Mehmed Efendi, known as Mur Ali Baba, is one of the sheikhs of the Halisiyye branch of the Qadiriyya sect. Mehmed Efendi, who was buried in Sivas, is a sufi who was active in his time with his scientific and mystical efforts. Mehmed Efendi is a master of poetry as well as his command of Persian and his contribution to many people's learning of Persian. It is understood from Mehmet Efendi's only work called Tenbîhü's-sâlikîn that he was a personality largely (...) under the influence of Mawlânâ. In the article, a Persian poem of Mehmed Efendi, who was especially influential in Sivas and its environs in the 19th century, is discussed through the commentary made by him. This poem of seven couplets, in which Mehmed Efendi voiced his criticisms of the apparent ulemâ through the example of amber and straw, also shows his talent in poetry. In addition, in this poem, Mehmed Efendi expressed his views on education and the relationship between the perfect master and the devotee as the central subject, through the example of amber and straw, which are frequently used for reasons such as its color and physical characteristics in divan literature. The article focuses on the influence of Mevlânâ, whom Mehmed Efendi traced because of this example, and some of his thoughts expressed in the context of the amber-straw waste example. (shrink)

Şems-i Sivâsî, Halvetiyye tarikatının ana şubelerinden biri olan Sivâsiyye kolunun müessisidir. On altıncı yüzyılın ilmî, siyâsî, kültürel ve dinî sahalarında derin izler bırakan Sivâsî, memleketi Zile’den Sivas’a hicret ettikten sonra ilk olarak İrşâdü’l-avâm adlı bir eser kaleme almış ve bu çalışmada nefsin ıslahı, mürşid-i kâmilin gerekliliği, mürşidlerin özellikleri ve nefsi ıslah konusundaki fonksiyonları gibi başlıklarla döneminde gözlemlediği ve zaman zaman istismar edildiğini düşündüğü mânevî yolculuğun kılavuzlarını konu edinmiştir. Eserin isminden de anlaşılacağı üzere Sivâsî, mânevî seyrin inceliklerini bilmedikleri için şekle aldanıp (...) süslü sözlere kanan ve layık olmadıkları halde şeyhlik makamını işgal edenleri kendilerine rehber edinenleri uyarmayı hedef olarak belirlemiştir. Sivâsî bu hedefine uygun olarak eserde sahte şeyhlerin itikâdî, amelî ve ahlâkî konulardaki sapmalarını âyetler, hadisler, naklettiği kıssalar ve kullandığı çeşitli metaforlarla gözler önüne sermiştir. O, tasavvufî sistemin istismar edilmesi noktasında şeyhlik/mürşid-i kâmillik konumunun son derece önemli olduğunu belirtmiş ve ilk dönemlerden itibaren bu konumun istismarına yönelik yapılan eleştiri ve uyarılara katkı sağlamıştır. Bu anlamda Hasan-ı Basrî, İmâm-ı Gazzâlî, Ahmed-i Yesevî, Mevlânâ, Necmeddîn-i Dâye ve Kâşânî’nin de ifade ettiği gibi, müteşeyyihlere dair uyarılarda bulunan bir geleneğin on altıncı asırdaki temsilcilerinden biri olmuştur. Günümüzde de çeşitli vesilelerle tartışma konusu haline gelen bu hususta Sivâsî’nin bir şeyh olarak yaptığı tespitler, uyarılar ve çözüm önerileri önem arz etmektedir. Bu makalede Sivâsî’nin müteşeyyih kimseler hakkındaki düşünceleri zikredilmekle birlikte kendinden önce bu konuda görüş bildiren isimlerle benzer ve farklı yönlerine de işaret edilmiştir. Çalışmada Sivâsî’nin sahte şeyhlere dair değerlendirmeleriyle tasavvufta bir iç tenkit geleneği olarak kabul edilebilecek bu usulün kendinden önceki ve sonraki isimler arasındaki konumuna da vurgu yapılmıştır. (shrink)

This study is based on the argument that globalism is a product of nationalism. I argue that globalism, understood as the imagination of the world as a single place, was made possible by and accompanies the emergence of nationalism, defined as the formation of an imagined community in a given discursive space. Focusing on the specific ways in which globalism is understood and experienced locally in Turkey, this study examines how the world-at-large is seen from Turkey as part and product (...) of the founding national ideology during the 1920s and 1930s, particularly as expressed in cartoons, and how these visions and images of the globe are produced, mobilized and disseminated locally as part of ongoing nation-building efforts. I argue that during these years the global was invariably imagined as the West, referring mainly to Western Europe, and this imagining was mobilized toward the creation and projection of Turkey as a modern, Western, secular country. I argue that the founding national ideology projected an image of the West as the global-other to be taken as a model and imitated, setting norms for the creation of a new national identity and new norms of citizenship around the principles of secularism, modernity and civilization, which could only be attained by the erasure of the local. (shrink)

This article assesses the prospects of social democracy in Turkey in light of two prominent debates regarding social democracy: the challenge of populism and the proper balance between a politics of redistribution and a politics of recognition. By focusing on the Republican People’s Party (CHP), it shows that the main problem the party faces is to find ways of addressing the issues of recognition and redistribution. Success in addressing these issues would provide an effective alternative to the populist agenda of (...) the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and build channels for participatory democracy and institutions of accountability. We argue that social democracy, with its legacy of democratic rule and institutions, can serve as a significant anchoring point in such an effort. We point out, however, why current social, institutional, political, and cultural factors make the CHP’s task of pursuing a social democratic agenda in Turkey particularly difficult. (shrink)

