James T. Hong’s experimental documentary, The Denazification of MH is neither anapology for Heidegger’s involvement with National Socialism nor a condemnation of thatinvolvement. Rather, the film is a critical philosophical confrontation with Heidegger’s thought and the issue of his involvement withNational Socialism. The film addresses the perennial concern as old as philosophy itself: therelationship between the philosopher’s life and his philosophy. While the film does notadopt a definitive position regarding Heidegger, Nazism, and the issue of personalresponsibility, it does suggest (...) an affirmative response to the question posed by bothLevinas and Blanchot regarding the possibility of philosophizing after Auschwitz.Considering Heidegger’s influence on contemporary philosophy and literary studies,inspiring such films as The Denazification of MH and The Ister , it appears as though it is not only possible, but necessary, to carefully andcritically approach Heidegger in the effort to continue to philosophize in the wake of themost catastrophic event of the 20thcentury, the Holocaust. In his thoroughly researched biography of Martin Heidegger, Rudiger Strafaski states the following regarding thepotential of Heidegger himself to do philosophy in the wake of the German death camps, amatter about which Heidegger remained conspicuously silent. (shrink)

In 2015 students in South Africa mobilized to decolonize universities and to struggle for free higher education. This article discusses these developments in the context of contemporary theories of remembrance, repression and denial and current debates around decolonization and “talking race” in post-apartheid South Africa. The current South African student movement challenge apartheid legacies and white colonial culture, contending that campuses are still dominated by racist symbolic and economic orders. They argue, “As we learn we need to unlearn and develop (...) new epistemologies.” This article analyses this process as it unfolds and looks at the unfolding intergenerational tensions and discusses how a lack of affirmative labor of remembrance on the side of the white South African population complicates notions of decolonization in relation to a gendered black nationalism. A point of conceptual reference is the 1968 student protest movement in West Germany, which forcefully broke the silence surrounding fascist continuities within the newly democratized institutions that was “unable to mourn” and remember. (shrink)

From the perspective of a contemporary German reader, one consideration is particularly important from the start. Illumination of the political conduct of Martin Heidegger cannot and should not serve the purpose of a global depreciation of his thought. As a personality of recent history, Heidegger comes, like every other such personality, under the judgment of the historian. In Farias’ book as well, actions and courses of conduct are presented that suggest a detached evaluation of Heidegger’s character. But in general, as (...) members of a later generation who cannot know how we would have acted under conditions of a political dictatorship, we do well to refrain from moral judgments on actions and omissions from the Nazi era. Karl Jaspers, a friend and contemporary of Heidegger, was in a different position. In a report that the denazification committee of the University of Freiburg at the end of 1945, he passed judgment on Heidegger’s “mode of thinking”: it seemed to him “in its essence unfree, dictatorial, uncommunicative.”7 This judgment is itself no less informative about Jaspers than about Heidegger. In making evaluations of this sort Jaspers, as can be seen from his book on Friedrich Schelling, was guided by the strict maxim that whatever truth a philosophical doctrine contains must be mirrored in the mentality and lifestyle of the philosopher. This rigorous conception of the unity of work and person seems to me inadequate to the autonomy of thought and, indeed, to the general history of the reception and influence of philosophical thought. I do not mean by this to deny all internal connection between philosophical works and the biographical contexts from which they come—or to limit the responsibility attached to an author, who during his lifetime can always react to unintended consequences of his utterances. 7. Ott, “Martin Heidegger und der Nationalsozialismus,” p. 65. Jürgen Habermas is professor of philosophy at the University of Frankfurt. His most recent books include the two-volume work Theory of Communicative Action and The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity: Twelve Lectures . John McCumber is an associate professor of philosophy at Northwestern University. He is the author of Poetic Interaction: Language, Freedom, Reason. (shrink)

The article starts with the question: how is the political philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche even possible? The author discusses with Tracy B. Strong’s presumption that Nietzsche’s political philosophy is not possible as a transcendental deduction. The author supposes that this type of question clashes with the premises of Nietzsche’s thinking and also undermines the interpretation of the other aspects of his philosophy. First of all: the question of nazification and denazification of Nietzsche’s thought. The article comes to the conclusion (...) that in the scope of recent investigation there is not much sense in raising the question whether Nietzsche’s political views are political philosophy in the normative meaning of the term, but it is possible to discuss the question of political anthropology as the psychology of the nations Nietzsche was really interested in. (shrink)

