What are the conditions for empowering `gender mainstreaming' as a new policy frame beyond the supranational level in member states and regions of the European Union? This paper is premised on the following assumptions: that mainstreaming will reduce gender disparities in Europe only if it takes root at all levels of decision-making, but that some national gender regimes can be expected to resist mainstreaming more than others, especially because it does not command `hard' legal tools. The puzzle to be examined (...) is how mainstreaming can become effective across the European multilevel polity. It is argued that vis-à-visthe resistance of domestic gender regimes, the Europeanisation of equal treatment norms in national, regional and local contexts over the past decades has generated a variety of mechanisms for the cross-border diffusion of new policy ideas that can help to promote mainstreaming. Drawing on comparative Europeanisation research, this argument is developed in three steps. First, the past performance of member states in the implementation of E.U. gender directives is explored, to identify patterns and dynamics and classify leaders and laggards. Second, current mainstreaming experiences in one of the most conspicuous laggard states – Germany – are examined closely. Finally, as a means of explaining the rather intense engagement of German federal and regional governments with mainstreaming, two factors are highlighted: elite learning, and new governance instruments developed by the E.U. Notwithstanding the steps taken to promote mainstreaming, the prospects for further institutionalization within the E.U. appear contingent on the outcome of the Convention on the Future of the Union and the Intergovernmental Conference planned for 2004, since the invigorating of the subsidiarity principle and the division of competences across the multilevel polity are key issues of debate. (shrink)

The European Union affects the internal organisation of national political parties. We found 'traces of Europe' in the party statutes of all Belgian parties that are represented in the European Parliament since 1999. Europe is, to a greater or lesser extent, present in party goals, rules on party membership and party organs. Parties have elaborated rules for the organisation of European elections, for the selection of European executives, for the formulation of party programmes, and for internal and external co-ordination of (...) policy formulation. At first sight these rules seem to confirm the hypothesis that Europe is in the first place a concern of party leadership, and that it reinforces centralisation of decision-making. Yet the full confirmation of this hypothesis requires further comparative research on the Europeanisation of political parties. (shrink)

L’échec du sommet de Vilnius à la fin de 2013 et les récents événements ukrainiens ont mis en évidence les conséquences liées au refus de la prise en compte de l’histoire des partenaires dans la négociation que développe l’Union européenne avec ses voisins orientaux. Ils montrent que les expériences collectives alimentées à des sources historiques différentes sont autant de ressources que les acteurs mobilisent pour faire valoir d’autres dimensions temporelles. Sans une communauté de références partagées, à la base des intérêts (...) collectifs, les asymétries entre les joueurs ne peuvent que croître. L’examen du processus d’élargissement et celui de la Politique européenne de voisinage mettent en valeur les limites de la stratégie de la Commission quand elle prétend s’appuyer sur la socialisation des élites pour contrer les conflits. Les résultats se mesurent en termes de déclarations sans suite quand les idées constitutives de l’UE et le transfert des compétences ne sont d’aucun poids. L’analyse des deux séquences permet de conclure que les temporalités sont un enjeu de la négociation et que l’ « européanisation » n’est pas le modèle de toute négociation possible. (shrink)

This article starts from the observation that the Belgian level of adaptation to the requirements posed by its membership of the European Union is surprisingly low. Following an institutionalist line of thinking, it is argued that the impact of the European Union is seriously constrained by the characteristics of the Belgian federal system. This results into defining both cultural and structural indicators for the degree of Europeanisation: European opinions and awareness of political elites and the general public and the (...) Belgian domestic organisation of European co-ordination mechanisms. The article more concretely argues that the European opinions and European awareness of the political elites and the public opinion are coloured by an inwards-looking mentality that stems from the dominant focus on the ongoing federalisation process. In addition, it is also found that the limited Europeanised installation and outcomes ofthe European co-ordination mechanisms are at least partly shaped by hard and soft federal elements. (shrink)

This article examines the proximity of the conceptions of Europe defended by Edmund Husserl and Paul Valéry during the interwar period, their common diagnosis of a European crisis and their attempt to give a non-geographical definition of Europe, based on the notion of spirit. It is shown that, behind the common use of the term and lexicon of spirit, the two authors actually put forward two different paradigms to account for Europe’s cultural specificity (a dynamic paradigm in Valéry and a (...) teleological paradigm in Husserl), and that this duality is reflected in the way they understand European modernity, the significance of science, and finally the idea of a Europeanization of the world. In so doing, the article enters into a critical discussion with those readings that have noted the proximity of the two authors only to see in them the same spiritualism, suspected of perpetuating the Eurocentric prejudice. (shrink)