The history of the mushaf, which began with the collection of the verses of the Qur'an in the era of Hazrat Abu Bakr, holds a significant place in terms of the science of qiraat and the methodology of tafsir. It is not possible to say that the subject, which is the focus of Western researchers especially to prove their thesis that the Qur’an is the human word, is popular in our country. At this point, in this study prepared with the (...) aim of contributing to the field, tafsir introductions and mushaf history issues were examined. Many of the tafsir works provide valuable information about the history of the mushaf. In this direction, one of the important works of tafsir, Garāib al-Qur'ān, Tafsīr al-Khāzin, Jawāhir al-ḥisān, Fath al-rahmān Rūh al-meānī, Tafsīr al-Marāgī and Tafsīr al-hadīs were analyzed. They constitute the basis of our research because they contain rich information about its history and have not yet been examined in this respect. In this regard, the introductions of the aforementioned commentary works are examined under headings created according to the subjects. First of all, the issue of turning the Qur’anic verses into mushafs during the period of Hazrat Abu Bakr is discussed, and then the principles observed in the mushaf copying activity in the Hazrat Osman period, how many companions were in the commission, the number of mushafs that were copied and sent to the leading towns of the period, and who made the surah arrangement in the mushafs are examined. In addition, information shared about the official mushaf rules and whether these rules must be taken as a basis in the writing of the mushafs is included. Finally, within the context of personal companions’ mushafs, the study delves into the claims, accusations, and debates surrounding the mushafs with Hazrat Osman. (shrink)

It is well-known that Ibn al-Salāh al-Shahrazūrī (d. 643/1245) has an important place in the field of hadith methodology. In this context, it is possible to see Ibn-al Salah’s influence in a large proportion of the hadith terminology. The fact that the term ḥasan was not substantially included in the hadith method studies before Ibn-al Salah and that this concept became widely known in the field after him led to study the contributions of al Salah on the subject of ḥasan (...) hadith and in this regard, his effect on the term ḥasan. As result it was found that authorities such as Shāfiʿī (d. 204/820), ʿAlī b. al-Madīnī (d. 234/848-49), Ahmad b. Hanbal (d. 241/855) used the concept of ḥasan in various meanings before al-Tirmidhī (d. 279/892) who, according to general acceptance, made the term ḥasan famous for its terminological use. However, it is possible to say that ʿAlī b. al-Madīnī was the first to use the terminological meaning of the concept ḥasan. Actually, the fact that Shafii’ used the term ḥasan isnād for an authentic hadith that al-Bukhārī (d. 256/870) and Muslim b. Ḥajjāj (d. 261/875) would later unanimously narrate, and Ahmad b. Hanbal used ḥasan as gharib, is evidence for the unsystematic use of the term in the early periods. Even though, thanks to al-Tirmidhī, an important place was opened for the concept in riwāya literature, there was no serious mention of the term in later hadith methodology. Therefore, it has been seen that hadith scholars considered the term ḥasan within the scope of ṣaḥīḥ or ḍaʻīf hadith, since they accepted the term as an intermediate concept, and for this reason they did not include the term ḥasan among the subjects of hadith methodology until Ibn al-Salāh. An examination of the argument, that one can act upon a ḍaʻīf hadith, would show that ḥasan hadith might have been interpreted within the scope of ḍaʻīf hadith. On the other hand, the fact that some scholars such as Mughulṭāy b. Qilīj (d. 762/1361) state that a hadith would be called ṣaḥīḥ if it is maqbūl with any presumption, and that there is no point in calling such a hadith ḥasan shows that the ḥasan hadith is considered within the scope of ṣaḥīḥ hadith. The fact that hadith methodology scholars did not mention ḥasan hadith before Ibn al-Salāh stems from the ambiguity of the subject. Contrary to his predecessors, Ibn al-Salāh tried to save the term ḥasan from its ambiguity by combining the different specifications put forward by al-Tirmidhī, al-Khaṭṭābī (d. 388/998), and Ibn al-Jawzī (d. 597/1201). The specifications and interpretations of the term presented by Ibn al-Salāh via his meticulous efforts, have also been adopted by his successors. The term ḥasan hadith has gained an important place in the literature of hadith methodology thanks to the views and definitions built on the descriptions and interpretations of Ibn al-Salāh. In this context, while there are those who agree with Ibn al-Salāh’s descriptions and evaluations of the term, there are also those who criticize his remarks on the subject. However, it has been seen that those who criticize Ibn al-Salāh, along with those who follow him, criticized him by following the path drawn by Ibn al-Salāh. Based on this and similar situations, it was concluded that not only the descriptions and comments that Ibn al-Salāh made, but also his style and methods of handling the subject gave direction to the studies on hadith methodology. In addition, it has been observed that the most compact description of the term ḥasan is put forward by Ibn Hajar and today’s studies are predicated on his description. Within this framework, after emphasizing that there are four degrees of maqbūl hadiths, Ibn Hajar defined the two fields, which were covered by two different descriptions of Ibn al-Salāh, as ḥasan li-zatih and lighairih by Ibn al-Ḥajar. (d. 852/1449) By doing so Ibn al-Ḥajar gave the final shape to the ḥasan hadith terms. He also captured the fundamental point where ḥasan hadith differs from the ṣaḥīḥ hadith because the basic point in question, which was not directly stated before, is a slight flaw in the narrator’s grip. At the end of the study, it was concluded that -as al-Dhahabi (d. 748/1348) also stated- it does not seem possible to determine a comprehensive rule that gathers ḥasan hadiths under a single description. Considering the historical context of the term ḥasan, it has been observed that the most effective description of the ḥasan hadith are the terms ḥasan li-zatih and ḥasan lighairih, which were put forward by Ibn Hajar by transforming the dual division mentioned by Ibn al-Salāh into a more understandable form. (shrink)

