This article discusses the main trends of Georgian philosophy: its basic principles and perspectives, the importance of the Western, especially the European cultural heritage, and the Georgian contribution to the history of ideas in a global perspective. Metaphysical questions of cognition, truth, identity, virtue and value, wisdom and power, as well as issues of ethical, social, political and aesthetic values, phenomenological, philosophical-theological and linguistic research are central to Georgian philosophy and exemplify its continuing relevance vis-à-vis the Western tradition in its (...) broadest sense. Although philosophical ideas in Georgia rarely matured into a well-balanced, selfsufficient system, one may distinguish as original conceptions some ideas of Christian Neo-Platonism and Aletheological Realism. (shrink)

We show: for every noncomputable c.e. incomplete c-degree, there exists a nonspeedable c-degree incomparable with it; The c-degree of a hypersimple set includes an infinite collection of \-degrees linearly ordered under \ with order type of the integers and consisting entirely of hypersimple sets; there exist two c.e. sets having no c.e. least upper bound in the \-reducibility ordering; the c.e. \-degrees are not dense.

Ioannidis relies on existential and feminist psychoanalysis to provide a radical and intertextual philosophical analysis of altruism. Following Nietzsche, he traces altruism to the phenomenon of giving one’s word.

Effective Altruism is both a philosophy and a movement. The main criticism on EA is that by donating to charities EA leaves fundamental moral issues such as global poverty and injustice intact. EA arguably does not promote radical institutional change which could lead to an ultimate eradication of the problems that may endanger people’s lives in the first place. In this article this critique is reinforced from a different point of view. The criticism on EA has been mainly on the (...) performative or the empirical aspect of the movement. That is, criticism on EA focuses on evaluating the practical realisation of its mandates with little, if any, evaluation on its philosophical foundation. My aim in this paper is to extend the critique but from a different angle, that is, by going back to its philosophical underpinnings. By exploring the philosophical foundation of EA, I would like to show how EA is not authentic altruism as it is founded on the sacrifice of the Other whom is supposed to be saved. (shrink)

We show that for every intermediate \ s-degree there exists an incomparable \ s-degree. As a consequence, for every intermediate \ Q-degree there exists an incomparable \ Q-degree. We also show how these results can be applied to provide proofs or new proofs of upper density results in local structures of s-degrees and Q-degrees.

The core of Australia’s response to asylum seekers who arrive in an unauthorised manner has been to detain them in immigration detention centres until they are judged to engage Australia’s protection obligations or, if they do not, until they are returned to their country of origin. For a number of asylum seekers this has resulted in very prolonged detention. This policy has aroused a storm of controversy with very polarised positions being taken by participants in the debate. In particular, the (...) claim has frequently been made (including by this author) that the circumstances and duration of immigration detention cause substantial harm to the mental health of a significant number of detained asylum seekers. A rational debate on the effects of detention has been hampered by the fact that the Australian government has not allowed researchers access to the detention centres in spite of persistent requests for access by professional bodies. This paper is written in response to the following questions posed by the Journal: Is there a case to be made for individuals agreeing to participate in research studies and for the wider population of current and future detainees to be involved in research without informing either the detention provider or the host nation? Is it legitimate for a researcher to engage in potentially deceptive actions in order to obtain access to such detention facilities to undertake research? What ethical framework should underpin such research? Although there is very little guidance in the literature on the ethical conduct of research in settings such as immigration detention centres, a consideration of the ethical implications of carrying out research in the manner raised by these questions leads this author to conclude that such research cannot be ethically justified. Governments must be persuaded to allow, and to provide substantial support for, ethically conducted research on all aspects of detention. There is also a need for the development of an explicit ethical framework for the conduct of research in settings characterised by a very problematic human rights context. (shrink)