In this final volume of Robert Denoon Cumming's four-volume history of the phenomenological movement, Cumming examines the bearing of Heidegger's philosophy on his original commitment to Nazism and on his later inability to face up to the implication of that allegiance. Cumming continues his focus, as in previous volumes, on Heidegger's connection with other philosophers. Here, Cumming looks first at Heidegger's relation to Karl Jaspers, an old friend on whom Heidegger turned his back when Hitler consolidated power, and who discredited (...) Heidegger in the denazification that followed World War II. The issues at stake are not merely personal, Cumming argues, but regard the philosophical relevance of the personal. After the war Heidegger disavowed Sartre, a move related to Heidegger's renunciation of his association with the phenomenological movement at large, and one that illustrates the dynamics of the history Cumming himself has completed. Serving as convincing punctuation for this remarkable series, this book demonstrates the importance of the history of philosophy in coming to grips with the proclaimed end of philosophy. (shrink)

Martin Heidegger notoriously linked industrial agriculture and the Holocaust in a lecture given at Bremen while he was still banned from teaching under denazification measures. What has largely been overlooked is that Derrida also compared the two: in 1997, in an address given at the third Cerisy conference devoted his work. This apparent repetition will be understood within the broader framework of his reading of Heidegger and, in particular, with what the latter says concerning technology. It will be argued (...) that while Derrida views industrial agriculture as a series of technical issues, each demanding of particular attention, Heidegger sees its only as an instance of Technik. Most significantly, while the latter’s philosophy offers no resources for treating it as demanding an ethical response, for Derrida our relation to animals should be guided by compassion. (shrink)

This paper is an exploration of the ideology of National Socialism in the work and activity of the German terrorist group and Black Metal band Absurd. Historians are divided—and many have criticized how postwar Germany dealt with denazification—, but the fact is that Nazi ideology has been part of the political and social spheres in Germany since then. Neo‑Nazism saw a revival especially in the first years after unification, which coincided with the beginning of Absurd’s story and career. Today, (...) they hold the title of the National Socialist Black Metal act par excellence, with a 28‑year music career actively supporting and promoting Nazi ideology. Absurd makes a very interesting case study, since the band has played a key role in preserving and transmitting Nazi ideology, not just in Germany, but also worldwide. (shrink)

Introduction Immediately after the Second World War, when in the interests of denazification Germans were being investigated for their involvement in ...

Educar, elaborar o passado, desnazificar: Memória histórica e neonazifascismo no início do século XXI Resumo: Apesar de o nazismo e o fascismo terem sido aparentemente “enterrados” após a 2ª Guerra Mundial, atualmente o avanço do nazifascismo causa preocupação em nível mundial. Este artigo trata do conceito de elaboração do passado – negação determinada do objeto – e busca responder como, quando, por que, quanto tempo durou e as principais características do Programa de Desnazificação na Alemanha do pós-guerra. Foi uma política (...) pública bem-sucedida? Como se deu a participação da educação formal, nesse PDA? As respostas decorrem da análise mediada por uma hermenêutica histórico-filosófica fundamentada na teoria e em aspectos da filosofia da educação de T. Adorno, que visa apreender as razões pelas quais o nazifascismo sempre foi uma ideologia política presente, desde o Zeitgeist que o inaugurou, no início do século XX, até os dias atuais. Palavras-chave: Elaboração do passado. Negação determinada. Memória histórica. Desnazificação. Neonazifascismo. Apoio: CAPES/UFES Educate, Working Through the Past, Denazificate: Historical memoy and neonazifascism in the begin of 21st century: Although Nazifascism was apparently “buried” after World War II, its advance is currently causing worldwide concern. This article deals with the concept of working through the past – a specific negation of the object – and it aims to answer how, when, why, how long it lasted and the main features of the postwar German Denazification Program ; was it a successful public policy? How did formal education participate in this DP? The answers derive from the analysis mediated by a historical-philosophical hermeneutics based on the theory and aspects of T. Adorno´s philosophy of education, which aims to apprehend the reasons why Nazifascism was ever a present ideology, since the Zeitgeist in which it was opened – at the beginning of the 20th century –, to the present day. Keywords: Elaboration of the past. Specific denial. Historical memory. Desnazification. Neonazifascism. Éduquer, Travailler à travers le passé “dénazifier”: Mémoire historique et néonazifascime au début du 21e siècle Résumé: Bien qu’apparemment "enterré" après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’avancée du nazifascisme suscite des inquiétudes au niveau mondial. Cet article traite du concept d'élaboration du passé - une négation spécifique de l'objet - et cherche à expliquer comment, quand, pourquoi, combien de temps il dura et les principales caractéristiques du Programme de Dénazification de l'Allemagne d'après-guerre. Était-ce une politique publique réussie? Comment l'éducation formelle a-t-elle participé à ce PDA? Les réponses proviennent de l'analyse médiée par une herméneutique historico-philosophique basée sur la théorie et les aspects de la philosophie de l'éducation de T. Adorno, qui vise à appréhender les raisons pour les quelles le nazifascisme a toujours été une idéologie actuelle, depuis que le Zeitgeist l’a inauguré, au début du XXe siècle, jusqu’à nos jours. Mots-clés: Elaboration du passé. Déni spécifique. Mémoire historique. Dénazification. Néonazifascisme. Data de registro: 03/06/2019 Data de aceite: 23/04/2020. (shrink)