Descartes, one of the 17th century philosophers, likens philosophy to a tree in the context of the classification of sciences. According to him, philosophy is a tree: roots are metaphysics, body is physics and branches are medicine, mechanics and ethics. This classification is also called as the tree of philosophy and it symbolizes the scientific paradigm of the Cartesian tradition and therefore the modern philosophy in general. Descartes' famous tree was shaken with a heavy question asked three centuries later by (...) the German philosopher Heidegger. Heidegger asks the French philosopher: “What is the soil of the Philosophy tree?”. We want to go back in time before Descartes, keeping this challenging question of Heidegger and aiming to find the answer given by the famous Ottoman scholar Tashkubrizadah. In his three-volume work called as Miftâh al-Sa‘âdah, Tashkubrizadah sets out a very distinctive classification of ‘ulûm that have not seen before. What also attracts our attention here is that Tashkubrizadah also draws a tree symbol just like Descartes in his classification. We see this foundation in the section headings of his work. These headings also have a special importance in terms of showing the boundaries and depth of Ottoman ‘ilm tradition. (shrink)

The branch of science that examines the spelling features of the words of the Qur'an is called resm-i mushaf/resm-i Osmânî. This science is the source of the mushaf copying activity, which was carried out according to the correct Arabic rules of the period during the caliphate of ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (d. 35/656). It is accepted that the spelling used in this study, which was carried out by the Companions, was based on the mushafs written in later periods. Today, there is (...) no known mushaf that was spelled under the auspices of ʿUthmān. Therefore, we learn the details of the writing styles in the ʿUthmān mushafs only from the works that began to be copyrighted in the 3-4th (A.H.) centuries. However, it is known that there are some hesitations about the adequacy/soundness of the information given in the works written more than 3 centuries after the activity of copying the mushaf. In this article, in the context of the official writing rules in the main works of the field, Topkapı Palace Museum / Relics Treasure 2 nr. mushaf is examined. The Mushaf, of which there is no doubt that it belongs to the first centuries, is attributed to ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib. The aim of this research, which is carried out in a fairly new field in terms of the number of existing studies, is to compare the spelling of the Mushaf in the Topkapı Palace, which was written in the early periods with the rules that can be reached through the works copyrighted a few centuries after the Hijrah, and to see how the rules were applied at that time. In the first part of the article, which consists of two parts, introductory and technical information about the Mushaf is given and its relation to ʿAlī has been examined. It has been reached the conclusion that although the Mushaf was spelled in the early period, it was not possible for ʿAlī to write it. In the second part, the writng of the Mushaf with the spelling characteristics of a total of 1406 words included in the related Works under the headings of "omit, proof, replace, cut/attached spelling, hamza, spelling differences that differ according to the towns where the mushafs were sent" has been compared to TMSK E.H. 2 nr. Mushaf. As a result of the examination of this entire Mushaf, which is almost perfect in terms of the lack of page and verse, it has been determined that there are spellings against the rules in a total of 319 words. This spelling inconsistency, which is also seen in all the ancient Mushafs studied, strengthens the existing question marks about the soundness of the official mushaf rules. This should be accepted as an indication that the spelling of ancient mushafs should be taken into account in order to determine the limits of the science of official mushaf, and for this reason, it is necessary to conduct more research on the writing styles of the mushafs written in the early period. (shrink)

The common periodisation in Ash‘ari kalām is Ibn Khaldun's distinction between the early and late periods over al-Ghazālī. Although some consider this as an artificial and unrealistic periodisation, we do not think so. For, it is not possible to understand and make sense of the logic and necessity of periodisation without knowing what exactly distinguishes these periods from each other and what kind of great differences and changes occurred in the latter period. The most important factor that distinguishes the theological (...) activities of the two periods is undoubtedly the Peripatetic philosophy that left its mark on the second period. The direct relationship established by the Ash‘ari theologians of the late period with philosophy has been the source of many changes in theology. These changes have manifested themselves in many areas from the understanding of method in theology to the theory of definition, from the use of evidence to the theories of nature, intellect and soul, most importantly from the notion of the Omnipotent God (al-Fā‘il al-Mukhtār) to the metaphysics of possibility-necessity, and from the cosmology of substance-accident to al-umūr al-‘āmma as the main subject-matter of metaphysics. Finally, the changes in the process that started with al-Ghazālī and evolved with Fakhruddīn al-Rāzī brought theology to the brink of philosophization, and at the end of the process, theology turned into a universal (metaphysical) discipline. This situation naturally led to a convergence between the metaphysical thought and theological thought. It is one thing to say that theology is the most honourable and supreme science, and it is another to reveal that it is universal. In this context, al-Ghazālī declared and substituted the Islamic theology as a religious universal discipline for the first time. Actually, this substitution has a hidden philosophical/metaphysical meaning and message. Al-Ghazālī 's characterisation of theology as a universal science can also be interpreted as a challenge to both the sciences of the field it belongs to and the sciences outside itself, with its disciplinary encompassing and priority for theology. It should not be forgotten that theology, while confronting and coming to terms with philosophy and metaphysics, integrating with the subjects it has taken into the field of study, on the other hand, it has to maintain and protect the religious character it belongs to and represents. (shrink)

Growth of the private sector and privatization of state companies around the world have led to the emergence of various stock markets, some of which are depicted by insider trading. Law literature uses the arguments of unfairness, breach of fiduciary rights and damage to others to define and rule against insider trading. Economic literature can be used to interpret insider trading from other perspectives. This study argues that the question of insider trading in developing markets can be resolved by the (...) extent stock markets generate externalities and are public goods. It advocates structural changes in the developing markets and examines the conditions under which the Coase Theorem would work. (shrink)

