정치철학이라는 관점에서 보면 마왕퇴백서 『주역』 ｢목화｣편은 야누스의 얼굴을 지니고 있다. 하나는 ‘종도’적인 얼굴이고, 다른 하나는 ‘종군’적인 얼굴이다. ‘종도’는 군주와 함께 신하도 정치 주체로 인정해야 한다는 군신공치의 입장에 있다. 반면 ‘종군’은 군주만을 정치 주체로 인정하는 군주전제의 입장에 있다. 그런 의미에서 이 두 철학은 지향하는 바가 서로 다르기 때문에 원래는 양립 불가능한 것이다. ｢목화｣편은 이 두 성격의 철학을 동시에 표방하고 있다는 점에서 기존의 상식을 깨는 것이다. ｢목화｣편의 정치철학이 야누스의 얼굴을 갖게 된 것은 통일진(統一秦)의 뒤를 이어 중국을 재통일한 한왕조를 현실적･체계적･효율적으로 운영하기 위해서는 강력한 (...) 군주 권력과 상벌을 내용으로 하는 법체계가 확립돼야 한다는 시대적 요청에 유가가 한 발짝 다가간 것이라고 할 수 있다. (shrink)

통일진~전한초기에 유가는 『주역』을 이용해 유가 최초로 두 세계관을 수립한다. 하나는 ‘도기론(道器論)’이고, 다른 하나는 ‘태극론(太極論)’이다. 이것을 담고 있는 현존 최고(最古)의 문헌이 바로 마왕퇴백서 『주역』 ｢계사｣ 편이다. 도기론은 형이상의 ‘도(道)’와 형이하의 ‘기(器)’라는 이부 세계관으로 구성돼 있다. 또 이것은 ①‘도’의 영역, ②‘건곤(乾坤)･변(變)･통(通)･상(象)’이라는 주역의 영역, ③‘기(器)’라는 만물의 영역, ④인간의 영역이라는 사부 구조로 돼 있다. 인간의 영역은 다시 ‘법’이라는 사회･정치의 영역과 ‘신(神)’이라는 주술·신앙의 영역으로 세분된다. ①은 형이상의 세계이고, ②·③·④는 형이하의 세계다. 여기서 문제는 도기론에서 형이상의 ‘도’의 세계와 형이하의 ‘기’의 세계는 존재론적으로 주재･피주재의 관계로 설정돼 있지만, 사부 (...) 구조 내에서 『주역』·만물·인간이라는 영역 간의 관계는 명확히 설정돼 있지 않고 파편화돼 있다는 점이다. 태극론은 사부 구조 중형이하의 세계에서 파편화되고 무관계한 것처럼 보이는 영역 간의 관계를 명확한 형태로 이어주면서, 합리와 비합리의 세계를 통합하기 위해 유가가 새롭게 고안한 이론이라고 할 수 있다. (shrink)

From the end of 1973 to early 1974, silk books from the Han dynasty were unearthed from tomb no. 3 at Mawangdui in Changsha, Hunan. After reorganizing and piecing them together, there were a total of twenty-eight kinds of silk books, of which four are copies of ancient books that are no longer in existence.1 They are: Jing fa, Shi liu jing, Cheng, and Dao yun, with a total of more than eleven thousand characters. These books were written before (...) the book Lao Zi. To simplify the titles, we have temporarily named these four books Huangdi shu.2 Six works of notes and interpretation have been published up until now, collating and piecing the silk book Huangdi shu. There was warm discussion in academic circles as to the name and nature of this book, when and who copied and wrote it out, the content and ideology, and which school it belongs to. Research on these questions began in the 1980s. This article focuses on a brief review of local research. I will make a special introduction about the research abroad. (shrink)

Includes translations of the important manuscripts in silk found at the famous Mawangdui Tomb in 1973.