Bilješke koje je Martin Heidegger unosio u takozvane »crne bilježnice« potakle su, netom nakon objavljivanja, intenzivne diskusije, osobito oko pitanja antisemitizma i nacionalsocijalizma. Je li se Heideggerova osobna naklonost ka ovim ideologijama odrazila i na njegovo filozofsko djelo? U ovom ogledu razmatra se jedna, s ovim pitanjima povezana, važna tema u Crnim bilježnicama – tema sveučilišta. Ona postaje frekventnija u tri navrata, obilježena značajnim događajima u Heideggerovoj profesionalnoj biografiji: preuzimanjem funkcije rektora sveučilišta u Freiburgu, napuštanjem te funkcije te isključenjem iz (...) nastave u sklopu poratne denacifikacije Njemačke. Pokazuje se da shvaćanje sveučilišta u Crnim bilježnicama odgovara idejama predočenim u Heideggerovu rektorskom govoru, kao i da to shvaćanje nije jednako nacionalsocijalističkom, već izražava filozofovo »narodnjačko« misaono usmjerenje. Iako posjeduje neke elemente vokabulara koji su bili prisutni u nacističkoj propagandi, Heidegger svoje stavove o stvarnosti i budućnosti sveučilišta integrira s drugim svojim idejama – kritikom svođenja znanja na tehničke aspekte, kritikom izoliranja znanosti u samostalna područja i uopće kritikom zapadnjačkog mišljenja. The notes that Martin Heidegger made in the so-called Black Notebooks stimulated, immediately after publication, intense discussions, especially on the issue of anti-Semitism and National Socialism. Does Heidegger’s personal fondness for these ideologies reflect on his philosophical work? In this essay, one important topic related to these issues in Black Notebooks is discussed – the topic of university. It became more frequent on three occasions, marked by significant events in Heidegger’s professional biography: taking over as rector of the University of Freiburg, leaving that position, and exclusion from teaching as part of the postwar denazification of Germany. It turns out that the understanding of the university in the Black Notebooks corresponds to the ideas presented in Heidegger’s rector’s speech, and that this understanding is not equally National Socialist, but expresses the philosopher’s “populist” thinking. Although he possesses some elements of vocabulary that were present in Nazi propaganda, Heidegger integrates his views on the reality and future of the university with his other ideas – a critique of reducing knowledge to technical aspects, a critique of isolating science into independent fields, and a critique of Western thought. (shrink)

The notes that Martin Heidegger made in the so-called Black Notebooks stimulated, immediately after publication, intense discussions, especially on the issue of anti-Semitism and National Socialism. Does Heidegger’s personal fondness for these ideologies reflect on his philosophical work? In this essay, one important topic related to these issues in Black Notebooks is discussed – the topic of university. It became more frequent on three occasions, marked by significant events in Heidegger’s professional biography: taking over as rector of the University of (...) Freiburg, leaving that position, and exclusion from teaching as part of the postwar denazification of Germany. It turns out that the understanding of the university in the Black Notebooks corresponds to the ideas presented in Heidegger’s rector’s speech, and that this understanding is not equally National Socialist, but expresses the philosopher’s “populist” thinking. Although he possesses some elements of vocabulary that were present in Nazi propaganda, Heidegger integrates his views on the reality and future of the university with his other ideas – a critique of reducing knowledge to technical aspects, a critique of isolating science into independent fields, and a critique of Western thought. (shrink)