Empathy is a term used to denote our experience of connecting or feeling with an Other. The term has been used both by psychologists and phenomenologists as a supplement for our biological capacity to understand an Other. In this paper I would like to challenge the possibility of such empathy. If empathy is employed to mean that we know another person’s feelings, then I argue that this is impossible. I argue that there is an equivocation in the use of the (...) term ‘empathy’ which conditions the appropriation of the Other as we think that we know how the Other feels. To claim that we do know an Other’s feelings – or any kind of their intentional experience – means to appropriate their experience through our own. I will first reveal the equivocal use of the term ‘empathy’ and, then, I will explore Husserl’s use of the term. In Husserl, the understanding of an Other as empathy is only partial. I shall conclude by reiterating a thesis from philosophy of existence and feminist theory according to which to know another person comes from creating a community with them and not because we have a biological structure that can mirror each other’s feelings. (shrink)

We use certain strong Q-reducibilities, and their corresponding strong positive reducibilities, to characterize the hyperimmune sets and the hyperhyperimmune sets: if A is any infinite set then A is hyperimmune (respectively, hyperhyperimmune) if and only if for every infinite subset B of A, one has \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\overline{K}\not\le_{\rm ss} B}$$\end{document} (respectively, \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\overline{K}\not\le_{\overline{\rm s}} B}$$\end{document}): here \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\le_{\overline{\rm (...) s}}}$$\end{document} is the finite-branch version of s-reducibility, ≤ss is the computably bounded version of \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\le_{\overline{\rm s}}}$$\end{document}, and \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\overline{K}}$$\end{document} is the complement of the halting set. Restriction to \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\Sigma^0_2}$$\end{document} sets provides a similar characterization of the \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\Sigma^0_2}$$\end{document} hyperhyperimmune sets in terms of s-reducibility. We also show that no \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${A \geq_{\overline{\rm s}}\overline{K}}$$\end{document} is hyperhyperimmune. As a consequence, \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\deg_{\rm s}(\overline{K})}$$\end{document} is hyperhyperimmune-free, showing that the hyperhyperimmune s-degrees are not upwards closed. (shrink)

We show that the Q-degree of a hyperhypersimple set includes an infinite collection of Q1-degrees linearly ordered under \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\leq_{Q_1}}$$\end{document} with order type of the integers and consisting entirely of hyperhypersimple sets. Also, we prove that the c.e. Q1-degrees are not an upper semilattice. The main result of this paper is that the Q1-degree of a hemimaximal set contains only one c.e. 1-degree. Analogous results are valid for \documentclass[12pt]{minimal} \usepackage{amsmath} \usepackage{wasysym} \usepackage{amsfonts} \usepackage{amssymb} (...) \usepackage{amsbsy} \usepackage{mathrsfs} \usepackage{upgreek} \setlength{\oddsidemargin}{-69pt} \begin{document}$${\Pi_1^0}$$\end{document}s1-degrees. (shrink)

We show that if M is an r‐maximal set, A is a major subset of M, B is an arbitrary set and, then. We prove that the c.e. ‐degrees are not dense. We also show that there exist infinite collections of ‐degrees and such that the following hold: (i) for every i, j,, and,(ii) each consists entirely of r‐maximal sets, and(iii) each consists entirely of non‐r‐maximal hyperhypersimple sets.

We prove that if $A$, $B$ are noncomputable c.e. sets, $A<_{sQ_{1}}B$ and [($B$ is not simple and $A\oplus B\leq _{sQ_{1}}B$) or $B\equiv _{sQ_{1}}B\times \omega $], then there exist infinitely many pairwise $sQ_{1}$-incomparable c.e. sets $\{C_{i}\}_{i\in \omega }$ such that $A<_{sQ_{1}}C_{i}<_{sQ_{1}}B$, for all $i\in \omega $. We also show that there exist infinite collections of $sQ_{1}$-degrees $\{\boldsymbol {a_{i}}\}_{i\in \omega }$ and $\{\boldsymbol {b_{i}}\}_{i\in \omega }$ such that for every $i, j,$ (1) $\boldsymbol {a_{i}}<_{sQ_{1}}\boldsymbol {a_{i+1}}$, $\boldsymbol {b_{j+1}}<_{sQ_{1}}\boldsymbol {b_{j}}$ and $\boldsymbol {a_{i}}<_{sQ_{1}}\boldsymbol {b_{j}}$; (...) (2) every c.e set in $\boldsymbol {a_{i}}$ is a maximal set; and (3) every c.e. set in $\boldsymbol {b_{j}}$ is a non-maximal hyperhypersimple set. We prove that a noncomputable c.e. $sQ$-degree contains either only one or infinitely many c.e. $sQ_{1}$-degrees. The $sQ_{1}$-degrees of c.e. cylinders are dense upper semilattice. (shrink)

