Medical ethics has been developing in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) since the 1970's on the basis of the traditional ethics of physicians and the socio-economic fundamentals of our socialist state. Medical care provided in the framework of Marxist-Leninist medical ethics is based on rationality and humanity. Keywords: Medical ethics, socialist values, health promotion, care of the dying, euthanasia, Marxism-Leninism, German Democratic Republic, bioethics CiteULike Connotea Del.icio.us What's this?

Resumen Jürgen Fuchs (1950-99) fue uno de los escritores nacidos en la RDA, cuyas biografías no solo fueron moldeadas por el régimen del SED, sino también deformadas con eficacia. Asimismo, fue uno de los pocos que trató expresiva y abruptamente los tabúes y mecanismos de un Estado gobernado de manera totalitaria. La obra literaria de Fuchs es un testimonio de época, un desafío al régimen comunista y a su legado contenido en los archivos de la Stasi. Por un lado, su (...) escritura, saturada de experiencia y teñida de autobiografía, lleva al lector a un impactante viaje a los tiempos de la segunda dictadura alemana y le permite echar un vistazo, entre bastidores, a la sociedad (post)socialista; por otro lado, se nos revela que Jürgen Fuchs, en su calidad de intelectual, se sintió obligado a intervenir allí donde había que prevenir la violencia, la mentira y el olvido. Este artículo examina el desarrollo literario de este autor, independiente en muchos aspectos, y examina las razones que le motivaron a romper el silencio y tender la mano hacia la verdad y la justicia e incluso, de ser necesario, a provocar un debate abierto. Abstract Jürgen Fuchs (1950-1999) was one of those GDR-born writers, whose biographies were not only shaped by the SED regime, but which also successfully deformed it. He was one of the few individuals who eloquently and unwaveringly exposed the taboos and mechanism of the totalitarian state. Fuchs’s literary oeuvre is a testimony of his times as well as a confrontation with the communist regime and its legacy in the form of the Stasi records. Coloured autobiographically and saturated with his own life experience, his writing takes the reader on a shocking journey into the time of the second German dictatorship, allowing them a look behind the scenes of the (post) socialist society. At the same time it brings about a realisation that as an intellectual Fuchs felt obliged to interfere whenever it was necessary to prevent violence, lies and forgetting about the past. This article traces the literary development of Fuchs as an independent writer and examines his motivation not to remain silent, to strive for truth and justice, and to provoke debate, whenever necessary. (shrink)

The sharp separation of Eastern, and particularly Soviet and GDR, scholarship from the West is in part owing to ideological self-isolation, and part due to lack of interest or unwillingness to accept this scholarship in the West - The institutional framework within which historical studies take place in the GDR has placed severe limits on diversity within the historical profession. The official theoretical basis of historiography is represented by dialectical materialism, as a theory of reality, and historical materialism, as the (...) conception of historical development intertwined with it. The political historian is subject to much closer direction than in social or cultural history, while social history deals primarily with local or regional history, and has begun conducting empirical case studies. Interestingly, biographies have acquired a new significance as historical works in both the GDR and the Federal Republic. In dealing with the German past, there is a conscious attempt in the GDR, as there has been recently in the Federal Republic, to overcome the fixation on 1933 and to reestablish a sense of pride in the past. There has been a greater openness and commitment to understanding historical phenomena with the reevaluation of the course of German history. (shrink)

In contrast to the home-made Nazi regime, the East German dictatorship was imposed by a foreign power and remained dependent on it. It did not cause a civilizational collapse comparable to Nazism, but it was more totalitarian in its efforts to subordinate all areas of social life to political control. This totalitarian logic resulted in a permanent dilemma: the party-state suppressed the innovative potential which at the same time it needed to achieve its modernizing aims. Various responses to this (...) problem were tried in the course of the history of the GDR: phases of liberalization - loosening of control in various fields - were relatively brief and insignificant. Attempts to reform and rationalize the controlling centre were more characteristic of the East German regime; this strategy, combined with visions of a `scientific-technical revolution', may be seen as the GDR version of reform communism. When the leadership gave up such ambitions in the 1970s, the only alternative left was to pacify society by means of improving living standards and developing a more flexible policy towards the other German state. This minimalist strategy of survival left the regime defenceless when it faced a major crisis at the end of the 1980s. (shrink)

Recommandations have been formulated in 1985 with reference to socialist morality and law and as a result of interdisciplinary discussion by the IAME (Interdisciplinary Working Party on Medical Ethics at the GDR Academy of Postgraduate Medical Education) for clinical application of in vitro fertilization and for the use of human oocytes and early embryonic stages.