Bu çalışmada din görevlilerinin mesleki doyumu ile örgütsel adalet algısı arasındaki ilişki incelenmiştir. Çeşitli kurum çalışanları örnekleminde, yapılan çalışmalar örgütsel adalet ile mesleki doyum arasında bir ilişkinin olduğunu göstermektedir. Fakat din görevlileri ile ilgili olarak örgütsel adalet ile mesleki doyum arasındaki bir ilişkiyi konu edinen bir çalışmaya rastlanmamıştır. Yapılan işten memnuniyet duymak anlamına gelen mesleki doyum çalışanın iş verimini artırmaktadır. Bununla ilişkili olarak da çalışanın, kurumu tarafından çalışanlara adil davranıldığına ilişkin algısı mesleki doyumunu etkilemektedir. Bu çalışmada din görevlilerinin örgütsel adalet (...) algısı ve mesleki doyumu arasındaki ilişkiyi belirlemek için, ilişkisel tarama modeli kullanılmıştır. Veriler ise örgütsel adalet ölçeği, mesleki doyum ölçeği ve demografik değişkenlerin de bulunduğu bir form ile Antalya’da görev yapan 380 din görevlisinden elde edilmiştir. Söz konusu iki değişken arasındaki ilişkinin analizinde korelasyon ve yapısal eşitlik modeli kullanılmıştır. Çalışma sonucunda din görevlilerinin örgütsel adalet algısının, mesleki doyum ile orta düzeyde, pozitif yönde ve anlamlı ilişkisinin olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Açıklanan varyans açısından ise örgütsel adalet algısının, mesleki doyuma ilişkin toplam varyansın %17’sini açıkladığı belirlenmiştir. (shrink)

The main purpose of the article is to examine the experiences of students regarding the effect of theological education on their religiosity. The working group consisting of students continuing their education at Akdeniz University Theology Faculty was determined by using criterion sampling. The first criterion was determined as having studied the "Religious Education" course. The second criterion is that the participants were selected from the 3rd and 4th grade students, based on the assumption that they should have studied enough to (...) enable them to make an assessment about theology education. The total number of participants is 54, including 32 girls and 22 boys. The obtained data were analyzed with the descriptive analysis technique. As a result of the analysis of the data, the experiences of the participants regarding the effect of the theology education they studied on their religiosity were collected under three themes. These; those who think that theological education positively affects their religiosity, those who think that theological education negatively affects their religiosity, and those who think that theological education has no purpose related to religiosity. (shrink)

The Book and the Sunnah are the two main sources of Sharʿī science. These two sources are based on narration which requires an absolute certainty, and this makes the reports, especially the mutawātir reports, important for Sharʿī sciences. Many people were involved in the transmission process of the Sunnah and the Book; therefore, Islamic scholars remained loyal to the technical concept “mutawātir reports” which is used in logic and is not open to doubt in terms of credibility. This is particularly (...) important for the science of kalām, which deals with matters of faith. On the other hand, in the science of fiqh, which deals with the practices of the Muslim individuals such as worship and procedures rather than the matters of faith, only the reports that the believer will accept, rather than those that everyone will approve, are sufficient. In this context, as per the science of fiqh, it is sufficient to form a dominant opinion, rather than an absolute certainty as in the science of kalām, for acting upon reports. Some factors, such as the acceptance of conjecture sufficient in the matters associated with fiqh and the low number of mutawātir reports on fiqh matters, also affected the fuqahā’s understanding of certain knowledge. In the context of transmission of the Sunnah, fuqahā partially changed the nature of the concept “mutawātir reports” by going beyond the technical understanding of tawatur. The most important change made by the fuqahā in the nature of mutawātir reports was the inclusion of the phenomenon “sened (chain of transmission)”, which is used to ensure credibility to ḥadīt̲h̲s, in the understanding of tawatur. So much so that while the number rather than the qualifications of the people who convey the reports is important for the credibility of the mutawātir reports in the science of logic; in the determination of mutawātir sunnah, the number of the narration channels which consist of just and fair-minded narrators was taken as a basis in line with the hadith “Whoever ascribes to me what I have not said then let him occupy his seat in Hell-fire.” Even some methodologists valued the justness and fair-mindedness of the narrators so much that they included the famous reports in the scope of mutawātir reports, even though the first layer was ahad, due to their trust in the narrators in the later layers. However, in technical sense, for mutawātir reports, the qualifications of the narrators or who they are is not important at all. On the contrary, any person from a different religion, sect or disposition can take a role in the transmission of mutawātir reports. However, there is no place for fasiq narrators, let alone non-Muslims, in fuqahā’s concept of sened-centered mutawātir reports. Spiritual mutawātir is one of the subjects affected the most by this new understanding of tawatur based on isnād (reporting the chain of transmission). Normally, spiritual mutawātir is the agreement of the reports, conveyed in different texts by a large number of people who cannot agree on a lie, on a common meaning. However, fuqahā interpreted spiritual mutawātir as ahad ḥadīt̲h̲s with different chains of sened reaching a certain number and denoting the same meaning. What makes these two reports different is that the number of narrators assures the credibility of reports in the first one whereas the trust in the justness and fair-mindedness of the narrators does in the second. As a matter of fact, it is not possible to talk about such a spiritual mutawātir if the trust in the justness and fair-mindedness of the narrators who convey the ahad reports is damaged. This approach of spiritual mutawātir was used by the mutakallimūn as much as by the fuqahā. However, they used this approach of mutawātir mostly for matters that are evidenced by the Sunnah but not associated with the essentials of religion, such as Shafa'ah (intercession), Hawd al-Kawthar (Pond of Abundance), Ru’yat Allah (seeing Allah), and imams’ being from Quraysh. Thanks to this new concept of tawatur, Islamic scholars included many ḥadīt̲h̲s that are normally out of the scope of the technical definition of mutawātir reports, in the scope of spiritual mutawātir, and thus provided a credibility to more ḥadīt̲h̲s. (shrink)

