El título de este libro, al estar en plural, constituye de por sí una petición de principio. Se trata, pues, de descomponer el Tiempo en tiempos y dentro de ellos analizar lo que son las secuencias de carácter temporal. Porque sólo rompiendo la interesada confusión del Tiempo con los tiempos puede pensarse de una forma "otra", puede empezar a repensarse el enorme sinsentido de la Estructura que nos atrapa, ratonera del pensamiento que adora la Realidad.

La figure de l’entrepreneur est aujourd’hui utilisée dans une grande variété de discours publics. Ce travail cherche à remonter à l’une des sources théoriques de la constitution de cette figure : la théorie de l’entrepreneur de Schumpeter (1911a et 1911b). Ce retour montre que Schumpeter, dans son contexte intellectuel et théorique, est amené à importer une anthropologie philosophique en économie, celle de Nietzsche, auteur largement lu dans l’Autriche du début du xxe siècle. En transposant, à l’intérieur de sa théorie économique, (...) certaines caractéristiques majeures du grand homme créatif nietzschéen dans la figure de l’entrepreneur, Schumpeter développe une explication originale de la nature dynamique du marché et de l’évolution économique. Néanmoins il importe aussi de Nietzsche une série d’ambiguïtés, notamment en ce qui concerne l’origine de l’exceptionnalité individuelle de l’entrepreneur, et plus particulièrement de sa puissance créatrice. Une seconde ambiguïté est très largement héritée, qui concerne l’extension du modèle de l’individu entrepreneur : constitue-t-il une théorie de l’action valable pour tous les individus ou uniquement pour un type d’individus particuliers? Comment concilier exceptionnalité de l’entrepreneur et norme d’un entreprenariat pour tous? La dernière partie de ce travail s’attache ainsi à explorer ces ambiguïtés, qui apparaissent chez Schumpeter et ses successeurs, notamment Israël Kirzner.Codes JEL : B13, B25, B31, B40. (shrink)

Film festivals have become key agents in the movie business, with major competitive festivals enjoying outstanding importance. Based on this assumption, this paper focuses on the example of Germany and asks to what extent the Berlin International Film Festival offers a venue for domestic films, and which types of filmmakers, in particular, benefit from this springboard and gatekeeping mechanism. More precisely, given the diverging interests confronting the Berlinale as a platform for the film community, a quantitative program analysis was conducted (...) of the festival’s most significant sections (Competition, Panorama, Forum, Generation, Perspective German Cinema, Lola@Berlinale) from 1980 to 2016. The findings demonstrate that even good-faith efforts to strengthen domestic filmmaking in regard to weight and diversity have hardly changed the power structures that underlie the curatorial decision-making process. Respectively, the share of national film productions has been stagnating for many years. Moreover, female and young filmmakers are still broadly underrepresented. (shrink)

Although the view dies hard that the poetry which Ovid wrote during his years in exile at Tomi consists largely of the ‘querulous and sycophantic’ complaints of a weak man unable to come to terms with a personal disaster, it has been recognized for many years that the Tristia and the Epistolae ex Ponto are not mere expressions of emotion but are as well thought out and constructed as any other of the doctus poeta's products. Of these poems, Tristia 2 (...) must be placed in a category by itself-if only because of its length and because it purports to be a plea by Ovid to Augustus, the man responsible for his exile, on the very practical matter of mitigating the sentence. (shrink)

In recent years many historians have rightly emphasised aggressive imperialism as a key element in Roman political life in the Middle and Late Republic. This has led to reconsideration of the significance of the ‘just war’ theory associated with the college of fetiales. ‘On the basis of this fetial law of the Roman people, it can be understood that no war is justified unless it is waged after compensation has been demanded , or the war has been announced in advance (...) and formally proclaimed.’ Earlier this century, scholars were happy to accept that this ‘fetial law’ implied that the Romans never initiated wars of aggression but fought only if they felt they were the aggrieved party. Scullard believed that ‘…in fact Roman religious law did not countenance wars of aggression designed to gain new territory’ ; for Tenney Frank, ‘ the Roman mos maiorum did not recognise the right of aggression or a desire for more territory as just causes for war. That the institution was observed in good faith for centuries there can be no doubt.’ Recent scholars have been more sceptical. Harris sees the activities of the fetiales primarily as a psychological mechanism for assuaging the guilt feelings which even Romans will have been unable to escape when initiating totally unjustified wars of aggression: ‘the significance of the fetial procedure for declaring war was solely psychological’. Other writers have gone further in stressing its mystificatory and propaganda function. Our scepticism about the efficacy of ‘fetial law’ in restraining the Romans' belligerence should be accompanied by a re-evaluation of our evidence regarding the fetiales and what they actually did. Such a re-evaluation will not affect our picture of the Romans of the Middle and Late Republic as aggressive and militaristic, but we may have to revise our views on how the fetiales fit into that picture. This paper makes no claim to analyse exhaustively every piece of evidence which might throw some light on the fetiales, let alone every interpretation to be found in the secondary literature; but it may be worthwhile to reconsider the main types of operations which the fetiales are said by our ancient sources to have been involved in. (shrink)