Interleukin‐1 receptor‐associated kinase‐1 (IRAK1) is linked to the pathogenesis of atherosclerosis; however, its role in macrophage foam cell formation is not known. Therefore, the present study investigated the role of IRAK1 in lipid uptake, biosynthesis, and efflux in THP‐1 derived macrophages and human monocyte‐derived macrophages (HMDMs). Ox‐LDL (40 μg/mL, 15 minutes–48 hours) treatment induced time‐dependent increase in IRAK1, IRAK4, and Stat1 activation in THP‐1 derived macrophages. IRAK1/4 inhibitor (INH) or IRAK1 siRNA significantly attenuated cholesterol accumulation, DiI‐Ox‐LDL binding, and uptake while (...) cholesterol efflux to apoAI and HDL was enhanced in THP‐1 derived macrophages and HMDMs. Ox‐LDL treatment significantly increased the mRNA expression of CD36, LOX‐1, SR‐A, ABCA1, ABCG1, Caveolin‐1, CYP27A1 while that of SR‐BI was decreased. IRAK1/4 inhibition or IRAK1 knockdown, however, attenuated Ox‐LDL‐induced CD36 expression; augmented ABCA1 and ABCG1 expression while expression of others was unaffected in THP‐1 derived macrophages and HMDMs. Moreover, IRAK1/4 inhibition had no significant effect on genes involved in lipid biosynthesis. In IRAK1/4 INH pre‐treated THP‐1 derived macrophages Ox‐LDL‐induced Stat1 phosphorylation and its binding to CD36 promoter was significantly attenuated while LXRα expression and its binding to the ABCA1/ABCG1 locus, NFATc2 activation and its binding to ABCA1 locus was enhanced. The present study thus demonstrates that IRAK regulates lipid accumulation by modulating CD36‐mediated uptake and ABCA1‐, ABCG1‐dependent cholesterol efflux. Therefore, IRAK1 can be a potential target for preventing macrophage foam cell formation. (shrink)

Postula el presente artículo que tras la invasión a Irak estamos en presencia de una carrera bélica de los Estados Unidos, con un trasfondo geopolítico. Señala que la actual administración estadounidense busca ejercer su dominación imperial desde el poder hegemónico, renunciando a la política y al multilateralismo, sabiéndose la única potencia emergente de la postguerra fría. Tras los atentados en Nueva York y Washington habría surgido un nuevo modelo de seguridad basado en una reconceptualización de enemigo, que combina las doctrinas (...) de la guerra total y la de guerras de baja intensidad contenidas en la Doctrina para la Seguridad Nacional. Con ello sostiene el autor que el mundo ha ingresado a una era marcada por la doctrina de la guerra perpetua cuyo autonominado gendarme global son los EUA. (shrink)

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la recepción de la obra de Tucídides a principios del siglo XXI en el contexto de la intervención militar estadounidense en Irak y la discusión sobre el carácter imperial de Estados Unidos. Se observa un empleo de la historia de la Atenas clásica y de su imperio, en pos de incidir en los debates políticos, en donde se le asigna al pasado las funciones de “legitimación” y “advertencia”. Se concluye que el imperio ateniense (...) configuró un modelo alternativo de imperio, enunciado como hegemonía, para aquellos académicos y analistas reacios a comparar a los Estados Unidos con el modelo romano. (shrink)