The principle of majority, which is an indispensable tool of election and decision-making in today's democracies, is one of the main indicators of its legitimacy, as well as having a superior position in the establishment and maintenance of political power. The aim of this research is to determine the relationship of the condition of “the caliph’s Quraysh” with this principle by revealing the analysis of the Islamic scholars on the importance of the majority principle in terms of establishing political power (...) and using the authority to order and prohibit. In the grounding of this aim, firstly, the dominant role of the majority in determining the political power was emphasized and the organic relationship between them was tried to be revealed, and the nature of the support provided by the majority to the administration in the use of political power authority and its effect on the possession of the means of coercion that sustain the state apparatus were examined in the light of the views of Fiqh and Kalam scholars. Then, the condition that the caliph should be from the Quraysh lineage, which has been the subject of debate since the 9th century, when the influence of non-Arab elements on the political administration became evident, was examined within the framework of the majority principle, and the evaluations of Islamic scholars about the widespread rumor that formed the basis of this were briefly examined. At the end of the study, it was concluded that Islamic scholars adopted the principle of “majority” in the establishment and maintenance of political power, and that they accepted the requirement that the caliph be Quraysh as a qualification condition, and that the narration, which is the basis of this, shows a historical and socio-political reality brought about by the conditions that emerged in a certain time period. (shrink)

Islamic scholars have specially focused on iʽjāz al-Qur’an, which expresses the universality of the Qur'an, its inaccessible superiority and the divine character and they tried to understand iʽjāz al-Qur’an within the environment they grew up and with the knowledge they have. Some of the scholars who are try understanding are the commentators belonging to the Ibāziyya sect, which was formed in the early period of Islamic history and continues to exist today. In this article, it is aimed to examine the (...) approaches of Ibāzī commentators to iʽjāz al-Qur’an. In addition, the purpose of the study is to determine iʽjāz, miracle and tahaddī in Ibâzî tafseers and in some Sunnī sources and to prepare the ground for the comparison of the views of both thought systems on these issues. As a result of the research, it has been understood that Ibāzī commentators have the same opinion that the Qur'an has challenged with its text and content, nothing like it will ever be created and that it is a valid miracle until the Day of Judgment. Moreover, it has been seen that the Ibāzī commentators and Sunni scholars have similar perspectives on iʽjāz al-Qur’an. The exception to this is the relationship established by Ettafeyyish, one of the Ibāzī commentators, between tahaddī and the creation of the Qur'an. The reason for the difference in their views can be explained by the influence of sec-tarian thought and similarity between the views of Ibazi and Sunni scholars, can be explained by their approach to the iʽjāz al-Qur’an with a transcendentalist (tanzihī) understanding and the by fact that their tafseer sources are the same. (shrink)

Although Dirār b. ʿAmr is the most important mutakallim of the second century, he is unfortunately one of the unjustified names in the history of kalām. Dirâr is a mutakallim whose name is rarely mentioned in theological publications published in both Turkish and foreign languages until recently, and his importance and position are still not noticed. As a matter of fact, Josef van Ess and W. Montgomery Watt, who are famous orientalists, discovered this tragic fact and tried to make up (...) for this deficiency to some extent with their studies. Dirâr wrote a refutation of Aristotle's theory of substance and accident, opened a new way with his understanding of existence based on accidents and led Ash'ari with the theory of kasb and Ebu'l-Huzayl al-‘Allaf with his kalām accumulation. Undoubtedly, one of the things that makes Dirār important is that he had views that went beyond his time and caused him to contradict his contemporaries as early as the second century in terms of the history of Islamic thought. Considering the list of works that have not survived, except for one, in such a period when the mainstream sects were not yet formed and they were on the eve of their formation, Dirār was generally in a critical dialogue with the Islamic and non-Islamic movements he encountered and knew. For this reason, it is almost impossible to place him in any religious sect mentioned in his period. Because he often preferred to follow his own ideas rather than the opinions of others on many issues. Naturally, this makes it difficult to place Dirār in a certain school and frees him from all kinds of bonds. Yes, in the sources we come across many allegations, accusations and slanders that Dirār is a Cahmi/Jabri, he is a Mu‘tazili, he is an innovator with malignant ideas, he is an infidel to put a bounty on his head. Understanding the reasons for these depends on getting to know Dirār, understanding his ideas, and determining his position. If we say in the context of our study, the position of Dirār is actually a state of non-position, and we think that the concept that best expresses this situation in a new interpretation is "nawābit". In the light of our analysis, we see that, with the exception of a name, nawābit is used as a concept with a negative content and connotation in both theology and philosophy. The exceptional person is the famous philosopher Ibn Bājja (Avempace) from Andalusia, the contemporary of Ibn Rushd (Averroes). While Mu‘tazili mutakallims use nawābit to humiliate groups such as Ahl-i hadith and Hashviyye, which adopt the narration-oriented line that puts reason and acumen to the second place, Al-Fārābī also uses the fault types and the sick characters in his virtuous city that he has constructed to describe. Ibn Bājja, on the other hand, considers the people called nawābit within his project to be equivalent to the "mutawahhid" (alone human) whose "precaution" he aims; this usage which corresponds with the context of the concept in the study. Because, in our study, nawābit is not considered as an identity, but as a representation of a character. (shrink)

Ethics limits the behavior of individuals in social life within the framework of right-wrong, good-bad. In this context, the peace of the whole society must develop behaviors by ethical principles by individuals in social life. There are mechanisms for auditing unethical behaviors before the public and private sector institutions and organizations. In addition to all these mechanisms, there is a civilian area that exists independently of the private sector and the state. As a third sector, non-governmental organizations, which are an (...) element of this civil field, have a structure that includes individuals from all segments of society voluntarily. They aim to contribute to the increase in the quality of life of people in society with their work and to develop respect for ethical factors and Values. Non-governmental organizations, which also have an audit role for the public and private sectors, are in a voice against ethical violations in social life. With the formation of awareness against ethical violations and the dissemination of ethical behaviors throughout the society, individuals culturally internalize ethical behaviors are realized through non-governmental organizations. In this context, the aim of this study is to examine the role of civil society in the formation of ethical culture. In the study, firstly the concept of ethical and ethical culture, then civil society and non-governmental organizations, and finally the role of civil society in the development of ethical culture were discussed through the literature. In the evaluations made, it was seen that the civil society area, which is defined as a third sector independent from the public and private sectors, acts as a barrier against ethical violations that occur in the general society and plays an active role in the creation of an ethical culture. As a result, it can be said that the transformative role of non-governmental organizations on society plays an important role in bringing their ethical behaviors to individuals in social life. (shrink)