Under EC law, directives are often used to harmonize legislation of the member states. White directives are binding as to the result to be achieved, they leave the "choice ofform and methods" to the member states. These must then transpose or implement the directives in their national legal order within a fixed period of time. According to 1992 data of the Commission of the European Communities, Belgium occupied a seventh place in the transposition ofdirectives in general. With regard to the (...) implementation of White Book directives concerning the European internal market however, Belgium, in June 1992, occupied the last place.A wide variety of administrative and structural problems were responsible for Belgium's delay in the implementation of EC directives. Late 1992, an urgency programme set up by the Belgian government early 1992 began to succeed in making up for part of the arrearage with regard to the transposition of White Book directives.However, only through the further adaption its political and administrative structures to the actual Europeanization of Belgian political life wilt Belgium become adequately prepared for the timely and correct transposition of EC directives. This implies an active administrative and parliamentary participation in the preparation of EC legislation and an early dissemination of information concerning the EC's legislative process. (shrink)

Drawing on published materials from the Committee of Ministers, Assembly and expert working groups of the Council of Europe, this paper investigates the distinctive contribution made to the framing of women's rights over the last two decades by this regional organisation, which recent studies of the `Europeanisation' of public policies have largely neglected. Elements of congruence are identified between the major mobilising themes of second wave feminism and the Council's emphasis on protecting individual rights, and its sensitivity to the (...) incompleteness and shortcomings of `actually existing' democratic institutions and practices. The relative openness of its agenda-setting processes is also underlined. The Council's flag ship policies for women are shown to have centred since the mid-1980s on a `politics of presence' frame and the (contested) concept of `parity democracy', and the tensions between these and the more recent turn to gender mainstreaming are explored. But the paper also points to the Council's role in diffusing into the E.U. governance arena women's claims to equal participation and presence in the policy process, and notes recent French and U.K. legislation as testifying to the continuing salience of these claims at the national level. (shrink)

Mondialisation, européanisation, décentralisation, retour de la violence extrême, exclusion sociale : les vieux concepts comme ceux de souveraineté nationale sont ébranlés et, de nouveau, nous nous posons les questions centrales du ...

The current inclination, at the European level, to fund education in the form of projects radicalises the modern orientation towards the present as the attempt to bind a yet indeterminate future. This article proposes a close re-reading of Niklas Luhmann’s sociological oeuvre in order to problematise the place of the present in modern education. In an effort to sketch out the need for a new educational ecology, it then draws attention to how transnational projects articulate their educational meaning.

Publication date: 21 March 2019 Source: Author: Doina Gavrilov For a few decades, Europe watches Turkey evolution in a matter of politics, policy, policies, human rights and so on. Everything begins in 1959 when Turkey applies to associate membership to the European Economic Community. But unfortunately for Turkey, the accession to the Community was not to accomplish. In time, the European Economic Community became the European Union. The organization pass through the enlargement process multiple times that today it is the (...) Union of the 28 countries, but still without Turkey as a member. After all this time, a question is raised: what drags Turkey from achieving the membership status in all this time? In this paper, we try to answer the above question through the Europeanization spectrum. (shrink)

The commentary engages Hegel’s anxieties as discussed in Robert Pippin’s lead paper on the question of Western ‘modernity’ in early 19th century: how did we get there, to the ‘dissatisfactions of European high culture’, after all the promises of the teleology of world-spirit (ecclesia spiritualis) and hermeneutik that Hegel mapped in the inexorable march of history. More importantly, we ask how does the rest of the world – the non-European, non-modern regions – fare or compare? Where do they belong in (...) the larger scheme of the world historical picture (Weltbild)? Hegel was not blinded by the lure of a modernising West that he had created; rather, he valued the contributions of other civilizations to the growth of the West. At least references to India, China, or Asia at large, from Herder onwards, did not escape him. But this part of the story is left out from modern accounts. While he suggested turning the gaze toward the East could be instructive for the triumphalism of the West, he was not sanguine about the prospect of the East ever catching up with the West; imperializing the aliens might work. But his anxiety about the incomplete determinate subjectivity of the modern West was not assuaged. That Hegel flirted with the Orient in moments of disappear tells us something about how he both drew West’s attention to the hidden philosophies of the East—especially to Indian dialectical logic—and paved the way for the ‘Europeanisation of the Earth’ (in Heidegger’s cautionary adage on Husserl’s dictum). (shrink)

The book discusses a democratic legitimation for modern law. Debates on Europeanisation are taken into account. Ronald Dworkin's, Neil MacCormick's and Jürgen Habermas's standpoints on relations between the law and the public sphere are investigated. Concepts of self-reflexive polity, self-constitutionalisation, constitutional patriotism are analysed.