In the article, international contacts of Soviet students and teachers of secondary schools at the regional level in the 1950-1970s are considered on the basis of the published literature and new archival sources. In the context of the formation of the socialist community, relations between the USSR and East Germany were regarded as exemplary. Their high importance was determined by the role of the German question in world politics. Socio-economic and cultural rapprochement between the USSR and the GDR over (...) a large period of time formed international cooperation at the local level. Particular attention in the article is paid to advantageous practices of creating special schools, and international friendship clubs in the southern Urals. It is proved that the development of educational relations was conditioned by focusing extracurricular activities of the Soviet school on international education, the availability of highly qualified, enthusiastic organizers of higher education and creative teachers of the German language, with regional connections of the Russian-German friendship. The author noted that the close friendship linking the international students of the Southern Urals and the GDR was considered in the USSR as a part of traditional ideological and moral education. Foreign correspondence and practical cooperation, such as the organization of short-term assignments and trainings for teachers, guided tours for students, joint vacations in summer camps, spiritually enriched students and motivated them to improve their own language skills. (shrink)

The German Democratic Republic was in existence for 41 years. A single generation spent its whole professional life there – namely those born in the early 1930s who carried this state’s hopes. With Karl Mannheim’s notion of generations as a unit in the sociology of knowledge in mind, this article describes this generation’s typical experiences from the point of view of a particularly telling group: economists at the Humboldt University of Berlin. I present their socialization in Nazi (...) Germany, their formative years in the aftermath of the Second World War that led to their choice of a politically driven profession, their studies during the first years of the GDR, when Stalinism was still the dominating dogma, and their commitment to a state career when writing their dissertations and habilitations. Ready to shoulder Honecker’s regime, their daily lives as professors were characterized by continuing attempts to reform teaching and research. In 1989 the ultimate reform transpired, and it encompassed the end of the state as well as of their professional careers. This narrative historicizes, on an experiential level, a tension often noted in GDR research, that between the ideological and productive functions of knowledge in socialism, that is, between loyalty and relevance. (shrink)

This article is a discussion of the instrumentalization of Martin Luther by German historiography in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries for politically‐legitimating, purpose providing and especially national purposes. In the nineteenth century the Luther jubilee of 1883 was one of the highlights of German nationalism, which had developed rapidly since the unification of 1871. During the First and Second World War Luther again was turned into an active supporter of German nationalism. This study focuses on the last (...) large‐scale attempt to instrumentalize Luther for national purposes; ie the Luther interpretation in the German Democratic Republic. With the help of a new Luther reception the GDR tried to improve the basis for her own national identity. She intensified her policy of delimitation from the Federal Republic of Germany with the help of a new and very positive Luther image. These East German attempts, however, backfired and were counter productive in their results. The political appeal to an all‐German historical personality like Martin Luther could not legitimate a divided Germany. On the contrary, it brought about the opposite, that is it rather stimulated underlying all‐German affinities and cohesive forces. Of course East German historians did not aim at “Wiedervereinigung”– which, naturally was a political issue of the highest degree. But, with the aid of Luther, they unconsciously played an important part in setting the stage for German unification. (shrink)

The Protestant Church in East Germany played a decisive role in the peaceful overthrow of communism in the German Democratic Republic. As a shelter for action groups, as a champion of reformers, and as a voice for nonviolence, the church gave the people some where to meet, pray, talk, and eventually to unite in such numbers as to be a force of faith and justice which could no be resised.

Les transformations profondes que vivent les sociétés socialistes en Europe centrale et orientale après 1945 seraient-elles sans effet sur les masculinités? L’article souhaite nuancer cette idée reçue en analysant les débats sur la paternité en Allemagne de l’Est. Dans l’immédiat après-guerre, des images de pères « socialistes » présents auprès de leurs enfants apparaissent dans les médias et les réflexions portant sur une nouvelle conception de la paternité socialiste et égalitaire se multiplient à partir des années 1960. Des débats s’articulent, (...) dans un premier temps, autour d’une critique formulée à l’égard de la société et du régime socialistes qui n’aurait eu que peu d’influence sur l’évolution des masculinités pendant les deux premières décennies du « socialisme réel ». Dans un deuxième temps, les années 1970 et 1980 voient fleurir des propositions concrètes de transformation de la paternité pour tendre vers une paternité socialiste. Si la plupart ont échoué, elles témoignent d’une volonté de modifier les rapports de genre d’une société en devenir, opposée à l’Ouest. (shrink)

Cet article, qui porte sur la RDA, analyse d’une part l’impact des conditions sociales et des relations de genre sur les décisions des femmes en matière de famille, éducation et emploi, d’autre part l’interaction dynamique entre ces décisions et les politiques du parti au pouvoir (SED). En 1970, les femmes sont au centre des nombreux dilemmes économiques qu’affronte ce dernier. Entrées massivement sur le marché du travail dans les années 1960, les femmes ont fait moins d’enfants et pris des temps (...) partiels. Dans une RDA en manque de bras, ces comportements ont inquiété le SED et l’ont conduit à une révision majeure de la politique sociale et économique dans un sens favorable aux mères. Mais plutôt que de résoudre les problèmes économiques et démographiques, ces politiques maternalistes ont accéléré la privatisation et l’individualisation des subjectivités, spécialement chez les femmes éduquées, de plus en plus nombreuses. (shrink)