In the Qurʾān, the night which encompass half of human life, is expressed by various concepts. From sunset to sunrise (night), various moments of the time frame are also named with different words and concepts. On the other hand, besides sleep and rest, some worship and actions that are asked to be done at night are also mentioned in the Qur’ānic verses. Also sleep at night and the night itself is mentioned as a proof of Allah and an important blessing (...) for us. When we say “night”, people first think of sleep and rest. However, as it is understood from the Qur’ānic verses, the night should not be seen only as a sleep time and rest time. Such that one of the first commandments to the Prophet Muḥammad was to wake up at night and perform various worship and deeds. Also, it is emphasized in the Qurʾān that night worship and actions influence and leave permanent impacts on human being. In this context, in this study, we tried to identify the concepts and expressions stated in the Qurʾān expressing the night-time or the time slices in it by taking into account the references in the Qur’ānic verses. Moreover, we have also examined worship and actions performed or recommended to do at night. Again, we have researched how the worship and actions performed in the calm and darkness of the night will contribute to human being. Thus, we tried to determine how the Qurʾān addresses the "night" which is the preparation time for the next day and the assessment time of the previous day.Summary: One lives half of his life during the day and the other half at night. However, he plans his daily tasks mostly according to daytime, and spends his nights mostly for sleep and rest. On the other hand, sparing the night completely for sleep and rest means that a long period of life passes passively by. That is why we have decided to do a night-time study that expresses an important time frame for human being. Although there are some ḥadīth about the importance of night worship in the sources, we tried to conduct our research within the framework of the Qur’ānic verses about the night. To determine the meaning and the importance attributed to the night by the Qurʾān, we have examined the Qur’ānic verses referring to night-time, night events and worship and actions that are desired to be done during these times. We concluded our research by making use of the main sources of tafsīr and relevant copyrighted works, articles, papers and encyclopedia articles.During the research we saw that the Qurʾān refers to the night and some time periods in it with different names. In this context, we see that concepts such as leyl (ليل), beyāt (بيات), fajr (فجر), seḥar (سحر), ğāsik (غاسق), ʿashiyy (عشيّ) and asīl (أصيل) are used in the āya. In many Qur’ānic verses, phrases reffering an entire day with specific composition such as day-night and morning-evening are used. In the composition of day and night, night is always mentioned first. In the compositions in the form of morning-evening, we see that sometimes the morning is mentioned first, and sometimes the evening. In addition to these, there are expressions such as before the sunrise, sunset, stay until evening that evokes night-time in the Qurʾān.Another point that draws attention in the research is that there are vows on the night or on certain times in the night in the Qurʾān. We can say that the vows in question are an indication of the importance that Allah gives to the night and some time in it. In fact, Allah points to the night, the functions of the night and its relationship with the day as a āyah (proof) of his existence, might and uniqueness.On the other hand, there are many good and bad historical events that happened during the night in the Qurʾān. First of all, it should be noted that the beginning of the waḥy (devine revalation), which is one of the biggest historical events, took place at night. The Qurʾān describes this night, which is mentioned as Laylat al-Qadr, as better than a thousand months. Again, it is mentioned in the Qurʾānic verses that Prophet Moses and Lūṭ left their countries by taking advantage of the darkness of the night with the believers to get rid of the evil of the oppressors. Also, deniers sometimes chose especially the night-time to carry out cheats and traps for the prophets and believers, and even attempts to assassinate. The fact that the night is dark, quiet and calm obsufucates such negative actions. For this reason, the Qurʾān recommended to take refuge in the Lord of the daybreak from the evil of the darkness.The research demonstrates that the Qurʾān asks people to perform various worships and actions in certain time periods of the night. In fact, even in the early days of waḥy, the Prophet was commanded to wake up at night and perform some worship and actions. In this context, he was asked to pray at night, read the Qurʾān by contemplating and understanding, and chant the name of his Lord. Actually, the Prophet is prepared for the heavy responsibility he took spiritually with such actions that he performed at night. Because a strong spirit and mind are necessary for facing up to what will happen during the next day. It is already stated in the Qurʾān that getting up at night has effective and permanent effects on people. Again, during the prophethood, The Prophet has advised to perform some actions such as sajdah (prostration), qiyām, tasbīḥ and tahajjud ṣalāt (night prayer) -as a special night prayer- during the night.In the Qurʾānic verses examined, some prayers and actions are asked to do at night and day regardless of time. Especially three of the farḍ of prayer (ṣalāt), namely evening, ʿišāʾ and fajr prayer (ṣalāt), are performed during the time defined as night. In addition, some aspects such as duʿāʾ (prayer), istighfār (ask for forgiveness), ṣadaqa and daʿwah (call) are mentioned in the Qurʾānic verses. It is an order or recommendation that all this be done at night as well as during the day. Especially for istighfār which means to ask for forgiveness, it is mentioned the time of dawning.As a result, we can say that there are some special features that make the night different from daytime. For instance, it prepares a suitable environment to sleep and rest for one who is tired mentally, spiritually and physically after the daytime; as the night has features such as darkness, silence and tranquility that man needs to rest and be calm. On the other hand, Allah does not want the night, which means half of human life, to be spent entirely with sleep and rest. As, one rests not only his body but also his mind and soul in the quiet and calm atmosphere of the night, Hereby, human-being starts the next day with a more vigorous mind, spirit and body. At night-time, while making an evaluation of the previous day's deeds and actions, people are also prepared spiritually and mentally for the next day's works.We can say that worship and deeds performed at night are more sincere than those performed during daytime, because man stays alone with his nafs and his Lord at night, away from the eyes. This can keep people away from riyā (pretension) and vanity that invalidates their deeds. Man's waking up and worshiping his Lord at a time when everyone is asleep shows his ikhlāṣ and sincerity. All these indicate that the time of responsibility for man is not limited to daytime. For this reason, people should think day and night together within the framework of his responsibilities and do their work accordingly. (shrink)

