Le 40e anniversaire de la publication de l’encyclique du pape Paul VI « Sur le développement des peuples » (26 mars 1967) invite à revenir sur ce thème. Comment est-on passé d’une conception du développement économique à celle de développement durable ? De quelle façon l’encyclique s’inscrit-elle dans ce passage ? La prise en compte de la dimension sociale du développement, à partir des réunions du Forum social mondial, depuis 2001, permet de mettre en perspective les problématiques (...) liées aujourd’hui au développement, avec l’articulation entre identité particulière et conscience universelle. (shrink)

The dispute between naturalism and anti-naturalism has been underway almost since the very beginnings of philosophy. Christian thinkers, by proclaiming that God as Creator transcends the reality He has created, and that human beings as persons transcend the material world, have entered this dispute on the anti-naturalist side. The contemporary dominance in culture of the naturalistic paradigm requires Christian philosophy to reflect on naturalism in the broadest sense (in its various forms), together with its conditions and consequences, and to rethink (...) its relationship to this philosophical tradition. Naturalism rejects the possibility of something existing, being known, or being explained that is separate from the material reality given in empirical cognition. Along with this, it denies human beings transcendence with respect to the natural or social world. In its contemporary iteration, this tradition appeals to the solutions and methods of domain-specific forms of scientific inquiry, relying on them for its own authority. For Christian philosophy, naturalism represents a powerful challenge. It is possible to see in it a threat to Christian philosophy, but it is also possible to discern in it an opportunity for a more critical evaluation of Christian philosophy’s previous solutions, and an opportunity to develop new ones. There is a need for a better understanding of naturalism itself, as well as of what the various domain-specific sciences (including the natural and social sciences, as well as the humanities and, currently, neuroscientific research in particular) have to say about the world and about human beings. Systematic and historico-philosophical questions equally still call for debate – in relation to the centuries-old dispute between naturalism and anti-naturalism, as well as the changing place of Christian thought within it. In our own time, one can witness diverse attempts by Christian thinkers both to critically discuss naturalistic positions and to implement naturalistic approaches or solutions within Christian thought itself. Certainly, the latter cannot ignore the fact that naturalism allows philosophy to maintain cognitive contact with domain-specific forms of scientific inquiry. The organizers plan to conduct this conference in hybrid mode, combining both online and onsite elements. This model will allow all interested persons to participate, while also offering those wishing to actually come to Jesuit University Ignatianum in Krakow the possibility of doing so. (shrink)

El autor nos relata, mediante esta crónica, los pormenores del reciente Foro Social Mundial, realizado en la ciudad de Caracas, Venezuela. En su texto revela la preocupación por la intervención gubernamental de la administración chavista en un evento cuya máxima es justamente la independencia y la autogestión de las organizaciones que le dan forma. Sin embargo, Bracho rescata la oportunidad única de haber podido reflexionar en torno a una nueva conciencia que parece surgir de los propios actores participantes y (...) que es fruto del diálogo y del reconocimiento de saberes ancestrales por tanto tiempo desplazados de la cultura occidental moderna. (shrink)

El siglo XX ha sido período de ensayos y errores en lo que se refiere a la búsqueda de una solución al atraso económico de los países de sur. Fue así como surgió una de las corrientes intelectuales más fuertes de la economía posterior de la segunda posguerra y la descolonización: el desarrollismo. Se trataba, en otras palabras, de alcanzar el desarrollo a partir de las propias economías de estos países y no como una imposición proveniente de las metrópolis del (...) mundo “pan-europeo”. Sin embargo, a partir de los años setenta, y en conjunción con el shock petrolero, se produce un desgaste de este modelo y una arremetida simultánea de los teóricos del libre mercado y de la apertura capitalista. El paradigma se desarrollo cambió entonces, una vez más, en 180º. Sólo a fines de los 90, y producto de la crisis de los mercados asiáticos, quedaron a la vista las fisuras de la nueva Globalización, dando espacio para que un nuevo movimiento social, representando en el espíritu del Foro Social Mundial, tomara el relevo de la representación de los intereses de los países del sur. Las estrategias y alcances de esta nueva corriente están en pleno desarrollo y debieran, al menos, aprender de la experiencia histórica y los esfuerzos anteriores. (shrink)

The anti-global movement as the growth of new economies in peripheries contrast the symbolic leadership of American brands. The terrorist attacks on New York and Washington, highly symbolic too, appeared at the very moment when the new economy crisis became obvious. It is not possible to grow up information means too much, because consumers cannot pay them attention enough. But the knowledge produced by multitudes remain in their brain while crisis is around.