This study presents some of the contributions to the process of the constructing Europe since the illustrated ideas of the German philosopher Krause that were promoted and represented by eminent Spanish Krausist legal experts, such as Francisco Giner de los Ríos. His conception of Europe and European civilisation contains theories that, despite being surprising and openly opposed at the time, have today become part of the global heritage of modern day legal philosophy and our social aspirations. We firstly study how (...) the development of the Krausist legal philosophy contributed to the political development of Spain and how this ius-philosophical thinking had a modernising influence on Spanish legal philosophy and science. Secondly, we delve deeper into the basic principles of Krausist legal-sociological theory that have had a major influence on Europeanisation, reviewing its most ardent criticism of the European imperial nationalism doctrine. (shrink)

The Study Group on a European Civil Code has taken upon itself the task of drafting common European principles for the most important aspects of the law of obligations and for certain parts of the law of property in movables which are especially relevant for the functioning of the common market. Like the Commission on European Contract Law's "Principles of European Contract Law", the results of the research conducted by the Study Group on a European Civil Code seek to advance (...) the process of Europeanisation of private law. Among other topics the series tackles sales and service contracts, distribution contracts and security rights, renting contracts and loan agreements, negotiorum gestio, delicts and unjustified enrichment law, transfer of property, and trust law. The principles furnish each of the national jurisdictions a grid reference. They can be agreed upon by the parties within the framework of the rules of private international law. They may provide a stimulus to both the national and European legislator for moulding private law. Beyond this, they aim to further discussion about the creation of a European Civil Code, or a Common Frame of Reference in the area of patrimonial law, by submitting a concrete model. The "Principles of European Law" are published in co-operation with Stämpfli, Bern. For other co-operation-partners and for more information see www.sellier.de. (shrink)

Face au jusnaturalisme et aux courants majeurs du positivisme juridique, l'école du réalisme juridique scandinave occupe une place singulière dans la philosophie du droit. L'ouvrage du grand juriste suédois Karl Olivecrona (1897-1980), De la Loi et de l'Etat, constitue l’une des meilleures illustrations de cette approche et une œuvre majeure de la doctrine suédoise. Après avoir été édité en anglais en 1939 sous le titre Law as fact, il fut publié en Suède en 1940 dans une version plus complète. Déniant (...) tout fondement métaphysique au Droit, l’auteur se prête à un exercice de déconstruction et de reconstruction de l’architecture de l’ordre juridique dans son intégralité afin de parvenir, selon ses propres termes, à une explication conséquente et cohérente des faits désignés par la notion d’ordre juridique. Le mouvement doctrinal du réalisme scandinave, qui a exercé une forte influence sur la pensée juridique suédoise et accompagné le déploiement de la social-démocratie et la construction de la société suédoise moderne, est aujourd’hui remis en question. Le meilleur indice n’en est-il pas fourni par les bouleversements que subit la société post-moderne suédoise, avec notamment le recadrage de l’Etat-providence en Etat de droit, sous l'influence de divers facteurs, en particulier le processus d’européanisation du droit? (shrink)

The book deeply analyses the bilateral relations between Switzerland and the European Union and their effect on the former's sovereignty in the context of Europeanisation. This touches on philosophical debates on the complexity of sovereignty. What sovereignty is at stake when talking about Swiss-EU relations? This issue not only faces the elusiveness of sovereignty as a concept, but also the proliferation of hypocrisy on its presence within states. The book encounters the deconstructionist hypothesis stating that there is nothing to (...) worry about but the belief there is something to worry about. Derrida's deconstruction of sovereignty allows indeed one to grasp the fictional essence of sovereignty based on the metaphysics of presence. The presence of self-positing sovereign inches per secondeity is fictional since absent in the present, but spectrally present in the belief of its presence to come. Sovereignty is a matter of credibility, or the credible promise of a normative statement to come. Hence, the book challenges the realist/neorealist argument stating that states are credibly sovereign until proven otherwise and explains that the debate on state sovereignty calls for the unveiling of this hypocritical epistemology cunningly disguised as an objective presence. Swiss-EU relations thus become the cornerstone to not only theorise but also test sovereignty and deconstruct the two ontological and epistemological sides of the same coin, or the modern hypocrisy of sovereignty. This deconstruction constitutes the very problématique of any attempt to understand whether and how a state can be sovereign and solve the problem as to how to neutralise the différance and identify the difference between credible and incredible claims of sovereignty. This problématique connects the theory and practice of sovereignty innovatively, providing positivist evidence on the arguable credibility of the Swiss claim of sovereignty and confirming the presence of a theological dimension within politics.<. (shrink)