Most current criticisms against the intervention in Iraq have tackled the two justifications articulated by the members of the coalition: that the United States had to neutralize the threats that Iraq generated for their own security and to the political stability in the Middle Eastand that the war in Iraq can be justified as a necessary stage in the war against international terrorism. The principal objection against justification is that it was, and remains, unfounded. Against justification, many have replied that (...) the intervention in Iraq had no connection,or at best had merely an indirect connection, with the fight against terrorism. In a recent text,Fernando Tesón claims that the American intervention in Iraq can nevertheless be morally justified as a case of humanitarian intervention. By “humanitarian intervention”, one must understand a coercive action taken by a state or a group of states inside the sphere of jurisdiction of an independent political community, without the permission of the latter, in order to preventor to end a massive violation of individual rights perpetrated against innocent persons which are not co-nationals inside this political community. I argue in this article that the American intervention in Iraq does not satisfy the conditions of a legitimate humanitarian intervention, as opposed to what Fernando Tesón claims. (shrink)

En esta investigación se analiza la titulación de los periódicos venezolanos El Nacional y Panorama sobre la guerra en Irak, para conocer la recontextualización de ese conflicto en la prensa de ese país. Se sigue el modelo teórico-metodológico de Fernández que integra el análisis lingüístico con la acción comunicativa y las funciones estratégicas del discurso periodístico. Los resultados permiten caracterizar la conceptualización, el léxico, las construcciones sintácticas y las metáforas. Se concluye que en los titulares el periodista deja marcas lingüísticas (...) de su subjetividad, que se privilegian los actantes principales de los hechos y no se exploran las causas y las posibles consecuencias de los acontecimientos, lo cual no contribuye con el entendimiento de procesos complejos como los que involucra la guerra. (shrink)

La invasión de Irak por parte de tropas angloestadounidenses, que tuvo lugar en los meses de Marzo ¿ Abril de 2003, constituyó un acontecimiento mediático de primer orden. Los dos bandos implicados directamente en el conflicto desarrollaron diversas estrategias de propaganda con el objetivo común de atraerse hacia su campo a la opinión pública internacional, que se manifestó de forma continua y evidente, particularmente en España, en la calle y a través de las encuestas de opinión, constituyéndose en un nuevo (...) poder político de dimensión aún por determinar. En este trabajo pretendemos estudiar cómo actuó la información sobre el público español, qué actitud adoptaron, en la selección e interpretación de la información, los contendientes, los medios de comunicación de masas y los medios de carácter sectorial y alternativo, y sobre todo cómo incidieron la actitud y las opiniones del público respecto del conflicto en la configuración de un ¿menú¿ informativo que se alejó considerablemente del modelo clásico de recepción, caracterizado por una asimetría favorable al emisor (los medios de comunicación de masas). (shrink)

본 논문은 조선 말기에 활동한 우성규와 일제강점기에 활동한 신성섭의 활동 양상을 통해 조선 중기 때 금호강과 낙동강이 합류하는 대구 지역에 형성된 한강 정구에서 낙재 서사원으로 이어지는 학맥과 도통 의식이 300년 동안 이어져 내려왔음을 규명하고자 했다. 우성규와 신성섭은 금호강 하류일대에 구곡을 경영하고 구곡가를 지으면서 한강 정구와 낙재 서사원을 떠올렸다. 대구지역에는 몇몇 유학자들이 구곡을 경영하면서 구곡가를 지었는데, 여기에서 자신의 학맥과 도학의 연원을 정구와 서사원에 두고 있는 것은 우성규와 신성섭 두 사람의 경우이다.BR 우성규는 이뿐만 아니라 일찍이 칠곡부사 시절 정구와 깊은 관련이 있는 녹봉정사와 (...) 사양서원, 관어대 등을 찾았다. 그리고 낙향 후 서찬규와 이종기 등 일대의 유림 80여 명과 어울려 낙강선유를 했을 때도 정구와 서사원을 떠올렸으며, 낙강선유 자체도 일찍이 서사원이 행했던 선사선유의 행적을 따랐던 것이다.BR 이를 통해 금호강이 낙동강과 합류하는 하류 지역, 곧 대구를 중심으로 한 낙동강 중류 지역 일대에는 조선 중기에 형성된 한강 정구에서 낙재 서사원으로 이어진 낙동강 중류 지역 유학의 학맥과 도통 의식이 300년이 되도록 끊어지지 않은 채 면면히 이어졌음을 알 수 있다. (shrink)