The author discusses Jane Anna Gordon’s proposal, in the 2006 international meeting of the Caribbean Philosophical Association, of creolizing theory. He summarizes the research it generated, including Gordon’s monograph on creolizing political theory, and the set of articles in this forum on creolizing social and political identities and theory.

This essay is an introduction to a special issue centered on Cecilia Heyes’ article ‘Rethinking Norm Psychology’. This target article criticizes nativist accounts of the psychological processes dedicated to social norms and offers an alternative account of norm psychology as a cognitive gadget that is culturally evolved and socially learned. The essay sketches out the conceptual landscape around that article and locates within it some of the main points of the 14 short commentaries. These discussions focus especially on trying (...) to clarify the central phenomena that a theory of norm psychology should seek to explain and examining Heyes model and its depiction of the interaction of implicit and explicit processes. They also consider Heyes' methodological proposal for how to best test hypotheses against each other and marshal evidence for claims about innateness. This introduction essay separates out social normativity from other forms of normativity. It also offers brief arguments that future work by norm psychologists should focus on further clarifying its relationship to a handful of nearby phenomena, including status psychology, social identity, and hierarchy; normalcy and the concept of normal, and the nuances of norm enforcement. (shrink)

This book is the fifth volume of selected papers from the Central European Pragmatist Forum (CEPF). The CEPF was founded in 2000 to provide an opportunity for American and European specialists in American philosophy to share their work with one another and to develop an understanding of the contemporary applications of the American philosophical traditions. The current volume deals with the general questions of identity and social transformation. Papers are organized into sections on the Transformation of Pragmatism, Metatheoretical (...) conditions for Identity Transformation, the Fluidity of Identity, Transforming Self, Transforming Society, Art and Transformation, Richard Rorty on the Transformation of Society and Self, and Pragmatism and Central Europe. The authors are among the leading specialists in American philosophy from universities across the US and in Central and Eastern Europe. In their papers the authors address a range of topics, including comparative analyses of American philosophical figures with prominent representatives of other philosophical traditions, contemporary issues in ethics, aesthetics and social philosophy, unresolved problems in American philosophy, and issues of contemporary policy. All papers deal in one way or another with the general theme of identity and transformation, individual and social. (shrink)

In a number of recent articles, Nancy Fraser attempts to understand the World Social Forum within the framework of critical democratic theory. In this article, we examine the descriptive and normative aspects of Fraser’s theoretical framework, and explore the effects of projecting it upon the World Social Forum. We argue that while this theory may elucidate some features of the Forum, many of the Forum’s most challenging and innovative aspects are obscured and limited by (...) Fraser’s framework. Not only, then, does the World Social Forum elude Fraser’s conceptualization of it, but we suggest that the praxis of the Forum poses a number of serious challenges to Fraser’s critical theory of democracy and social justice. (shrink)

This article has two purposes. First, it aims to put the development of the World Social Forum within a broad theoretical and historical context. Specifically, my goal is to understand the WSF in relation to the crises of left thinking and practice of the last thirty or forty years. Second, it offers an analysis of some recent debates about the future of the WSF. It raises questions concerning its organizational makeup and asks whether it should continue as it (...) is, or rather give way to other kinds of initiatives and struggles. Against critics such as Walden Bello, I argue that the WSF should continue and, given certain organizational changes, will contribute to the theory and practice of left movements throughout the world in the twenty-first century. (shrink)

