than the reality of society. 7 A detailed description of this background as "psychological roots" can be seen in S. P. Odgen, "The Sage in the Inkpot", Modern Arian Studies, 16 (1982): 529-600. 8 For example, Zhang Shenfu, a student originally majoring in mathematics in Beijing University, had read almost all of... (shrink)

In Beyond Moral Judgment, Alice Crary defends a version of moral objectivism which turns on the idea that participation in moral life involves acquired affective proclivities: subjective capacities which nevertheless allow us to be receptive to objective features of the world. In this article, I draw out key aspects and implications of her account with reference to Joshua Oppenheimer's 2014 film The Look of Silence, a companion piece to 2012's The Act of Killing. The film depicts a series of confrontations (...) between optometrist Adi Rukun and warlords and gangsters involved in massacres perpetrated during Indonesia's anti-communist purges. Many of the interviews were carried out under the pretext of conducting eye tests, and the optometric equipment Rukun affixes to the faces of the perpetrators – who often appear quite cavalier about or even proud of their deeds – functions as a stark metaphor for their failures to see the meaning and consequences of their actions. As I work to show, there is something disq... (shrink)

Using a special issue of the Chinese journal Gaizao published in 1921 as a starting point, this article intends to trace some conceptual articulations of federalism (lianbang) and self-government (zizhi) promoted by intellectuals and activists in early twentieth-century China. The analysis will show how Chinese federalists shaped their arguments through a series of historical and philosophical references, translating a prevalently “Western” concept into Chinese discourse, at the same time transplanting it into the traditional political debate and traditional historical narrative. Part (...) of the argument will also be concerned with the identification of the conceptual reasons behind the failure of federal projects in China especially at the turning point of the mid-1920s, as the “modern” federal blueprint eventually fell under the category of “feudalism” and “warlordism,” thus deteriorating into an “anti-modern” nemesis. (shrink)

El propósito es una lectura de la tercera edición del Facundo como estrategia de Domingo Faustino Sarmiento para la concreción de fines políticos. El estudio se centra en el nuevo escrito que el autor inserta en esta edición: "El Chacho, último caudillo de la montonera de los llanos". Se aborda, desde el campo de la Historia Intelectual, la historicidad del concepto "caudillismo", analizando los usos que hace Sarmiento del término en sus diversos contextos de enunciación. A su vez se propone (...) un análisis de la historicidad del texto mismo, observando las estrategias discursivas con que opera su autor para intervenir en la escena política. The aim is a reading of the 3rd edition of Facundo as a strategy by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento to achieve political purposes. The study focuses on the addition by the author in this edition of: "El Chacho, último caudillo de la montonera de los llanos". It discusses, from the field of Intellectual History, the historicity of the concept of "warlordism", analyzing the uses that Sarmiento makes of the term in its various contexts of enunciation. At the same time it proposes an analysis of the historicity of the text itself, observing the discursive strategies that the author operates to intervene in the political scene. (shrink)

The magazine Renquan appeared in five issues between August and December 1925. The purpose of the magazine was to make people aware of the idea of human rights and to advocate a society based on respect for human rights. The magazine's editors regarded human rights as applicable to all countries and as characteristics of civilized and just societies. They argued that human rights were needed in order for individuals to be persons , and held that without them humans would be (...) reduced to the level of beasts. Human rights were based on our needs to preserve our lives and develop our personalities and intellects; they included economic, political, and educational rights. Human rights applied to all human beings: While the subjects of women's rights were women, setting them in contrast to men; and the subjects of people's rights were the common people, setting them in opposition to rulers, aristocrats, bureaucrats, and warlords; the subjects of human rights were all human beings. Human rights were opposed only to the minority who tried to suppress the rights of the majority. (shrink)

