L’inscription attique d’époque impériale IG II2 3649, qui contient les fragments d’une impressionnante carrière civique d’un citoyen athénien dont le nom est perdu, a été peu commentée par les historiens. Cette contribution procède d’abord à une nouvelle étude archéologique du monument sur lequel était gravé ce texte, initialement un pilier hermaïque qui a ultérieurement connu plusieurs phases de remploi et de retaille. L’étude propose ensuite un commentaire épigraphique du texte, avec de nouvelles restitutions. Enfin l’analyse historique du document, en particulier (...) avec la mention de l’exercice d’agonothésies exceptionnellement nombreuses, permet de dater le texte dans la seconde moitié du iie s. apr. J.‑C. et d’identifier très vraisemblablement le citoyen honoré avec Hérode Atticus, célèbre et richissime évergète athénien de l’époque antonine. (shrink)

Abstract‘Skolem arithmetic’ is the complete theory T of the multiplicative monoid. We give a full characterization of the ‐definable stably embedded sets of T, showing in particular that, up to the relation of having the same definable closure, there is only one non‐trivial one: the set of squarefree elements. We then prove that T has weak elimination of imaginaries but not elimination of finite imaginaries.

This is a translation of an article published in the journal Argeiaki Ge, which was asked from me by the scientific journal Journal of Classical Studies Matica Srpska. The Argive Hapocration was a philosopher and commentator from the second century A.D. His origin is not disputed by any source. However, there is still a potential possibility that he might have descended from a different Argos: namely that which is in Amfilochia, Orestiko or that in Cyprus. Yet, the absence of any (...) additional geographical designation in his name in ancient sources is likely to disprove such claims. Simply mentioning ‘Argos’ can only indicate the most notable of the cities with this name, namely the Argive Argos. As will be revealed later in this paper, the close relationship between Hapocration with the Atticus family may well support his Argive origin. I support that it is obvious to assume that there is a close affinity of philosophical activity in Phlius and in Argos which remains to be investigated in more detail in the future. The research of written and archaeological sources can flourish further still. I hope that in the near future there will be evidence enough for a fuller presentation of philosophical activity in ancient Argos. (shrink)

Introduction.--Epicurus.--The cynics.--The stoics: Epictetus.--The stoics: Marcus Aurelius.--A philosophic missionary: Dion Chrysostom.--Plutarch.--A popular preacher: Maximus Tyrius.--A theosophist: Apollonius of Tyana.--The sophists: Polemon and Herodes Atticus.--A prince of neurotics: Aelius Aristodes.--Lucian.--Epilogue.

Introduction.--Epicurus.--The cynics.--The stoics: Epictetus.--The stoics: Marcus Aurelius.--A philosophic missionary: Dion Chrysostom.--Plutarch.--A popular preacher: Maximus Tyrius.--A theosophist: Apollonius of Tyana.--The sophists: Polemon and Herodes Atticus.--A prince of neurotics: Aelius Aristodes.--Lucian.--Epilogue.

Inscriptions of the Epigraphic Museum in Athens (II) This article, a continuation of BCH 132 (2008) pp. 473-553, presents a series of fragments studied and joins made at the Epigraphic Museum in Athens by D. Peppas Delmousou, Honorary Director of the Museum. The inscribed monuments are bases, herms, or stelae. The honorific inscriptions and dedications concern roman emperors, Augustus and Hadrian, Romans fulfilling administrative duties, known or unknown otherwise, Athenian aliens or roman citizens, a few unknown and some women, such (...) as Vibullia Alcia, mother of Herodes Atticus, or Paramona, or priestesses of a Kourotrophos goddess and of Demeter. Several monuments had been consecrated in sanctuaries, notably at the Asklepieion, the priest and the zákoros of which are occasionally mentioned. (shrink)

Chapter 1, 2 of the Noctes Atticae reports how the orator and politician Herodes Atticus silences a boastful young Stoic by citing a diatribe of Epictetus. The article shows that Gellius – unlike his own assertion – does not describe a real experience. Instead he dramatizes the text, which is the origin of the citation. Comparing both texts one finds details of the scenery described, the characterizations of the protagonists as well as the themes discussed quite similar in (...) both the non-cited parts of Epictetus and the text of Gellius. Particularly interesting in that respect is how Gellius takes up citing and its various aspects as it can be found in his model. Epictetus deals with this theme in a critical way, because in his opinion citations of authorities say nothing about the philosophical qualities of the person who uses them. While Gellius' praxis of citation is formally modelled very closely on Epictetus' speech, regarding the content he by no means rejects the use of philosophical citations as weapon to beat an opponent in discussion. (shrink)

Parmi les découvertes notables du site d’Hagios Vassileios, à l’Ouest de la cité antique de Thasos, figure la base d’un ambon appartenant à la plus septentrionale des deux basiliques protobyzantines mises au jour. Dans un état précédent, le bloc était mis en oeuvre dans un monument funéraire inscrit : cinq noms, trois d’hommes et deux de femmes, étaient gravés sur sa face antérieure. Ces noms apparaissent dans d’autres inscriptions thasiennes d’époque impériale : tous appartiennent à une famille importante, où les (...) noms d’Hérodès fils de Samos et de Samos fils d’Hérodès paraissent avoir alterné d’une génération à l’autre. La confrontation de ces textes permet une reconstitution du stemma de la famille, ainsi que l’étude de son insertion dans les sphères supérieures de la société thasienne. (shrink)