We have no interest whatever in minimizing the continuing history of racist, sexist, homophobic, or otherwise abusive biologisms, or the urgency of their exposure, that has made the gravamen of so many contemporary projects of critique. At the same time, we fear — with installation of an automatic antibiologism as the unshifting tenet of `theory' — the loss of conceptual access to an entire thought-realm. I was left wondering what danger had been averted by the exclusion of biology. What does (...) the nominative `biological or anatomical body' actually refer to? And what secures the separation of its inadmissible matter from the proper purview of Irigaray's textual interventions? When I asked a question to this effect it was met with a certain nervous comprehension. Deciding, perhaps, that I must still be immersed in a precritical understanding of the body, the speaker dismissed me with a revealing theatrical gesture. As if to emphasize the sheer absurdity of my question she pinched herself and commented `Well I don't mean this body'. And so it seemed with a gesture so matter of fact that it required no further comment, the fact of matter was both decided and dispatched. Feminism has been as deeply implicated in routinized antiessentialism as any of our critical procedures. Even though questions of `the body' have become increasingly fashionable in all manner of feminist projects, the schedule of feminism's antibiologism has been little altered. In most of these projects on `the body', the body in question is pursued in its socially, experientially, or psychically constituted forms, but rarely in its physiologically, biochemically, or microbiologically constituted form, the idea of biological construction having been rendered either unintelligible or naive. Despite an avowed interest in the body, there is a persistent distaste for biological detail. These feminist theories have usually been reluctant to engage with biological data: they retain, and encourage, the fierce antibiologism that marked the emergence of second wave feminism. That feminist scholars are particularly prone to a `knee jerk constructivism' helps explain the reluctance of those in the humanities to engage seriously with the claims of science. This book functions primarily as a reminder to social, political, and cultural theorists, particularly those interested in feminism, antiracism and questions of the politics of globalisation, that they have forgotten a crucial dimension of research, if not necessary to, then certainly useful for more incisively formulating the concepts on which they so heavily, if implicitly rely. It is written as a remembrance of what we have forgotten — not just the body, but that which makes it possible and which limits its actions: the precarious, accidental, contingent, expedient, striving, dynamic status of life in a messy, complicated, resistant, brute world of materiality, a world regulated by the exigencies, the forces, of space and time. We have forgotten the nature, the ontology, of the body, the conditions under which bodies are encultured, psychologized, given identity, historical location, and agency. We have forgotten where we come from. (shrink)

Globalizations from Below uses a Constructivist International Relations approach that emphasizes the centrality of normative power to analyze and compare the four globalizations 'from below'. These are: (1) the counter-hegemonic globalization represented by the 'movement of movements' of alter-globalization transnational social activists, who try to put an end to the Neoliberal nature of the Western-centered globalization 'from above;' (2) the non-hegemonic globalization enacted by 'ant traders' that are part of the transnational informal economy; (3) the partially similar Chinese-centered globalization, (...) whose entrepreneurial migrants are strongly influenced and instrumentalized by the Chinese state; and (4) the first wave globalization 'from below' that paralleled (and outlived) the 1870-1914 globalization 'from above.' This book identifies their common features and uses them to define the concept of globalization 'from below' as a set of socio-economic or socio-political processes that involve large transnational flows of people, goods, and/or ideas characterized at least in part by informality. They are enacted by entrepreneurial or activistic individuals who either take advantage of the normative power of the hegemon at the origin of an international order and an associated globalization 'from above,' or - explicitly or implicitly - transgress, contest, and try to redefine dominant economic, legal, political, and socio-cultural norms, thus challenging the existing international order and globalization 'from above.' By constructing a unified theoretical framework, this book attempts to open a new field of interdisciplinary research that should take globalizations 'from below' out of their current scholarly marginality. This is one of the first scholarly works to collectively present more than one globalization 'from below,' and will be of great interest to students, scholars, and researchers of International Relations, International Political Economy, Development Studies, Economic History, Anthropology, Diaspora Studies, and Chinese Studies. (shrink)

The World Social Forum —a global gathering of social movements and a process of global change—has come to signify the global justice movements. Since its inception in 2001 in Brazil it has traveled across the Global South, with the 2016 WSF in Montreal. As the WSF has traveled across the world, it has reflected the particular geographies and histories of movement politics in each place. Yet everywhere it has demonstrated what I have called the gendered geographies of (...) struggle. By gendered geographies I mean the epistemic, spatial, and praxis divisions along gender lines evident in the marginalizing of feminist insights about the global political economy and global justice; low representation of women activists in public plenaries and private decision-making structures; and outsourcing of gender issues to women’s activists and movements. Without addressing these gendered geographies, I argue, there can be no global justice. (shrink)