Kur’an, yirmi üç yıllık bir zaman diliminde, tevhid inancına sahip bireylerin oluşturduğu bir toplum inşa etmek üzere nazil olmuştur. Bu süreçte peyderpey gelen her bir vahyin, söz konusu hedefin gerçekleşmesinde önemli bir rolü olmuştur. Bu sebeple farklı zaman ve mekânlarda nazil olan, farklı konularda farklı kitleleri muhatap alan her bir vahiy pasajı ya da her bir sure bir diğeri ile birçok yündKur’ân, yirmi üç yıllık bir zaman diliminde, tevhid inancına sahip birey-lerin oluşturduğu bir toplum inşa etmek üzere nazil olmuştur. Bu (...) süreçte peyderpey gelen her bir vahyin, söz konusu hedefin gerçekleşme-sinde önemli bir rolü olmuştur. Bu sebeple farklı zaman ve mekânlarda nazil olan, farklı konularda farklı kitleleri muhatap alan her bir vahiy pasajı ya da her bir sûre bir diğeri ile birçok yönden bir anlam münâsebeti, bütünlüğü içerisindedir. Bu bağlamda gelişen Münâsebetü’l-Kur’ân ilminin verileri de bu durumun bir ispatı ve örneği olarak değerlendirilebilir. Araştırmada bu husus kısa sûreler üzerinden anlaşılmaya ve ortaya konulmaya çalışıldı. Sonuçta, Mushaf tertibinde farklı dönemlerde nazil olmalarına rağmen Asr sûresinden Nas sûresine kadarki sûrelerden her birinin öncesindeki ve sonrasındaki sûreyle tam bir anlam bütünlüğüne sahip olduğu görülmektedir. Bu durum, bir yandan Mushaf’ın tertibinin tevkifî olduğunun bir delili olarak görülebilir. Fakat sûrelerin tertibinin ictihadî olması halinde de böyle bir anlam bütünlüğünden bahsedebiliriz. Zira Kur’ân, bütünüyle tek bir kaynaktan ve tek bir hedefi gerçekleştirmek üzere gelmiştir. Sûreler arasındaki anlam münâsebeti ve muhteva birliği de, bu durumun bir ifadesi olarak zikredilebilir. en bir anlam münasebeti, bütünlüğü içerisindedir. Bu bağlamda gelişen Münasebetü’l-Kur’an ilminin verileri de bu durumun bir ispatı ve örneği olarak değerlendirilebilir. Bizler de araştırmamızda bu hususu kısa sureler üzerinden anlamaya ve ortaya koymaya çalıştık. Sonuçta, Mushaf tertibinde farklı dönemlerde nazil olmalarına rağmen Asr suresinden Nas suresine kadarki surelerden her birinin öncesindeki ve sonrasındaki sureyle tam bir anlam bütünlüğüne sahip olduğu görülmektedir. Bu durum, bir yandan Mushaf’ın tertibinin tevkifî olduğunun bir delili olarak görülebilir. Fakat surelerin tertibinin ictihadî olması halinde de böyle bir anlam bütünlüğünden bahsedebiliriz. Zira Kur’an bütünüyle tek bir kaynaktan ve tek bir hedefi gerçekleştirmek üzere gelmiştir. Sureler arasındaki anlam münasebeti ve muhteva birliği de, bu durumun bir ifadesi olarak zikredilebilir. (shrink)

Varlığın mahiyeti meselesi, insanın varlığa hangi açıdan muhatap olduğu ile doğrudan ilgilidir. Felsefe tarihinde ortaya çıkmış olan farklı ekoller arasındaki ayrımı oluşturan da, temelde bu mesele karşısındaki tutumlarıdır. Nicholas of Cusa düşüncesinde varlık, insanın salt epistemik yetileri ile vukufiyet kesp edebileceği bir alan değildir. Bundan dolayı Mutlak Varlık, olduğu haliyle kendi mükemmelliği içerisinde kavranamaz. Bunun için öncelikli olarak gerekli olan, aklın bütün olumlayıcı bilgi iddialarından vazgeçtiği bir tür zihinsel arınmadır. Bu, aslında bir bilinç durumudur ve bu düzeye erişen idrak, varlığı (...) kendi kaynağında temaşa eder. Zıtlığın uyumda, çoğulluğun ise birlikte herhangi bir çelişki olmaksızın göründüğü bu hâl içerisinde, Tanrı artık bir bilgi konusu olmanın ötesinde bir tecrübe konusudur. Cusa’ya göre, insanın iç tecrübesinden hareket eden mistik karakterli bir varlık görüşü ile ancak idrake dayalı yetkin bir bilinç sağlanabilir. Burada artık asıl olan bilme değil, asla bilemeyeceğini bilmedir. Cusa’ya göre, bu idraki seviyeye ulaşmanın yolu ruhsal bir eğitimin yanında Tanrısal lütuftur. The issue of the nature of existence is directly related to the way in which man deals with existence. What makes a difference between the schools in the history of philosophy is their attitudes towards this issue. In the thought of Nicholas of Cusa, existence is not something that a person can realize with purely epistemic abilities. Therefore, Absolute Being cannot be grasped in its own perfection as it is. What is primarily necessary for this is a kind of intellectual purification in which the reason renounces all affirmative claims of knowledge. This actually is a state of consciousness and the intellect that reaches this level contemplates existence at its source. In this state, where opposites appear in harmony and plurality in unity without any contradiction, God is no longer a subject of knowledge but a subject of experience. According to Cusa, only an intellectual comprehension can be achieved with a mystical view of being based on the inner experience of the human being in this way. The main thing is not knowing anymore but knowing that you can never know. According to Cusa, the way to reach this level of understanding is divine grace as well as spiritual education. (shrink)