Le changement institutionnel dans les pays post-soviétiques analysé à partir des politiques de la jeunesse en Estonie dans les années 1990-2013 montre la nécessité d’articuler les temporalités individuelles et institutionnelles pour pleinement comprendre l’évolution de ce secteur de l’action publique. Dans le cas de l’Estonie, en effet, la rupture institutionnelle ne s’est pas produite lors de l’effondrement de l’Union soviétique mais au moment du déménagement du ministère de l’Éducation hors de la capitale en 2001, en période de stabilité politique. La (...) PJ est alors considérée comme une politique trans-sectorielle, intégrée dans le processus de planification de l’État en fonction des objectifs de l’Union Européenne. L’État renforce simultanément son rôle stratégique de planification des politiques publiques. Au regard des temporalités individuelles, ce n’est pas la chute de l’URSS, mais le déménagement du ministère qui engendre une rupture dans les trajectoires des fonctionnaires d’État. Il s’accompagne de l’accès aux postes clé de jeunes agents socialisés aux politiques européennes. Le changement de la PJ en Estonie révèle que la socialisation politique des responsables de la politique publique est essentielle pour comprendre les comportements fortement hétérogènes des réformateurs des pays post-soviétiques. (shrink)

The religious transnationalism evident in the 21st century has heralded a new paradigm of religion ‘made to travel’ as adherents of religions navigate various cultural frontiers within Africa, Europe and North America. The role of Africa in shaping the global religious landscape, particularly the Christian tradition, designates the continent as one of the major actors of the Christian faith in the 21st century. The inability of European Christianity to address most of the existential realities of Africans and the stigmatisation of (...) African Traditional Religion mainly contributed to the emergence of African Independent Churches in the 19th century in Africa. The emergence and proliferation of African Independent Churches in Africa was Africa’s response to Europeanised Christianity with its imperialistic doctrines and practices that negated expectation of its new context – Africa. Despite the declining fortunes of Christianity in the West, African Christianity, which includes the African Independent Churches and African Pentecostal traditions, is now a major non-commodity export within Africa and North America. Apart from their rituals and peculiarities, African Independent Churches like other faith organisations are development actors. Although notions about the role of religion in development amongst some social scientists are mainly negative, African Independent Churches over the years are actively involved in various human and community transformation initiatives. This study argues that the transnational status of African Independent Churches has led to the emergence of developmental ideals that defy territorialisation. The collaboration with some Western development agencies by some of the African Independent Churches in Diaspora further blurs the concept of diaspora as the members of this Christian movement are active development actors in the receiving nations and their former home countries. This study argues that the role of religion in development in any context cannot be overemphasised. As a result of the globalisation of African Independent Churches, the United Kingdom and Nigeria will serve as our case study using historical survey and descriptive analyses to highlight African Independent Churches as development actors. (shrink)

This two-volume book, published open access, brings together leading scholars of constitutional law from twenty-nine European countries to revisit the role of national constitutions at a time when decision-making has increasingly shifted to the European and transnational level. It offers important insights into three areas. First, it explores how constitutions reflect the transfer of powers from domestic to European and global institutions. Secondly, it revisits substantive constitutional values, such as the protection of constitutional rights, the rule of law, democratic participation (...) and constitutional review, along with constitutional court judgments that tackle the protection of these rights and values in the transnational context, e.g. with regard to the Data Retention Directive, the European Arrest Warrant, the ESM Treaty, and EU and IMF austerity measures. The responsiveness of the ECJ regarding the above rights and values, along with the standard of protection, is also assessed. Thirdly, challenges in the context of global governance in relation to judicial review, democratic control and accountability are examined. On a broader level, the contributors were also invited to reflect on what has increasingly been described as the erosion or 'twilight' of constitutionalism, or a shift to a thin version of the rule of law, democracy and judicial review in the context of Europeanisation and globalisation processes. The national reports are complemented by a separately published comparative study, which identifies a number of broader trends and challenges that are shared across several Member States and warrant wider discussion. The research for this publication and the comparative study were carried out within the framework of the ERC-funded project 'The Role and Future of National Constitutions in European and Global Governance'. The book is aimed at scholars, researchers, judges and legal advisors working on the interface between national constitutional law and EU and transnational law. The extradition cases are also of interest to scholars and practitioners in the field of criminal law. Anneli Albi is Professor of European Law at the University of Kent, United Kingdom. Samo Bardutzky is Assistant Professor of Constitutional Law at the University of Ljubljana, Slovenia. (shrink)

Since the outbreak of the First World War, Max Scheler has been interested in political and cultural constellations within Europe. But he also thinks about Europe as a plural entity and its relationship to other world regions. Thus, he analyses processes of globalisation, in his view a Europeanisation of the world, from political, economic and cultural points of view. In his analyses of such a “Europeanisation of the world”, Scheler refers to the great studies on the history of (...) capitalism by Werner Sombart and Max Scheler, from which he takes the talk of the “capitalist spirit of modernity”. Scheler's analysis of globalisation leads to a critique of the European claim to cultural hegemony. He pleads for a preservation of differences and a new vitalisation of cultural values through productive conflicts such as wars on a global scale. Scheler's texts still provoke their readers today, at least to think about them. (shrink)