"Nun ist "Das Recht der Volker" [...] in einer ambitionierten neuen Reihe beim Berliner Verlag de Gruyter erschienen. [...], dass aus "Das Recht der Volker" - wie immer bei Rawls - viel gelernt werden kann [...]."Neue Zurcher Zeitung "Gegen Ende seines Lebens gab John Rawls Antwort auf die Frage, wann ein Krieg gefuhrt werden darf".Suddeutsche Zeitung ""Das Recht der Volker" ist das am meisten beschaftigende und zuganglichste Buch von Rawls."Times Literary Supplement "Es ist sein personlichstes Buch geworden - eines, das (...) den politischen Menschen John Rawls zeigt, der in diesem Buch auch die Erfahrungen seines Jahrhunderts zu verarbeiten sucht."Frankfurter Rundschau "Die Originalausgabe "The Law of Peoples", veroffentlicht 1999, wurde von der Kritik als das "zuganglichste Buch von Rawls" gewurdigt; nun ist die fachkundige deutsche ubersetzung des Philosophen Wilfried Hinsch in einem Land erschienen, das nicht Krieg fuhren will. NIcht diesen gegen den Irak."Die Zeit. (shrink)

Début 2003, un très important dispositif de guerre a pris position dans le Golfe. On soupçonne le dirigeant de l'Irak, Saddam Hussein, de disposer "d'armes de destruction massive" et de s'apprêter à en faire usage contre les Etats-Unis d'Amérique. On lui prête même, contre toute évidence, des liens étroits avec Oussama Ben Laden, le commanditaire présumé des attentats du 11 septembre 2001 à New York et à Washington. Le 19 février 2003, alors que s'intensifient les préparatifs de la première guerre (...) "préventive" de l'histoire - elle est alors imminente -, René Major et l'Institut des hautes études en psychanalyse reçoivent Jean Baudrillard et Jacques Derrida pour débattre de la situation. Débat intense, où chacun oppose ses analyses, autant qu'à son interlocuteur, à la situation elle-même, testant leur validité théorique : Qu'est-ce qu'un événement? Qu'est-ce qui résiste du réel, quand le virtuel lui dispute l'hégémonie de la représentation? Qu'y entre-t-il de l'inconscient? De quelle autorité dispose encore le droit, même international? Ces questions demeurent pressantes, aujourd'hui, que René Major "actualise" dans la présentation et la postface qu'il fait à cet échange exceptionnel. (shrink)

En varios de sus trabajos, Susan Sontag trató de pensar qué podían las imágenes de y ante el sufrimiento de los otros: ¿nos ayudan a comprender o nos insensibilizaban?, ¿en qué contextos y regímenes de circulación son capaces de generar solidaridad hacia la víctima?, ¿en qué condiciones fueron producidas y recepcionadas las fotografías de torturas inflingidas a prisioneros en Vietnam —en los años setenta— e Irak —en los dos mil— y hasta qué punto esas condiciones modifican la percepción social de (...) las violaciones de los derechos humanos? El presente artículo trata de localizar, analizar y poner en valor las aportaciones de Sontag sobre las fotografías de atrocidades, en general, y de tortura en particular. (shrink)

Joseph E. Stiglitz, premio Nóbel de Economía, ha sostenido que la Guerra de Irak es «Una guerra que no ha tenido más que dos vencedores: las compañías petrolíferas y los contratistas de defensa». A su vez Jay Hanson, cita a Robert Constanza quien señala: «En los años 50, los productores de petróleo descubrieron 50 barriles de petróleo por cada barril invertido en perforación y bombeo. Hoy, la cifra es de aproximadamente cinco barriles por cada uno gastado en obtenerlos. Hacia el (...) año 2005, es.. (shrink)