Since narratives of legitimation have to adapt to shifting discursive environments, they cannot be regarded as static phenomena. To present a sound understanding of their embedment in a specific context, narratives have to be approached from a variety of perspectives – they necessitate, in other words, a “thick description”. This paper addresses the narrative of antifascism as a central element of public discourse throughout the history of the German Democratic Republic and contextualizes it specifically in East (...) class='Hi'>German television culture. In addition to providing an understanding of antifascism as an ideological signifier exclusively for historical phenomena, such as National Socialism or Italian fascism, this paper proposes to conceptualize the narrative of antifascism – as it was officially defined in the GDR/SBZ – as a discursive formation that encompasses various political narratives such as militarism and imperialism, as well as past and present political events. Based on this assumption, the highly successful espionage series Das unsichtbare Visier, which was produced by the DEFA and broadcasted by the East German state television, will be discussed in relation to its exploitation of the narrative of antifascism. By approaching these issues, it is the objective of this paper to examine the practices of the appropriation of the narrative of antifascism in an era that was marked by the development of popular television culture and, moreover, to contribute to the discussion of the dialectic between stability and flexibility that is inherent to narratives. (shrink)

Violence seems to be the central preoccupation in the work of Heiner Müller: from the early plays on the painful birth of a new socialist state, the German Democratic Republic (GDR), built on the ruins of one and overshadowed by the rise of another totalitarian system, to the political parables and allegories borrowed from Greek and Shakespearean tragedy; from his adaptations of some of the bloodiest episodes of the French, Russian, and German revolutions to the late (...) dramatic experiments bent on shattering the theatrical form itself. The concern with violence is indeed so pervasive as to appear obsessive. Violence is.. (shrink)

Brecht's relationship to Marxism is extremely important and highly complex. From the 1920s until his death in 1956, Brecht identified himself as a Marxist; when he returned to Germany after World War II, he chose the German Democratic Republic (GDR), where his actress wife Helene Weigel and he formed their own theater troupe, the famed Berliner Ensemble, and were eventually given a state theater to run. Yet Brecht's relationship to orthodox Marxist officials and doctrine was often conflictual, (...) and his own work and life were highly idiosyncratic. Of a strongly anti-bourgeois disposition from his youth, the young Brecht was also initially repelled by Bolshevism. He experienced the German revolution of 1918 with some ambivalence and dedicated himself to literary and not political activity during the turbulent early years of the Weimar republic. He recorded in his Diaries, for example, a negative response to a talk he heard on 1920 on the Soviet Union in which he was repelled by the concept of socialist order he heard discussed. He indicated a negative impression of Bolshevism and conclude his entry by noting that he rather have a new car than socialism! (shrink)

The process of agricultural unification will dominate the German scene for the next few years. At this stage, however, analysis and forecasts are hampered by the considerable problem concerning the viability of East German agriculture in a market economy and by the absence of reliable data in the German Democratic Republic (GDR). This can only be understood in terms of the agricultural situation in the GDR before unification, which is discussed in the first section. The (...) political and economic incentives for German unification are described in the next section of this paper, focusing especially on the integration of the GDR into CAP. The third section considers some critical structural, legal, social, and economic constraints in the process of integrating the two agricultural systems. Finally, the implications for German agriculture as well as the challenges for the CAP will be addressed. Data were collected from interviews with key agricultural policy makers, farm organizations, commodity groups, consumer groups, and agricultural experts, as well as interviewing East German farmers. Additional data were compiled from government statistics, EC publications, and press reports. The conclusions reached in this research show the urgent need for the German government to reconsider the objectives and rationale for structural policies in agriculture, and point out that the new Germany, itself full of paradoxes and uncertainty, stands at the center of European agricultural disorder. (shrink)

The following interview is with a retired eastern German professor whose career constitutes a case history in the comparative politics of “academic unfreedom”. Professor Erhard Naake was the only Ph.D. student in the history of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) to write his dissertation on Friedrich Nietzsche, whose work was considered “anti-socialist” throughout the history of the GDR regime. Because Herr Naake had the temerity to select Nietzsche as his thesis topic – a philosopher whose work (...) was banned from GDR bookstores and never taught in GDR schools or even universities – he never received an appointment as a professor in a GDR university. Ironically, however, even after the collapse of the GDR in 1989–1990, Herr Naake was penalized by the new powers-that-be in reunited Germany. He once again suffered a violation of his academic freedom when the university evaluation boards, which were composed of western German scholars, refused to let him keep his recently acquired position as a professor and instead summarily fired him, thus leading to his enforced retirement. As we shall see, the dramatic life story of Herr Naake reflects not only complicated issues of academic freedom and communist versus capitalist political values, but also the rich and complex history of eastern Germany both under the Nazis and GDR Communists and within reunited Germany since 1990. (shrink)

The 8th Congress of the Socialist Unity Party, which defined the principal tasks of the social sciences for the coming years, evoked vivid and creative discussions of the main research problems in Marxist-Leninist ethics among the ethicists of the German Democratic Republic. The considerable importance of ethics in the development of a socialist society is emphasized. The main problems studied now by the ethicists of the GDR include: 1) the development of a socialist personality with special emphasis (...) on the impact of economic factors in that process and studies on the personality and ethics of the socialist teacher; 2) the development of the moral consciousness of young people; 3) the struggle against bourgeois ethics and reformist ethical theories. (shrink)