Wie jedes Krankenhaus hat Charité ihre Geschichte, die mit dem Erlaß des preußischen Königs Friedrich I. vom 14. November 1709 zur Gründung von Lazareth-Häusern anfing, um der Ausbreitung der Pest entgegenzuwirken, wozu es allerdings in Berlin nie gekommen ist. Am 9. Januar 1727 verfügte König Friedrich Wilhelm I. die Umwandlung des vor dem Spandowischen Tor errichteten Lazareth in ein Hospital und nannte es „das Haus die Charité“ nach dem Vorbild von Hôpital de la Charité in Paris. -/- Das Wort und (...) der Begriff Charité ist wesentlich älter als das Krankenhaus. Das Französische charité ist äquivalent dem Englischen charity und dem Deutschen Barmherzigkeit, während ihre Ursprünge im Griechischen zu finden sind: χάρις bedeutet Gnade, Gunst, χαριτόω Gnade oder Gunst zeigen oder empfangen, favorisieren oder favorisiert werden, gnädig oder begnadet sein. Das Krankenhaus ist ein Ort der Gnade, welche den Kranken und Bedürftigen zusteht aufgrund allgemeiner Verpflichtung, seinen Nächsten so zu lieben wie sich selbst. Die Gunst und die Gnade zu erweisen heißt auch, sich zu erbarmen und mitleidig sein, eigenes Herz für fremdes Leid zu offnen. -/- Seit ihrer Gründung weichte Charité von diesem Grundgedanke mehrmals ab, was bisher in ihrer Geschichtsschreibung mehr oder weniger wahrheitsgetreu festgehalten wurde. Dieser Tradition des Festhaltens und der Wiedergabe der Wahrheit bin ich verpflichtet, weil offizielle Geschichtsschreibung erneut beginnt, von der Realität abzuweichen und die Tatsachen zu leugnen, die sowohl unzweifelhaft sind als auch unzweifelhaft würdig sind, erzählt zu werden, weil es dabei um die Frage des Auftrags der Charité geht. -/- Charité wurde gegründet, um das Unheil abzuwenden, dennoch war ihre Geschichte keine Heilsgeschichte, wie ich bereits feststellte. Das Unheil setzte sich im 21. Jahrhundert fort, was ich zu unterbinden suche. Einziges Heilmittel dagegen ist die Wahrheit, daran besteht kein Zweifel, und der Weg, um die Wahrheit zu erkennen, ist die Barmherzigkeit. (shrink)

Mit ihrem Leitbild der „deutschen Frau“ war die Frauenheilkunde in die Ideologie des Nationalsozialismus in ganz besonderer Weise verstrickt. Vor diesem Hintergrund zielt das Erkenntnisinteresse des vorliegenden Beitrags auf Arten und Weisen, mit denen der gesamtdeutsche Fachdiskurs der Gynäkologie und Geburtshilfe nach 1945 unter Maßgaben der Entnazifizierungspolitik und unter Einfluss der Zensurbehörden der Sowjetischen Besatzungszone geformt, gefiltert und zur Druckreife gebracht wurde. Er befasst sich mit dem gynäkologischen Fachbuch als einem zentralen Medium fachkultureller Kommunikation und rekonstruiert, wie das Wissen auf (...) diesem Fachgebiet in komplexen Aushandlungsprozessen zwischen Autoren, Verlagen und Zensurbehörden aufbereitet wurde. Zu diesem Zweck sind bislang nicht ausgewertete Archivbestände entsprechender Zensurbehörden unter die Lupe genommen worden. (shrink)

In contrast to the barrage of recent literature condemning Heidegger for his involvement with National Socialism, Julian Young’s book stands out in its author’s attempt to recover Heideggerian phenomenology as an antidote to fascist politics. Young undertakes “what may be described as a ‘deNazification’ of Heidegger”. Obviously, this is a controversial thesis which will require an interval of time before receiving a significant hearing. To substantiate his thesis, Young proceeds first to defend Heidegger against his most vehement critics, including (...) Levinas, Derrida, and Lyotard and, second, to reinterpret Heidegger’s texts in an effort to outline the parameters of ethics. (shrink)