Strategische Kommunikation zielt mit ihren kontingenten Wirklichkeitsbeschreibungen seit jeher auf gesellschaftliche Wahrheitsmodelle. Wie häufig gesellschaftliche Wahrheitsmodelle auf strategische Kommunikationsbemühungen zurückgehen, auf Unwahrhaftigkeit beruhen und damit zumindest zeitweise zu strategischen Wahrheiten werden, zeigen eindrucksvoll zwischenzeitlich geglaubte Wahrheiten, die sich als Lüge entpuppt haben: von Walter Ulbrichts "Niemand hat die Absicht, eine Mauer zu errichten" über Hitlers Tagebücher bis hin zu den Massenvernichtungswaffen im Irak. Die erfolgreichen Kampagnen der Brexiteers und von Donald Trump 2016 haben diesem Thema zu neuer und bislang ungeahnter (...) Aufmerksamkeit verholfen. Während die Themen Desinformation und postfaktische Gesellschaft die Journalismus-, politische Kommunikations- und Medienethikforschung aktuell zu dominieren scheinen, ist das Schweigen der deutschsprachigen und internationalen PR- und Organisationskommunikationsforschung auffällig. Dies ist umso bemerkenswerter, weil die PR-Wissenschaft in der Vergangenheit immer wieder versucht hat, ihren Gegenstand zu schärfen, indem sie sich am Begriff der Propaganda abgearbeitet hat. Daraus müsste eigentlich eine Affinität für das Thema Desinformation resultieren. Aber genau das Gegenteil ist offensichtlich der Fall: Hat sich die PR-Wissenschaft gerade deshalb nicht mit Desinformation beschäftigt, weil sie sich so dezidiert von Propaganda und darin eingeschlossenen desinformierenden und manipulativen Techniken abgrenzen will? Was sind die Gründe hierfür? Glauben wir, bereits alles zum Thema gesagt zu haben? Liegt dies daran, dass sich die PR- und Organisationskommunikationsforschung seit jeher vor allem für Unternehmen und weniger für politische und Non-Profit-Organisationen interessiert? Oder fühlen wir uns hier schlicht und ergreifend nicht zuständig? Es scheint offenkundig höchste Zeit zu sein, sich wieder eingehend mit Fragen der Desinformation aus der Perspektive der strategischen Kommunikationsforschung zu befassen. Die Beiträge des Tagungsbandes fokussieren hierzu auf neue theoretische Perspektiven, normative Bewertungen und empirische Befunde. (shrink)

Les Assyriens, au début du iie millénaire av. J.-C., organisent, depuis Aššur (site actuellement en Irak), des échanges commerciaux avec l’Asie Mineure où certains d’entre eux s’installent et contractent parfois un second mariage avec une autochtone. Femmes et filles de marchands restent seules pendant de longues périodes dans leur maison à Aššur, partent fonder un foyer à Kaniš (en Anatolie centrale), ou suivent leurs maris dans toutes leurs pérégrinations en Asie Mineure. Les nombreuses archives cunéiformes – correspondance privée et documents (...) juridiques – découvertes dans le quartier commerçant de Kaniš illustrent les différents voyages accomplis par les femmes avec ou sans leurs époux. (shrink)

L’auteur étudie les circonstances et les évolutions de quatre médiations d’urgence en situation de conflit qu’il a exercées personnellement : la guerre entre l’Iran et l’Irak, la Géorgie, le Kirghizistan et l’Ukraine. Il en déduit une typologie originale à partir de la combinaison de différentes variables : autorité, pression du temps, degré de violence, autnomie du médiateur, contexte conflictuel, effet de seuil. Il souligne le caractère paradoxal de la médiation internationale en urgence : faire renoncer à la violence sans pouvoir (...) faire renoncer les parties à leur perception de la justice et de la vérité qui les y a conduit. (shrink)

RÉSUMÉ: Les citoyens des démocraties imparfaites sont ils moralement responsables des guerres injustes menées par leurs états? La responsabilité morale pour les guerres injustes implique à la fois une responsabilité rétrospective et une responsabilité sociale. Les citoyens des démocraties imparfaites sont rétrospectivement responsables quand ils choisissent de voter pour un dirigeant dont ils savent qu’il ménera une guerre injuste. Les citoyens américains, par exemple, n’avaient pas cette option politique au début de la guerre du Vietnam ou de la guerre en (...) Irak. Cependant, même quand les citoyens ne sont pas rétrospectivement responsables, ils ont la responsabilité sociale de s’engager dans une action collective pour faire face aux dommages causés par une guerre injuste. (shrink)