Diogenes, Ahead of Print. In the study of Chinese thought, the products of the Han dynasty have historically been identified as those most antithetical to Western rationalism. In many of these narratives, the commentarial tradition and systems of complementary yin and yang receive the most attention. The present work draws on Mawangdui texts, the writings of Dong Zhongshu, the Huainanzi, and ultimately Heshanggong’s Commentary on the Daodejing to complexify this view. Within these examples one discovers divergent philosophies of opposites (...) and yin and yang that confound the notion of a monolithic and solely holistic Han cosmology. Ultimately, this paper seeks to promote Heshanggong’s Commentary as an exemplar of Eastern Han Daoist yin-yang theory that subdivides these two principles into mode and substance. Such an interpretive move explains the commentary’s valorization of yin modes but not yin substances, and yang substances but not yang modes. Furthermore, this approach unveils new insights about the relationship of the Dao and Heaven, the history of Daoism, and the varieties of correlative cosmologies in the Han. (shrink)

In 1993, an astonishing discovery was made at a tomb in Guodian in Hubei province (east central China). Written on strips of bamboo that have miraculously survived intact since 300 B.C., the "Guodian Laozi," is by far the earliest version of the _Tao Te Ching_ ever unearthed. Students of ancient Chinese civilization proclaimed the text a decisive breakthrough in the understanding of this famous text: it provides the most conclusive evidence to date that the text was the work of multiple (...) authors and editors over hundreds of years, rather than the achievement of a single individual writing during the time of Confucius. Robert Henricks now presents the first English translation of the "bamboo slip Laozi." Differing substantially from other versions we have of the text, the Guodian Laozi provides us with clues on how and when the text came into being. As Henricks's translation shows, many chapters are missing in this form of the text, and some chapters remain incomplete. All of this seems to suggest that the _Tao Te Ching_ was not yet "complete" when these slips were copied. In his translation, Henricks focuses attention on lines in each of the chapters that vary from readings in other editions. In addition, he shows how the sequence of chapters in this form of the text is totally unrelated to the sequence readers commonly see in the "standard" form of the text, i.e., in other translations. Here are just a few of the noteworthy features of this new _Tao Te Ching:_ • A lucid introduction to the Guodian Laozi, offering background on the archaeological interpretation of the discovery • Line-by-line comparisons of the Guodian Laozi against the Mawangdui and Wang Bi editions • Extensive notes on each chapter describing the unique elements of the Guodian Laozi in comparison with other versions • Transcriptions for each chapter, noting both the ancient and modern form of the characters in the chapter • An appendix featuring the official biography of Laozi written by Sima Qian, the Grand Historian of China, as well as Henricks's commentary and notes on this biography This groundbreaking work will lead to a reassessment of the history and significance of this well-known and critical work as well as a reevaluation of the role it played in the development of Taoism in early China. (shrink)

In 1993, an astonishing discovery was made at a tomb in Guodian in Hubei province. Written on strips of bamboo that have miraculously survived intact since 300 B.C., the "Guodian Laozi," is by far the earliest version of the _Tao Te Ching_ ever unearthed. Students of ancient Chinese civilization proclaimed the text a decisive breakthrough in the understanding of this famous text: it provides the most conclusive evidence to date that the text was the work of multiple authors and editors (...) over hundreds of years, rather than the achievement of a single individual writing during the time of Confucius. Robert Henricks now presents the first English translation of the "bamboo slip Laozi." Differing substantially from other versions we have of the text, the Guodian Laozi provides us with clues on how and when the text came into being. As Henricks's translation shows, many chapters are missing in this form of the text, and some chapters remain incomplete. All of this seems to suggest that the _Tao Te Ching_ was not yet "complete" when these slips were copied. In his translation, Henricks focuses attention on lines in each of the chapters that vary from readings in other editions. In addition, he shows how the sequence of chapters in this form of the text is totally unrelated to the sequence readers commonly see in the "standard" form of the text, i.e., in other translations. Here are just a few of the noteworthy features of this new _Tao Te Ching:_ • A lucid introduction to the Guodian Laozi, offering background on the archaeological interpretation of the discovery • Line-by-line comparisons of the Guodian Laozi against the Mawangdui and Wang Bi editions • Extensive notes on each chapter describing the unique elements of the Guodian Laozi in comparison with other versions • Transcriptions for each chapter, noting both the ancient and modern form of the characters in the chapter • An appendix featuring the official biography of Laozi written by Sima Qian, the Grand Historian of China, as well as Henricks's commentary and notes on this biography This groundbreaking work will lead to a reassessment of the history and significance of this well-known and critical work as well as a reevaluation of the role it played in the development of Taoism in early China. (shrink)