In this paper I would like to present a brief description of the issues in English-Polish translation in the field of antitrust. Ever since Poland became a part of the broadening European integration, the Polish antitrust laws have been strongly “Europeanised”. Many new linguistic elements exist in both the Polish language of antitrust law and Polish legal language. Whatever the cause, the result is a decrease in the quality of the language. The issues of concern are divided into two groups. (...) The first relates to producing Polish versions of EU legal documents concerning antitrust. The second is related to translating English language of antitrust for the purposes of drafting national documents concerning antitrust, both legal documents and documents that are not legally binding. I will then turn to areas where a change is needed and propose measures that might be helpful in the current circumstances. (shrink)

The author presents the impact of Lisbon Strategy on opportunities to support the development of non-governmental organisations in Poland. He studies two inter-related issues: the Strategy’s impact on supporting the development of the so-called Third Sector and opportunities for the non-governmental organisations to achieve the Strategy’s objectives. An analysis of so delineated a field of study serves to arrive at three aims. The first is a description of the vectors and content of political transfer of Europeanisation. The second is (...) the analysis of the issue of the effectiveness with which the objectives of Europeanisation on Poland are implemented, while the third is the analysis of local determinants in the processes of Europeanisation. (shrink)

The paper attempts to point out Paulo Freire’s thoughts that could be fruitful in the context of bioethical consideration of the human relationship toward nature, i.e., non-human living beings, especially with regard to the development of bioethical sensibility, in particular present in children. Given that certain childhood traits, compatible with the idea of bioethical sensibility, form the core of Freire’s philosophy of education, this is an area in which the bioethicisation of Freire’s thought can be particularly fruitful. In addition, the (...) paper presents his views associated with moral regard toward non-human living beings, as well as those that are somewhat contradictory to due regard toward living beings, given that the latter views provide impoverished insights into the richness of the non-human living beings’ self-realisation. Prior to these considerations, the notion of bioethicisation of philosophy is further clarified, especially regarding the closely related (programmatic) notion of Europeanisation of bioethics. Both of these terms are used in the context of integrative bioethics. The last chapter explains the potential contribution of Freire’s dialogical method to the development of a pluri-perspective methodology of integrative bioethics. (shrink)

This article focuses on theoretical reflections on sovereignty and constitutionalism in the context of the globalization and Europeanisation of the nation states, their politics, and legal systems. Starting from a critical assessment of the Kelsen-Schmitt polemic, the author claims that sovereignty needs to be analysed by the sociological method in order to disclose its current structural differentiation. The constitution of society may be imagined as the multitude of self-constituted and functionally differentiated social subsystems. The constitutional pluralism argument subsequently reconceptualizes (...) sovereignty as socially differentiated and divided between specific subsystems. The EU's differentiated constitutional domain and the paradox of divided sovereignty are used as examples of profound structural and semantic changes in contemporary national and transnational societies. While the sovereign nation-state institutions have become marginalized in political structures of European societies, the self-constitutionalization of the functionally differentiated EU legal system proceeds by internalizing the concept of divided sovereignty and using it semantically as its mode of self-reference. (shrink)

The article reviews the developing studies of visuality with respect to their own focus on cultural and political fields in which visual communication unfolds. I found that that some of the academic interests related to visuality can be located within the broader or intersecting field of cultural and political studies and provide successful tools of analysing and describing the communicational interactions within local communities situated in broader contexts of mobility. Some light is shed on the visualisations of the current condition (...) of the nation-state with respect to globalizing or Europeanising tendencies. Also, I discuss a more general impact of mobility and novel visualisations of the public and cultural sphere. (shrink)

Le philosophe japonais Nishida (1870-1945) et ses disciples de l'ecole de Kyoto, en elaborant une pensee situee a la croisee des cultures, ont ete persuades de repondre a une attente propre de leur epoque - une epoque marquee par l'europeanisation du globe et, singulierement, celle du Japon, depuis la politique d'occidentalisation systematique entamee par la restauration Meiji (1868). Afin de pouvoir faire face, en lui empruntant ses propres armes, a l'europeanisation heterogene et forcee que l'Occident faisait subir aux (...) pays asiatiques, du fait de son expansion capitaliste et imperialiste, le Japon n'a pas seulement voulu apprendre les moyens de la puissance europeenne et americaine, afin de pouvoir resister a celles-ci, eviter l'assujettissement subi par la quasitotalite du continent asiatique et ainsi rester maitre de sa destinee, il a en outre voulu sortir de son isolement culturel, monter sur la scene de l'histoire mondiale, entrer dans la societe des nations que constituaient ensemble les puissances occidentales et, a partir de la, il a ambitionne de pouvoir participer a la logique universaliste dont ces nations se consideraient detentrices - a l'exclusion des civilisations non-occidentales formant chacune un monde ferme sur soi, et ignore du reste du monde. Nishida comprenait ainsi son oeuvre comme etant le produit ou l'expression, sur le plan intellectuel, de ce phenomene proprement nippon de l'occidentalisation consentie d'une portion du monde oriental afin d'entrer dans l'universalite en devenir de l'esprit occidental. Son effort devient ainsi emblematique de toutes les expressions culturelles non-occidentales qui, aujourd'hui, de maniere souvent hasardeuse, cherchent a leur tour a faire entendre leur voix au sein de ce meme concert. (shrink)