In the last decades, regional and global integration processes have made the traditional state-centred view of law less and less obvious. Recent discussions revolve around how to conceptually comprehend, critically reflect on and reasonably control these new developments in the global legal arena. The essays in this volume, written by young Central and Eastern European legal theorists and political scientists, contribute to ongoing discussions in our post-national era. The chapters include conceptual analyses, historical and comparative examples, as well as normative (...) discussions in legal theory, ethics, moral philosophy, constitutional theory, EU law and international relations. (shrink)

De récents débats ont reconsidéré les processus de mondialisation, élargissant le discours théorique afin d’étendre la notion de société civile mondiale. La notion et la pratique de société civile ont été mondialisées de façon à refléter les processus empiriques d’inter-connexion des sociétés et de formation d’une société mondiale. D’un point de vue normatif et mobilisateur, les militants et les théoriciens de la société civile soulignent le besoin de défendre la société mondiale de la menace d’une guerre nucléaire mondiale, des catastrophes (...) écologiques, du crime et de la violence, puis de la domination des grands pouvoirs sur le sort de certains pays et sociétés, c’est-à-dire le besoin de s’opposer à une « politique du pouvoir » à l’échelle mondiale et de défendre l’autonomie d’une société compatible avec l’expansion des politiques fondées sur le règne de la loi mais incompatible avec des politiques de la force, des raisons d’État et de domination des pôles de pouvoir. Les processus de mondialisation mènent à la confrontation et/ou au métissage assimilateur de civilisations et de cultures, ainsi qu’à des tendances controversées : d’une part, à des tentatives d’instauration d’institutions politiques internationales et d’adoption des conventions internationales en matière de droits de l’homme, de protection des valeurs démocratiques, de lutte contre le terrorisme et de différentes formes de ségrégation, avançant vers une standardisation mondiale de la culture des droits de l’homme et de l’ordre politique et juridique démocratique ; d’autre part, à la hausse de la xénophobie, des particularismes, de l’ethnonationalisme, des guerres civiles, des menaces écologiques, du terrorisme à l’échelle mondiale, de la menace de la famine, de la menace nucléaire, de nouvelles maladies etc. La victoire contemporaine des valeurs libérales et démocratiques est un aboutissement positif, mais elle s’accompagne de la question controversée de souveraineté, de délabrement urbain, de racisme, de nettoyage ethnique, de xénophobie, de défaut de légitimité politique . À l’échelle mondiale, cet aboutissement s’accompagne d’une injustice globale, de pauvreté, de dangers écologiques, d’épidémies mortelles, d’oppression des minorités, d’une croissance non maîtrisée de la population, de déséquilibre de pouvoir politique et économique, de terrorisme à l’échelle mondiale, de la menace nucléaire etc. La société civile mondiale comporte trois dimensions : 1.) phénomène empirique de relations sociales et d’interconnexions ; 2.) mobilisation, une force structurante du projet/vision ; 3.) acteurs sociaux au niveau mondial/transnational. L’anti-mondialisation est un mouvement qui tente d’agir à l’encontre des aspects négatifs de la mondialisation. Même si les adeptes de ce mouvement agissent souvent de concert, le mouvement en soi est hétérogène et englobe des visions, des stratégies et des tactiques diverses et parfois opposées. Ainsi, des termes plus nuancés impliquent une mondialisation alternative, anti-capitaliste/anti-corporatiste. Ses acteurs peuvent utiliser des expressions positives telles que la ‘justice mondiale’, le ‘mouvement pour un commerce équitable’, le ‘mouvement pour la Justice et la Solidarité Mondiale’, le ‘Mouvement des Mouvements’, ou simplement ‘Le mouvement’, ou encore le ‘mouvement anti-corporatiste capitaliste’. De manière générale, le mouvement anti-mondialiste n’est pas une opposition à la mondialisation en soi mais à une certaine façon dont cette mondialisation se déroule, à savoir le processus de mondialisation néo-libéral. Dans ce sens, nombre de représentants du Mouvement préfèrent être appelés alter-mondialistes. (shrink)