The article discusses the evolving image of female characters in the Mad Max saga directed by George Miller, focusing on Furiosa’s rebellion in the last film—Mad Max: Fury Road. Interestingly, studying Miller’s post-apocalyptic action films, we can observe the evolution of this post-apocalyptic vision from the male-dominated world with civilization collapsing into chaotic violence visualized in the previous series to a more hopeful future created by women in the last part of the saga: Mad Max: Fury Road. We observe female (...) heroes: the vengeful Furiosa, the protector of oppressed girls and sex slaves, the women of the separatist clan, and the wives of the warlord, who bring down the tyranny and create a new “green place.” It is worth emphasizing that the plot casts female solidarity in the central heroic role. In fact, the Mad Max saga emerges as a piece of socially engaged cinema preoccupied with the cultural context of gender discourse. Noticeably, media commentators, scholars and activists have suggested that Fury Road is a feminist film. (shrink)

El propósito es una lectura de la tercera edición del Facundo como estrategia de Domingo Faustino Sarmiento para la concreción de fines políticos. El estudio se centra en el nuevo escrito que el autor inserta en esta edición: "El Chacho, último caudillo de la montonera de los llanos". Se aborda, desde el campo de la Historia Intelectual, la historicidad del concepto "caudillismo", analizando los usos que hace Sarmiento del término en sus diversos contextos de enunciación. A su vez se propone (...) un análisis de la historicidad del texto mismo, observando las estrategias discursivas con que opera su autor para intervenir en la escena política. The aim is a reading of the 3rd edition of Facundo as a strategy by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento to achieve political purposes. The study focuses on the addition by the author in this edition of: "El Chacho, último caudillo de la montonera de los llanos". It discusses, from the field of Intellectual History, the historicity of the concept of "warlordism", analyzing the uses that Sarmiento makes of the term in its various contexts of enunciation. At the same time it proposes an analysis of the historicity of the text itself, observing the discursive strategies that the author operates to intervene in the political scene. (shrink)

When discussing whether or not our elected governments should intervene to end genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity in other countries, the humanitarian intervention debate has largely been assuming that liberal democracies bear no responsibility for the injustice at hand: someone else is committing shameful acts; we are merely considering whether or not we have a positive duty to do something about it. Here I argue that there are important instances in which this dominant third party perspective (...) (TPP) is empirically false and normatively misguided. Much before our positive ?responsibility to protect? potential victims from mass atrocities, we violate our negative duty not to harm these victims. Employing work by Thomas Pogge and Leif Wenar, I argue that this harm currently comes about as our elected governments either buy, or allow our corporations to buy, the world's most precious resources from brutal dictators and warlords, who dominate some of the states that are at the heart of intervention discussions. In these cases, democracies' most immediate duty is not intervention but rather humanitarian disintervention: boycotting severely oppressive regimes, and in particular stopping to recognizing these regimes ? whether dictators or civil warriors ? as possessing legitimate authority to sell their peoples' resources. I begin with a brief survey of the intervention literature, followed by the foundations for the disintervention alternative. I then elaborate the conceptual and practical advantages of disintervention, concluding with thoughts on the reasons for TPP's lasting dominance. (shrink)

Nolan reviews three works describing the influence of ethics on modern international relations, namely Code of Peace: Ethics and Security in the World of the Warlord States ; The Age of Rights ; and Morality and American Foreign Policy: The Role of Ethics in International Affairs.

In this paper, we draw attention to an unintended but severe side effect of just war thinking: the fact that it can impose barriers to making peace. Investigating historical material concerning a series of conflicts in China during the early twentieth century, we suggest that operating in a just war framework might change actors' identities and interests in a way that makes peacemaking an unavailable action. But since just war theory places significant normative constraints on how long wars can be (...) continued, it might thus be self-defeating, in the sense that those who adopt it may undermine the very goals which it is supposed to serve. Whether this finding calls for a revision of existing ethical frameworks governing warfare will depend on whether there are possible alternatives to just war theory that perform better at reining in unjust violence. (shrink)