Cornelius Nepos’ Life of Atticus shows its author as living a life of deliberate withdrawal from politics. This paper compares that life to other models of political withdrawal in Greco-Roman thought and finds that it does not cohere very closely with any of them. Nepos, the paper proposes, deviates from these existing models in showing Atticus as avoiding politics not out of a desire to transcend human life, to reorder politics, or to create a substitute politics of his (...) own, but rather to live what the paper calls ‘social life.’ Atticus embraces human interdependence while rejecting the civic forms in which that interdependence was traditionally expressed in Greece and Rome. (shrink)

Keinen Menschen der Antike kennen wir so gut wie Marcus Tullius Cicero (106-43 v.Chr.). Wir verdanken dies dem Umstand, dass ein großer Teil seiner Korrespondenz überliefert ist, im ganzen etwa 780 Briefe, davon gut die Hälfte an seinen Freund Titus Pomponius Atticus (110-32 v.Chr.) gerichtet. Die Atticus-Briefe sind insofern eine historische Quelle außerordentlichen Ranges, als Cicero sich in ihnen unbefangen und vorbehaltlos äußert. So folgen wir in zahlreichen Krisen seines Lebens zuweilen Tag für Tag den wechselnden Stimmungen, erleben (...) den Kampf um gesellschaftliche und politische Anerkennung, erkennen aber auch Ciceros heiße Vaterlandsliebe, erhalten Einblick in die privaten Verhältnisse, kurzum, alle Züge seines Wesens erscheinen in klarer Kontur wie in einem Spiegel. Die Atticus-Briefe vermitteln uns das Bild eines antiken Menschen, der zwar nicht der Weltgeschichte ihren Lauf gewiesen hat, der aber doch zu den bedeutendsten Persönlichkeiten einer Zeit gehörte, in der Weltgeschichte gemacht wurde, und der darüber zu berichten weiß. Darin liegt der nicht zu schätzende Wert der Sammlung. Mit Einführung, Erläuterungen, Registern und Zeittafel. (shrink)

The purpose of this paper is to put forward the hypothesis that the author of ‘Herodes περ πολιτας is Kritias. The speech bears Herodes’ name: did Herodes' well-known interest in Kritias amount to the transcription of a whole speech? The speech concerns Thessalian affairs at approximately the time when Kritias was in Thessaly: is it exactly the time? and is the tone what we would expect Kritias' tone to be? We have much description of Kritias' prose style, (...) and a few verbatim fragments: does the style of this speech correspond? (shrink)

Keinen Menschen der Antike kennen wir so gut wie Marcus Tullius Cicero. Wir verdanken dies dem Umstand, dass ein großer Teil seiner Korrespondenz überliefert ist, im ganzen etwa 780 Briefe, davon gut die Hälfte an seinen Freund Titus Pomponius Atticus gerichtet. Die Atticus-Briefe sind insofern eine historische Quelle außerordentlichen Ranges, als Cicero sich in ihnen unbefangen und vorbehaltlos äußert. So folgen wir in zahlreichen Krisen seines Lebens zuweilen Tag für Tag den wechselnden Stimmungen, erleben den Kampf um gesellschaftliche (...) und politische Anerkennung, erkennen aber auch Ciceros heiße Vaterlandsliebe, erhalten Einblick in die privaten Verhältnisse, kurzum, alle Züge seines Wesens erscheinen in klarer Kontur wie in einem Spiegel. Die Atticus-Briefe vermitteln uns das Bild eines antiken Menschen, der zwar nicht der Weltgeschichte ihren Lauf gewiesen hat, der aber doch zu den bedeutendsten Persönlichkeiten einer Zeit gehörte, in der Weltgeschichte gemacht wurde, und der darüber zu berichten weiß. Darin liegt der nicht zu schätzende Wert der Sammlung. Mit Einführung, Erläuterungen, Registern und Zeittafel. (shrink)

The need for increased civility has been a recurring theme in conversations about lawyer professionalism in the United States and Canada over the last several decades. In addition to having many advocates, however, the civility movement has also been subject to criticism. In large part, the critiques made to date have focused on the problems or risks created when civility rules or guidelines are enforced against lawyers. This article takes a different focus to provide a complementary, yet distinct critique. The (...) object of analysis is the discourse of the civility movement. More specifically, the assumptions and concepts of lawyer professionalism embedded in our conversations about civility are explored. Upon review, the discourse of the civility movement reveals a dominant narrative framed in terms of competing masculinities: the aggressive, testosterone fuelled Rambo-lawyer is cast as the anti-hero to be vanquished against renewed calls for the return of the gentlemanly Atticus Finch. I argue that this 'Rambo-Finch narrative' is hostile to inclusive understandings of lawyer professionalism in three inter-related ways: (1) it renders women and other 'outsider' lawyers largely invisible; (2) it romanticizes past discriminatory concepts of lawyer professionalism; and (3) it reflects anxieties about the destabilization of traditional, exclusionary claims or modes of authority in the legal profession. The exclusionary understandings of lawyer professionalism contained in the Rambo-Finch narrative should be of concern to those interested with improving gender equity and diversity in the legal profession as there is good reason to believe that this discourse translates into 'real world' consequences in how 'outsider' lawyers are viewed and treated within the legal profession. (shrink)