Onboard international flights, you may have witnessed the pre-takeoff information/in-flight safety speech by the cabin crew. It is not out of place that they tend to be European in their mode of speaking. However, when on a local flight, the Europeanness of speech still comes out loud. We want to understand why such Europeanised intonation should be and the audience it is meant to serve. Our research leads us to the conclusion that this insensitivity of local airline operators stems from (...) the desire to enjoy some patronage even if their actions inferiorise the community who are the major patronisers of their services. We will also explain why the Europeanisation of speech could lead to safety hazards. This work is inspired by the personal experiences of the researchers and of a few others. (shrink)

Onboard international flights, you may have witnessed the pre-takeoff information/in-flight safety speech by the cabin crew. It is not out of place that they tend to be European in their mode of speaking. However, when on a local flight, the Europeanness of speech still comes out loud. We want to understand why such Europeanised intonation should be and the audience it is meant to serve. Our research leads us to the conclusion that this insensitivity of local airline operators stems from (...) the desire to enjoy some patronage even if their actions inferiorise the community who are the major patronisers of their services. We will also explain why the Europeanisation of speech could lead to safety hazards. This work is inspired by the personal experiences of the researchers and of a few others. (shrink)

The author attempts to investigate connections and interdependencies between periphery countries and the globalisation process, including the attitude of these countries to unification blocs, such as the European integration project. The basic research tool used in this work is a systemic analysis, as well as the core-periphery method, derived from social sciences. Its fundamental hypothesis is that the decline of the liberal architecture of the globe may translate into the periphery’s tendency to abandon real convergence in favour of the fragmentary (...) imitation of supranational bodies, potentially leading to intensified disintegration tendencies within phenomena, such as the consolidation of Europe. In the past, the powerless core of the community only contemplated the imitative Europeanisation of marginal territories. Today, however – because the idea to construct a homogeneous polity has collapsed – postulates of “multi-speed” integration can lead to the reconstruction of the historical division into the core and periphery of the old continent. (shrink)

The uneasy tension between ongoing disputes about Turkey's Europeanisation and an emphasis on cultural authenticity has characterised much of Turkish social and political thought over the last two centuries. This article explores conceptions of Europe, modernity and tradition contained in the writings of two twentieth-century Turkish writers, Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar (1901–1962) and Peyami Safa (1899–1961) whose writings express an anxiety of cultural authenticity. Varieties of communitarian thinking, coupled with an emphasis on a ‘synthesis’ between past and future, tradition and (...) modernity, Turkey and Europe, had been invoked and advocated by many writers and scholars who sought to come to terms with the challenges surrounding Turkey's Europeanisation throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Tanpınar and Safa are widely considered to be among the most influential representatives of this deeply rooted communitarian tradition in modern Turkish social imaginary. By drawing on Tanpınar's and Safa's essays on politics, society, culture and the East–West distinction, this article demonstrates the radical divergences between their perspectives and draws out the political implications of their views of Europe, modernity and tradition. Although he appears to be one of the advocates of Turkey's Europeanisation and the idea of a civilisational synthesis, Safa's conservatism is based on a sketchy theory of radical particularity and cultural essentialism that reflects a repudiation of universalism and cosmopolitanism, and which shows a tendency bordering on a celebration of all collectivist self-assertions and struggles against liberal democracy. Tanpınar's communitarian vision, on the other hand, with its emphasis on ‘tradition’ and ‘continuity’, aims to reconcile the political ideals of European modernity with a restored cultural tradition. One of the primary purposes of this article is to fully work out the originality of Tanpınar's thought by highlighting the intimations of a distinctively hermeneutical dimension that figure prominently in his writings, and which have largely gone unnoticed. (shrink)