Comment la philosophie peut-elle contribuer à lutter contre le processus actuel d’atomisation sociale? Cherchant à éviter les raccourcis de la controverse qui a opposé le communautarisme au libéralisme, la recherche récente s’inspirant de la « pensée post-métaphysique » distingue quatre types de communauté : la communauté éthique constitutive de l’identité, la communauté légal, la communauté politique et la communauté morale. En ce qui concerne cette dernière, l’article remet en cause l’affirmation du discours théorique selon laquelle on peut résoudre les questions (...) morales en termes de « communauté justificative » (Habermas, Forst). En montrant que la logique du contrat est impuissante à définir la moralité de manière adéquate, l’article invite à se tourner vers la démarche kantienne. On s’intéresse tout particulièrement à la façon dont Kant, en liant la théorie morale à la philosophie de la religion, fournit les bases d’un concept de la communauté globale qui s’abstient de tracer une ligne entre « nous » et « eux ». (shrink)

Comment la philosophie peut-elle contribuer à lutter contre le processus actuel d’atomisation sociale? Cherchant à éviter les raccourcis de la controverse qui a opposé le communautarisme au libéralisme, la recherche récente s’inspirant de la « pensée post-métaphysique » distingue quatre types de communauté : la communauté éthique constitutive de l’identité, la communauté légal, la communauté politique et la communauté morale. En ce qui concerne cette dernière, l’article remet en cause l’affirmation du discours théorique selon laquelle on peut résoudre les questions (...) morales en termes de « communauté justificative » (Habermas, Forst). En montrant que la logique du contrat est impuissante à définir la moralité de manière adéquate, l’article invite à se tourner vers la démarche kantienne. On s’intéresse tout particulièrement à la façon dont Kant, en liant la théorie morale à la philosophie de la religion, fournit les bases d’un concept de la communauté globale qui s’abstient de tracer une ligne entre « nous » et « eux ». (shrink)

This book addresses the question of the communication of Christian ethics in the public forum of liberal, pluralist societies. Drawing on debates in philosophy, theology and sociological theory, it relates the problem of communication to fundamental questions about the nature of liberal societies and the identity of Christian faith and the Christian community. With particular emphasis on Kantian and neo-Kantian ethics, it explores the link between autonomy and community in liberal societies. The theology of communio, expressed in revealed Christian (...) traditions, can reconcile autonomy and community. Any Christian attempt to communicate this vision must also reflect on Christianity's own identity, especially the ways in which its own self-consciousness grows in critical interaction with secularity. In this light, Christian ethical communication is both a witness to a distinctive identity, founded in the revelation of the triune God, and a vision of universal human solidarity which can reconcile autonomy and community. (shrink)

Proceedings of a forum held in Austin, Tex., on Mother's Day, 1996.

This paper reports our analysis of the ELSI Virtual Forum: 30 Years of the Genome: Integrating and Applying ELSI Research, an online meeting of scholars focused on the ethical, legal, and social implications (ELSI) of genetics and genomics.

Les sciences sociales ont longtemps appréhendé le concept d'événement avec méfiance en évitant d'accorder sa juste place à leur capacité de rupture. Dès lors qu'il est question d'événements médiatiques, la perspective constructiviste fait des événements le produit d'une construction déformante de la réalité. Or, un événement est différent d'un fait ou d'une simple occurrence parce qu'il comporte une capacité de rupture qui déborde largement le travail des médias. Celui-ci s'articule en amont à l'activité d'une multitude d'acteurs et en aval au (...) regard d'un public. La question est alors de savoir de quelle façon les événements internationaux affectent un large public. Or, il semble que la médiatisation de ces événements imbrique des normes et des valeurs universelles à des contextes d'interprétation culturellement situés. Parce qu'ils se déploient sur des scènes publiques internationales et convoquent des acteurs transnationaux, parce qu'ils sont retransmis en direct par des chaînes de télévision transnationales, les événements internationaux ont pris la forme « d'événements globaux» et suscitent des émotions qui traduisent l'émergence d'une sensibilité mondiale.The social sciences have long grasped the concept of the event with suspicion by not granting its rightful place in their ability to rupture. When it comes to media events, the constructivist perspective of events is the product of a construction distorting reality. However, an event is different from a simple fact or occurrence because it has a breaking capacity far beyond the work of the media. It is divided into upstream activity of a multitude of actors and downstream with respect to a public. The question then is how international events affect a wide audience. However, it seems that the media coverage of these events overlaps standards and universal values ​​of culturally situated contexts of interpretation. Because they are deployed on public stages and convene international transnational actors, because they are broadcast live by television channels transnational, international events took the form of "global events" and raise emotions reflect the emergence of a global sensibility. (shrink)