This article first of all reviews and evaluates the previous studies on the “Five Virtues” chapter of the Mawangdui Boshu 馬王堆帛書 since the text was excavated in 1973. Based on this effort, the present discussion points out and diagnoses the weaknesses existing in these early studies. Meanwhile, through examination of the newer research on the unearthed Guodian Zhujian 郭店竹簡, the current writing proposes that the textual section of the Wuxing was written by Zi Si 子思, and the commentary section (...) of it was written by Meng Zi 孟子. Accordingly, the conclusion of this article comes to a suggestion that corresponds to the idea of Xun Zi 荀 子 who takes that Meng Zi is a follower and advocate of Zi Si, so-called “Zi Si chang zhi, Meng Ke he zhi.子思唱之, 孟軻和之。”. (shrink)

This essay offers a new reading of Xunzi’s ritual theory against the backdrop of excavated technical manuals from the Mawangdui and Zhangjiashan collections. While most studies tend to focus on the sociopolitical and moral aspects of Xunzi’s thought, I attempt to demonstrate that in composing his theory of ritual, Xunzi was not only concerned with defending the Confucian tradition against the criticism of his fellow philosophical masters, but was also responding to the emergence of bio-spiritual practices such as meditation, (...) sexual cultivation, and gymnastic exercises. Alarmed by the growing popularity of these individual corporal techniques among the Warring States elite, Xunzi opted to repackage and redefine ritual as a superior technology of the body that would enable humans to transform their bodies and minds and obtain physical and spiritual bounties while at the same time enhancing sociopolitical stability and harmony by creating an organic communal body. (shrink)

EDITOR’S ABSTRACTThis paper argues that we cannot determine with certainty the sequence of the two parts of the Laozi text: “Way” and “Virtue”. These two parts were originally written independently by Lao Zi and in an uncertain chronological order. They originally circulated separately, and were later combined differently by various editors. Thus emerged the two Laozi versions: The one with “Way” preceding “Virtue” has dominated the transmission; the alternative order can be retrieved from recently discovered sources such as the (...) class='Hi'>Mawangdui Silk Manuscripts and Han Bamboo Slips. (shrink)

The context in which we interpret the philosophy of Mencius has been radically changed by the discovery of dozens of texts written on bamboo strips during the mid to late Warring States Period. This chapter attempts to summarize the main significance of these texts for understanding the Mencius, focusing on how they deepen our understanding of the core of Mencius’s philosophy – his claim that our natural dispositions (xing 性) are good. The main part of the chapter is divided into (...) four parts. The first shows how Dispositions come from what is Allotted (Xing zi ming chu 性自命出) clarifies the conception of natural dispositions, xing. The second analyzes debates on whether the virtues are internal or external, drawing on XZMC and other texts. The next section discusses Five Conducts (Wuxing 五行) as an origin for the idea that all of the virtues might have internal sources, and the final section briefly examines the extension of a Mencian theory of vital energy (qi氣) in the commentary on WX found at Mawangdui. (shrink)

Among the many silk manuscripts excavated from Changsha Mawangdui Tomb 3 in Hunan province in the winter of 1973, one text was named Wu xing [by contemporary scholars]. Twenty years later, in the winter of 1993, there was a text [of itself] titled Wu xing among the many bamboo slip texts excavated from Jingmen Guodian Tomb 1 in Hubei.

The mythological Yellow Emperor has long been familiar to students of early Chinese literature as the patron or alleged author of texts and thus as the origin of important knowledge. This article explores how the Yellow Emperor could be used to organize information in the compilation of heterogeneous texts. I argue that the manuscript text Shiliu jing from the early Han tomb three at Mawangdui derives chronological order from the narrative framing as dialogues between the Yellow Emperor and his (...) interlocuters. The chronological order becomes visible in part through the different titles used for the Yellow Emperor. The recognition of the paratextual function of the Yellow Emperor narrative not only orders the heterogeneous material compiled in the text but also provides additional interpretive cues. (shrink)

As historiographical studies on ancient China gradually move from the center to the margins of the public's field of vision, research on historiographical studies concerning ancient China have been undergoing some unusual changes. A truly considerable quantity of bamboo slip and silk manuscripts have either been discovered by archaeologists or accidentally unearthed in the last twenty years. Although these have been made public very slowly, even maddeningly so, the few of them that have appeared before the world in the course (...) of time have again and again both elated relatively sensitive historiographers and placed them in a quandary. They also have once and again confronted the system of ancient history that had been regarded as "final" with the prospect of utter collapse and the need to be rewritten. After the Mozuizi discoveries in Gansu in the 1950s, there were those of Mawangdui, Yinqueshan, and Shuihudi in the 1970s, and those of Shuanggudui, Bajiaolang, Zhangjiashan, and Baoshan in the 1980s; and it is said that there were astounding discoveries, though not yet made public, at Jingmen and Lianyungang in the 1990s. These "bamboo slip and silk manuscripts" that touch upon almost every aspect of the pre-Qin and Han areas of "the schools of the various masters," "number lore" , "prescriptive techniques" , "law," and "institutions" make us ask ourselves in astonishment: How many more mysteries of ancient China are still buried under the ground? (shrink)