The article proposes a critical approach to the notion of interculturality in the context of the geopolitical and social transformations that marked the transition from the nation-state system to the birth of a common European identity.In the European society the demarginalisation of territorial and identification borders raises the question of cultural differences and the need to redefine the new criteria for social inclusion. In this perspective, the process of European integration finds its own testing ground in social policies designed to (...) cultural minority. The article focuses precisely on the case of Gypsy communities, exploring the symbolic and political mechanisms that have historically compromised public image of Gypsies through the ‘nomad theory’ by considering nomadism as part of an inherent identity. The reproduction of this stereotype is at the basis of a social stigma of Gypsy groups, perceived as a public order problem that is reflected in national and supranational politics according to the tendency to consider Gypsies as incapable of decision making and not interlocutors on issues such as health, education and housing. In this text, the author aims to examine these aspects of social exclusion of Gypsy communities and the fault lines of their Europeanisation process, emphasizing their deep roots in the historical and social structure of Europe and their political migration as a creative adaptation strategy to the historical-economic conjunctures. In this framework of reference, interculturality becomes an analytical and political tool that is capable of overcoming the conflicts between the majority society and minorities and a project able to oppose to the ideologies of difference that transform the cultures into abstract and incommunicable entities.El artículo propone un acercamiento crítico a la noción de interculturalidad en el cuadro de las transformaciones sociales y geopolíticas que han caracterizado el paso del sistema estado-nación al nacimiento de una identidad comunitaria europea. En la actual sociedad europea la desmarginalización de los confines identitarios y territoriales se eleva la cuestión de las diferencias culturales y la necesidad de redefinir nuevos criterios de inclusión social. En esta perspectiva el proceso de integración europea encuentra uno de sus bancos de prueba en las políticas sociales dirigidas a aquellas comunidades consideradas minorías culturales. El artículo se centra en particular en el caso de las comunidades gitanas, examinando los mecanismos simbólicos y políticos que han determinado históricamente una representación negativa suya por la teoría de un nomadismo consustancial a la identidad gitana. La reproducción de este estereotipo es la base de un estigma social de los gitanos, percibidos como un problema de orden público y se refleja en las políticas nacionales y supranacionales que continúan sin considerarlos interlocutores activos en la elección de estrategias pertenecientes a la esfera de la salud, de la educación y de la vivienda. En el texto se discuten estos aspectos unidos a la exclusión social de los gitanos y los puntos débiles de su integración europea, subrayando su pertenencia histórica a Europa y valorando su política migratoria como expresión de una modalidad creativa de adaptación a las coyunturas histórico-económicas. En este marco de referencia, la interculturalidad se convierte en un instrumento analítico y político capaz de superar los conflictos entre sociedad mayoritaria y ‘minoría cultural’ y a su vez en un proyecto capaz de oponerse a aquellas ideologías de la diferencia que transforman las culturas en entidades abstractas e incomunicables. (shrink)

Dans le cadre des luttes pour l’indépendance en Inde et du renouvellement des normes de la mode féminine en Europe, des Anglaises telles Annie Besant, Margaret Noble, Madeleine Slade quittent à leur arrivée en Inde leurs robes traditionnelles pour des habits qui réélaborent des éléments empruntés à la culture indienne. Les pratiques vestimentaires témoignent, particulièrement dans le contexte anticolonial, d’un enjeu crucial tant pour les autorités britanniques que pour les Indiens. Tandis qu’Indiens et Indiennes modifient leurs habits en réponse aux (...) pressions des codes vestimentaires coloniaux, ces « saris européanisés » affirment publiquement à la fois leur sentiment politique anti-impérialiste et un programme national et social pour les Indiens sous-tendu par une forte dimension féminine. Ils fonctionnent comme un lieu de négociation des relations coloniales par la contestation ouverte des notions impérialistes de domesticité et l’introduction de nouvelles formes de sociabilités politiques. (shrink)

Dans le cadre des luttes pour l’indépendance en Inde (1890-1940) et du renouvellement des normes de la mode féminine en Europe, des Anglaises telles Annie Besant, Margaret Noble, Madeleine Slade quittent à leur arrivée en Inde leurs robes traditionnelles pour des habits qui réélaborent des éléments empruntés à la culture indienne. Les pratiques vestimentaires témoignent, particulièrement dans le contexte anticolonial, d’un enjeu crucial tant pour les autorités britanniques que pour les Indiens. Tandis qu’Indiens et Indiennes modifient leurs habits en réponse (...) aux pressions des codes vestimentaires coloniaux, ces « saris européanisés » affirment publiquement à la fois leur sentiment politique anti-impérialiste et un programme national et social pour les Indiens sous-tendu par une forte dimension féminine. Ils fonctionnent comme un lieu de négociation des relations coloniales par la contestation ouverte des notions impérialistes de domesticité et l’introduction de nouvelles formes de sociabilités politiques. (shrink)