The institution of slavery has served to perform different functions in different societies. The distinction between ‘closed’ and ‘open’ slavery can be a useful one: in some societies slavery is a mechanism for the permanent exclusion of certain individuals from political and economic privileges, while in others it has served precisely to facilitate the integration of outsiders into the community. ‘The African slave, brought by a foray to the tribe, enjoys, from the beginning, the privileges and name of a child, (...) and looks upon his master and mistress in every respect as his new parents… by care and diligence, he may soon become a master himself, and even more rich and powerful than he who led him captive.’ The model of an ‘open’ slavery implies that service as a slave is not a state to which a person is permanently, let alone ‘naturally’, assigned, but more akin to an age-grade. A parallel might be domestic or agricultural service as it was practised in much of Europe until this century — a period spent serving in another household after childhood and prior to marriage. A Roman slave, on formal manumission, joined the community of citizens. To what extent ought we therefore to succumb to the temptation to see slavery at Rome — in contrast to the Greek world — in terms of the ideal type of a ‘process of integration’? In a noted article on ‘Die Freilassung von Sklaven und die Struktur der Sklaverei in der römischen Kaiserzeit’ , G. Alföldi argued that in the Roman Empire slavery was an ‘Übergangszustand’ , a transitional state which ultimately gave most slaves a recognised if not a fully equal place as members of the Roman citizen community. (shrink)

An elementary semistochastic model for cell cycle analysis is presented. Various independently generated experimental data sets are compared with the theory in which for the first time, a consistent consideration of non-proliferating cells has also been taken into account.

An elementary semistochastic model for cell cycle analysis is presented. Various independently generated experimental data sets are compared with the theory in which for the first time, a consistent consideration of non-proliferating cells has also been taken into account.

Anleitungen zur Selbstperfektionierung wurden geschrieben, um für eine radikale Lebensreform zu werben. Die Kommunikation unter den Reformbefürwortern erfolgte über Schreiben, Lesen und Diskutieren, um Praktiken, Kenntnisse und den Zusammenhalt zu fördern. Da es nur wenigen gelang, sich zeitlebens einem entsagungsvollen Lebensstil zu unterziehen, erwachten immer wieder Bewegungen, die aufs Neue Ängste und Hoffnungen der Menschen artikulierten und zeitgemäße Rezepte für ein glücklicheres Leben lieferten. Ältere Schriften wurden von späteren Generationen verarbeitet und neu interpretiert. Waren die Anleitungen überzeugend, förderten sie über (...) längere Zeit soziokulturelle Prozesse innerhalb der Gesellschaft. Zunächst radikal scheinende Forderungen wurden schließlich allgemein anerkannt. (shrink)

One of the main topics of the völkisch racial scientist Ludwig Ferdinand Clauß was the racial cartography of the Orient. Based on older discussions in anti-Semitic literature, Clauß constructed a racially divided – double – Orient and made a sharp distinction between Arabs and Jews. His depiction largely follows patterns of ascription from Orientalist as well as anti-Semitic discourses. By doing so he draws attention to structural overlaps and differences between Orientalism and anti-Semitism: a romanticized Arabic Orient served as an (...) antipole to a “Nordic” Europe, and as such was finally able to advance to a positive alternative. The Jewish Orient, on the other hand, embodied for Clauß a threatening ambivalence and contrariety, which from the very beginning precluded romanticization and identification. (shrink)

Any educated Roman in late antiquity would immediately have recognized the figure of Catiline, for the simple reason that Sallust, together with Vergil, Cicero, and Terence, formed the core of the school curriculum. When his grandson starts school, Ausonius rejoices in a second chance to read the Catiline and the Histories.

Die über viele Jahrhunderte erteilten Ratschläge zur Askese wurden von denjenigen befolgt, die sich nach Perfektion sehnten und ein ideales Leben im Diesseits wie im Jenseits anstrebten. Dieses menschliche Sehnen ist das eigentliche Movens, das Körper und Geist zu einem asketischen Dasein (ver)führt. Auf die beiden Frauenbewegungen des 3./4. Jahrhunderts und des 12./14. Jahrhunderts trifft dies zu. Die Intensität und Größenordnung dieses Aufbruchs verdanken sie weiblicher Kreativität und Emotionalität, hingebungsvollem Ringen um Gottes Liebe und einer ganz besonderen Spiritualität. Religio bedeutet (...) Bindung an etwas oder an jemanden. Die Religiosae suchten voll Fantasie, Hoffnung und Glauben die Bindung an Christus. Dabei galt immer die Verheißung des Basilius Caesariensis: „Let us die that we may live“. (shrink)