In a recent note, D. Braund has challenged my identification of the Pollio at whose home in Rome Herod's sons Alexander and Aristobulus stayed in 22 b.c. as Gaius Asinius Pollio, the famous consul of 40 b.c., who was a close friend of Julius Caesar and to whom Virgil dedicated his Fourth Eclogue. Braund's argument rests upon five grounds. If this Pollio were a man of the stature of Asinius Pollio, we would expect Josephus to make his identity clear and (...) not to describe him solely as one of Herod's most devoted friends . Josephus' reference to Pollio here is different from the definite references to Asinius Pollio elsewhere in Josephus, where he is referred to as Asinius or Gaius Asinius Pollio . In the latter passage his name is spelled Πωλίωνος, whereas the name of the host of Herod's sons is spelled Πολλίωνος. When Herod sent two other sons to Rome, they stayed ‘with a certain Jew’ , and hence it seems likely that the two other sons likewise stayed with a Jew. Asinius' role in the elevation by the Roman Senate of Herod to the kingship of Judaea was no greater than that of any other magistrate. (shrink)

In a recent note, D. Braund has challenged my identification of the Pollio at whose home in Rome Herod's sons Alexander and Aristobulus stayed in 22 b.c. as Gaius Asinius Pollio, the famous consul of 40 b.c., who was a close friend of Julius Caesar and to whom Virgil dedicated his Fourth Eclogue. Braund's argument rests upon five grounds. If this Pollio were a man of the stature of Asinius Pollio, we would expect Josephus to make his identity clear and (...) not to describe him solely as one of Herod's most devoted friends. Josephus' reference to Pollio here is different from the definite references to Asinius Pollio elsewhere in Josephus, where he is referred to as Asinius or Gaius Asinius Pollio. In the latter passage his name is spelled Πωλίωνος, whereas the name of the host of Herod's sons is spelled Πολλίωνος. When Herod sent two other sons to Rome, they stayed ‘with a certain Jew’, and hence it seems likely that the two other sons likewise stayed with a Jew. Asinius' role in the elevation by the Roman Senate of Herod to the kingship of Judaea was no greater than that of any other magistrate. (shrink)

There is nothing better than René Girard’s mimetic desire and scapegoat’s theory to interpret and understand the enigmatic episode of the death of John the Baptist at the climax of Herod’s birthday celebration. Before Girard, many literary pieces have dealt with this same subject. Among them, Oscar Wilde’s Salome and Gustave Flaubert’s Hérodias, which offer a fascinating approach to the story told both by the Gospels and by historian Flavius Josephus. In this paper, several aspects are taken into consideration, namely, (...) the historical and political context, the secondary “characters”, the events before, during and after the banquet, the apparently inexplicable bloody ending and its terrible aftermath. (shrink)

At In Platonis Timaeum Commentarii II, 1.393.31–394.5 Diehl, Proclus follows Porphyry's inferences against the theory of Atticus, focussing more precisely on the fact that the latter's account of the principles does not correspond to the views expounded by Plato himself. In Diehl's text, based on a limited selection of primary manuscript-witnesses, the introductory phrase to this criticism contains a reference to the maker, which cannot easily be explained within the context. On the basis of a new examination of the (...) manuscript tradition, and of the context of the passage, we will present a new conjecture that allows one to avoid the problems involved in Diehl's reading of the text. (shrink)

In JRS , Shelagh Jameson discussed the relative chronology of the campaigns of Aelius Gallus and C. Petronius: her discussion has rightly met with broad acceptance. She argued that Petronius began his first Ethiopian campaign in or by autumn 25 B.c., while Gallus began his Arabian campaign in or by August 26 B.C. and ended it in October or November 25 B.c.

L’article propose d’examiner un cas particulier du rapport entre la métaphysique médio-platonicienne et la doctrine chrétienne de la moitié du ii e siècle, en mettant en rapport trois auteurs appartenant à la même génération : Atticus, Justin et Valentin. Atticus est auteur d’une interprétation singulière du Timée 39e7-9, selon laquelle le Modèle intelligible, dont le Démiurge use pour former le monde, est situé en dehors et au-dessous du Démiurge. Cette disposition, critiquée et abandonnée par les néoplatoniciens, semble cependant (...) connaître un certain succès chez les chrétiens, cherchant à décrire le rapport entre le Dieu Créateur et son Logos-Fils. En ajoutant abondamment des expressions bibliques au vocabulaire platonicien, Justin et Valentin – chacun à sa façon – montrent que l’inspiration platonicienne dans la théologie chrétienne peut se faire de manière très subtile et très variée. (shrink)