This paper is not about work or labour itself, and how it changes historically in South Africa, but about how the meaning of 'work' and 'labour' itself changes. What we want to suggest, is that an 'original' meaning of the tasks/duties associated with 'work' was 'woman': ukusebenza. What men did, does not constitute 'work' but something else entirely: raiding, moving, occasional, going etc.: ukuphangela. It is in the latter term, ukuphangela, that the term 'raid' emerges, and the argument draws on (...) this notion and meaning of raid to underscore the re-thinking of gender, the subject and her relation to work, and history. The paper operates in two registers, focusing on the historic meanings of work and labour in the Eastern Cape and tracing lateral translations of these meanings into East London in the 1950s. It argues that in re-thinking meanings of labour and work through multiple temporalities, and through the contested meanings of the isiXhosa terms ukusebenza and ukuphangela, these word fragments are read as 'entryways to a wordliness' that puts lateral universals and temporalities of work back into circulation. As such, we pose the question rather, following Anne Kelk Mager and Helen Bradford, of whether it is gender that is at the forefront not only of class and race struggles, but of what comes to constitute the meaning of 'work', a concept whose provenance and meaning changes, as we have noted, with the making of modernity, industrialisation/capitalism, and the 'Europeanisation' of the world. (shrink)

Ulrich Beck, Jean-Marc Ferry et Jürgen Habermas voient dans l’Union européenne la réalisation d’une démocratie postnationale, capable de se hisser au niveau des enjeux actuels. Les signes de cette réalisation ne se font toutefois pas jour dans des valeurs abstraites, mais dans l’expérience de l’européanisation, lors des commerces transfrontaliers. Après avoir présenté ce paradoxe dans les textes, nous suggérons que l’accent mis sur les expériences ordinaires tient à la place occupée par le droit dans la construction européenne. Le contrôle des (...) libertés de circulation par la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne, caractéristique du marché intérieur, est à l’origine d’une intégration plus large, qui a étendu les droits des opérateurs économiques et forgé le statut de citoyen européen. La jurisprudence de la CJUE a en effet permis d’élargir la portée des droits transnationaux, dans la continuité du droit cosmopolitique kantien, sans dissoudre les États membres dans une association supranationale. Une affiliation postnationale, alternative au modèle de la souveraineté étatique classique, semble ainsi se concrétiser dans l’Union européenne. Cependant, nous suggérons que le crédit accordé à la construction, par la jurisprudence de la CJUE, de la citoyenneté postnationale, risque d’occulter les effets problématiques d’une intégration judiciaire vouée à être essentiellement négative. (shrink)

Si l’existence du « modèle suédois » est avérée dans la littérature scientifique et les représentations, l’étude montre toutefois que les différentes périodes d’affirmation de cette spécificité correspondent à l’investissement d’acteurs différents qui ne poursuivent pas les mêmes intérêts, ne passent pas les mêmes alliances et ne favorisent pas les mêmes politiques. Il faut retracer la genèse et le développement du « modèle suédois » lui-même, ou plutôt de ce qu’on pourrait qualifier d’exception suédoise, pour éviter certaines difficultés dues aux (...) intérêts que porte en lui ce terme. Mais il faut aussi restituer l’histoire de l’intérêt qu’on lui a porté et des lectures qu’on en a données aux différentes périodes qu’on peut distinguer. C’est ainsi qu’on peut mieux comprendre les raisons de l’attention internationale qui a été portée à ce modèle et celles pour lesquelles sa fin a été si souvent proclamée.The existence of the « Swedish model » is a recognized fact in scientific literature and representations. A historic survey shows however that its apparent everpresence is due to the continuous but changing action of diverse social actors who pursue different interests, conclude specific alliances and do not sustain the same policies. We thus try to outline the « Swedish model » birth and development, although it might be better to talk about a « Swedish exception » in order to avoid some difficulties linked to the interests vested in this label. But it is also necessary to analyze the attention which has been turned on this model and the lectures that the researchers have proposed to explain it at various stages of its history. This attempt is useful to understand the motives of the international interest that this model has continually aroused and the reasons why its end has regularly been proclaimed. (shrink)

Recent years have witnessed the emergence of anew policy style within the E.U., characterized by voluntary policy transfer between member states and soft policy instruments including exchange of best practice, targets, benchmarking and national league tables. This article examines how these methods have been used by gender mainstreaming advocates and evaluates the impact of this strategy to-date upon E.U. policy-making procedures and outputs. It is argued that mainstreaming has provided new opportunities for feminists to influence the E.U. policy agenda, but (...) that the impact of mainstreaming varies between sectors and member states. The concluding section considers the implications of E.U. mainstreaming from the perspective of the European Women's Lobby(E.W.L.). This discussion highlights the potential opportunities and risks for feminists of mainstreaming. (shrink)

The author analyses the context and reasons for the change in Pushkin's understanding of history. The idea of Russia's special path, disagreement with the Decembrists, and the appeal to the history and personality of Peter I led to the evolution of the poet's views to anti-violent and, in fact, pessimistic attitudes.