Nicholas of Cusa, represents an important crossroads in 15th century philosophy. It can be said that the philosophy tradition to which Cusa was articulated had an effect on the differentiation of the conception of the world of science and philosophy under the domination of Scholastic thought in the Middle Ages. Cusa made a clear distinction between the finite and the infinite, with the theological understanding of being, which he put forward on the basis of Plato's philosophy. In his theology, which (...) he shaped by centered on the idea of the unity of God, he dealt with the God-universe relationship, which he developed in this unity perspective, with a dialectical approach, in the understanding of equality and non-equality. Since Cusa owes God and the continuation of his existence to God, he saw the world in one aspect, argued that they were unknowable in nature, and affirmed the ignorance in this field by making it dependent on a divine understanding. On the other hand, with the perspective that does not ignore the possibilities of humanist, skeptical and scientific knowledge, which he developed in accordance with the spirit of the period in which he lived, he almost made the news of modern science and philosophy with the mathematical method he thought would obtain the knowledge of the world. This study was carried out to examine the understanding of existence in the philosophy of Nicholas of Cusa within the framework of God-universe relationship. (shrink)

Öz (150-250 kelVAHİY ve İLHAM BAĞLAMINDA HANEFÎ-MÂTÜRÎDÎ KELÂM SİSTEMİNİN TASAVVUFLA İLİŞKİSİ Özet Modern zamanlarda Hanefî-Mâtürîdî kelâm sistemi ilham konusundaki ihtiyatlı tavrından dolayı genellikle tasavvuf karşıtı ya da tasavvufa karşı mesafeli olarak algılanmıştır. Ancak gerek Mâtürîdî gerekse Hanefî-Mâtürîdî kelâmcıları eserlerinde ilham konusunu geniş bir anlam yelpazesinde sunarak, ilhamın varlığını kabul etmişlerdir. Bununla birlikte ilhamı objektif bir bilgi kaynağı olarak kabul etmemişlerdir. Ancak Mâverâünnehir coğrafyasında etkili olan sûfîlerin de Hanefî-Mâtürîdî kelâmcılarının ilhamın bağlayıcılığı ve objektif bilgi kaynağı olmadığı yönündeki düşüncelerine paralel bir anlayış (...) içerisinde oldukları görülmektedir. Ayrıca Hanefî-Mâtürîdî kelâm sisteminin ilham konusundaki eleştirilerinin asıl hedefinin tasavvuf ve sûfîler olmadığı anlaşılmaktadır. Tasavvuf içinde onların eleştirilerini haklı çıkaracak şekilde bir düşünce içine giren bazı sûfîler olsa da, bu eleştirilerin hedefinin Şiî-Bâtınî fırkalar olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Bu makalede başta Mâtürîdî olmak üzere Hanefî-Mâtürîdî kelamcılarının ilham kavramına yükledikleri anlam ve ilhamın bilgi değeri, vahiyle irtibatlı bir şekilde incelenecektir. Bununla birlikte Hanefî-Mâtürîdî kültür havzasında varlık gösteren sûfîler ile Şiî-Bâtınî akımların konuyla ilgili değerlendirmelerine yer verilmek suretiyle Hanefî-Mâtürîdî kelamcılarının ilham konusundaki tavırlarının sebepleri incelenecektir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Hanefî-Mâtürîdî, vahiy, ilham, tasavvuf. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN HANAFĪ- MĀTURĪDĪ KALAM SYSTEM AND SUFISM IN THE CONTEXT OF REVELATION AND INSPIRATION Abstract In modern times, the Hanafī- Māturīdī kalam system was generally perceived as anti-Sufi or distant from Sufism because of its cautious attitude towards inspiration. However, both Māturīdī and Hanafī-Māturīdī theorists have accepted the existence of inspiration by presenting the subject of inspiration in a wide range of meanings in their works. However, they did not accept inspiration as an objective source of information. However, Sufis who are influential in the geography of Maveraunnehir also have a parallel understanding of the Hanafī-Māturīdī theorists thought that inspiration is not a binding and objective source of information. It is also understood that the main target of the criticism of the Hanafī- Māturīdī kalam system on inspiration was not Sufism and Sufis. While there are some Sufis in Sufism who fall into a way of justifying their criticism, it is understood that the target of these criticisms are the Shiite-Bātınī groups. In this article, the meaning and the value of knowledge that the Hanafī-Māturīdī theorists, especially Māturīdī, have uploaded to the concept of inspiration, will be examined in a way that is connected with revelation. However, the reasons of the attitude of Hanafī-Māturīdī theorists towards inspiration will be examined by evaluating the Sufis and Shiite-Bātınī groups that exist in the Hanafī-Māturīdī culture geography. Keywords: Hanafī-Māturīdī, revelation, inspiration, Sufism. ime) ve yukarıdaki kutucuğa anahtar kelimeler (5-7 kelime)İngilizce öz ve anahtar kelimeler de aynı sınırlar çerçevesinde yazılmalıdır. (shrink)

A two-stage sequential choice model is studied, the first stage being defined by q-Pareto multicriterial choice rule, and the second stage being defined by scalar extremization model. In this model, at the first stage the q-Pareto rule choses alternatives which are not only undominated in terms of Pareto comparison, but also includes into choice the alternatives which are dominated by no more than q alternatives. Since the choice set of the first-stage usually contains too many elements, obtained set is used (...) as a presentation for the second stage constructed by a scalar extremization model. The properties of the model are studied as well as its representability to one-stage scalar extremization model. (shrink)