As considerações do presente artigo referem-se a demandas de paradigmas atuais associados com a pós-modernidade. Salientam-se as possíveis relações entre a fragilização do Estado de Bem Estar Social e a emergência de entidades que ocupam, cada vez mais, espaços de formação com substancial apoio da sociedade civil, apontando o Fórum de Educação para o Trabalho - FORTE, como um exemplo dessa prática, em Porto Alegre, desde 1994.

Papers presented at the 6th BRICS Academic Forum held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil in 2014.

The polarization of the individual and the community that underlies much of the debate between individualists and communitarians is made possible in part by the literal vanishingof civil society—the domain whose middling terms mediate the stark opposition of state and private sectors and offer women and men a space for activity that is both voluntary and public. Modern democratic ideology and the reality of our political practices sometimesseem to yield only a choice between elephantine and paternalistic government or a radically (...) solipsistic and nearly anarchic private market sector—overnment gargantuanism or private greed. Americans do not much like either one. President Clinton's callfor national service draws us out of our selfishness without kindling any affection for government. Private markets service our avarice without causing us to like ourselves. The question of how America's decentralized and multi-vocal public can secure a coherentvoice in debates over public policy under the conditions precipitated by so hollow and disjunctive a dichotomy is perhaps the most important issue facing both the political theory and social science of democracy and the practice of democratic politics in America today. Two recent stories out of Washington suggest just how grave the situation has become. Health-care reform failed in a paroxysm of mutual recrimination highlighted by the successful campaign of the private sector against a presidential program that seemed to be widely misunderstood. The public at large simply went missing in the debates. (shrink)

This lecture was originally given at the Einstein Forum in Berlin. It contains a summary of some of the themes in my book The Construction of Social Reality and continues the line of argument I presented there.

En rendant compte de la récession économique, les médias se sont surtout penchés sur les effets de la crise sur les pays riches, sans beaucoup se soucier des nombreuses populations qui vivent dans ce qu’on avait coutume d’appeler le tiers-monde. Selon les analyses actuellement en vogue, le fléchissement de ces « économies émergentes » pourrait s’avérer moins grave que prévu. Pourtant, cette perspective, qui se contente d’analyser les répercussions de la crise sur les pays dans leur ensemble, masque l’hétérogénéité de (...) son impact en fonction des classes sociales. En tenant compte de la distribution des revenus, on s’aperçoit que le ralentissement mondial touche de façon disproportionnée les secteurs les plus vulnérables : les immenses cohortes de travailleurs sous-payés, sous-éduqués et privés de ressources qui constituent les strates inférieures surpeuplées de l’économie mondiale.fr. (shrink)

Cet article examine les formes du discours des lettrés chinois sur la prostitution de la fin du XIXe siècle à la Première Guerre mondiale. Il met en lumière le caractère ambivalent de ce discours qui, centré sur les courtisanes - la strate supérieure du monde de la prostitution - constitue une forme d’apologie ou de vision positive de la prostitution. Cette vision a pour partie imprégné la représentation collective de la prostitution en Chine. Toutefois cette représentation univoque masque un discours (...) « en creux » clairement critique, voire méprisant, à l’égard de la prostitution ordinaire. Ce discours ambivalent a donné prise à une remise en cause progressive à mesure que l’évolution sociale et intellectuelle minait le statut des courtisanes et qu’une nouvelle vision issue des nouveaux média (essentiellement la presse) faisait de la prostitution un enjeu du débat public. (shrink)