As historiographical studies on ancient China gradually move from the center to the margins of the public's field of vision, research on historiographical studies concerning ancient China have been undergoing some unusual changes. A truly considerable quantity of bamboo slip and silk manuscripts have either been discovered by archaeologists or accidentally unearthed in the last twenty years. Although these have been made public very slowly, even maddeningly so, the few of them that have appeared before the world in the course (...) of time have again and again both elated relatively sensitive historiographers and placed them in a quandary. They also have once and again confronted the system of ancient history that had been regarded as "final" with the prospect of utter collapse and the need to be rewritten. After the Mozuizi discoveries in Gansu in the 1950s, there were those of Mawangdui, Yinqueshan, and Shuihudi in the 1970s, and those of Shuanggudui, Bajiaolang, Zhangjiashan, and Baoshan in the 1980s; and it is said that there were astounding discoveries, though not yet made public, at Jingmen and Lianyungang in the 1990s. These "bamboo slip and silk manuscripts" that touch upon almost every aspect of the pre-Qin and Han areas of "the schools of the various masters," "number lore" (shu shu), "prescriptive techniques" (fang ji), "law," and "institutions" make us ask ourselves in astonishment: How many more mysteries of ancient China are still buried under the ground? (shrink)

This book translates Lao Zhuang xinlun, a key work of contemporary Chinese scholarship. It offers a unique discussion of the Laozi, arguing - in contrast to standard Western scholarship - that the text goes back to Laozi as a single author and identifying him as an older contemporary, and even teacher, of Confucius. This places the Confucian Analects after the Daode jing and makes the text the most fundamental work of ancient Chinese thought. Chen explores decades of debates regarding these (...) points, providing evidence based on materials excavated from Mawangdui and Guodian. His book is fascinating in its documentation of contemporary Chinese arguments and debates, offering a complete revision of the history of Chinese thought with Daoism as its major focus. The work is an absolute must for anyone studying Chinese philosophy and history. -- from back cover. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Reviewed by:Material Virtue: Ethics and the Body in Early ChinaEdward SlingerlandMaterial Virtue: Ethics and the Body in Early China. By Mark Csikszentmihalyi. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Pp. vi + 402. Hardcover $180.00.Material Virtue: Ethics and the Body in Early China by Mark Csikszentmihalyi is a fascinating and meticulously researched study of early Chinese discussions of virtue and moral education in the period following what we might call the "physiological turn," (...) marked by a growing interest in the body and the embodiment of social ideals that begins sometime in the fourth century B.C.E. In Csikszentmihalyi's usage, the phrase "material virtue" refers "narrowly to descriptions of the virtues in terms of their quasi-material properties. More generally, such descriptions are characteristic of the view that, once cultivated, the virtues manifest themselves through physiological changes in the body that can be observed by others" (p. 5). This early Chinese development of this sort of nondualistic model of the self is a topic of growing interest to scholars of early China, with relevance to many contemporary debates about ethics and the mind-body relationship. This study's focus on a recently discovered archeological find, the text of the Wuxing 五行 (datable to sometime before 300 B.C.E.), also places it at the center of one of the most exciting recent developments in the field: the trove of newly discovered and, in many cases, previously unknown texts that are in the process of enriching and transforming our understanding of early Chinese thought. The two versions of the Wuxing that Csikszentmihalyi discusses come from Guodian (tomb closed ca. 300 B.C.E.) and Mawangdui (tomb closed 168 B.C.E.; this version also includes what seems to be a later commentary), two of the richest finds from the perspective of early Chinese philosophical and religious thought. Two substantial appendixes contain critical annotated editions of both texts, which summarize the state of the field with regard to their textual scholarship—an invaluable resource in itself.As Csikszentmihalyi notes, one important aspect of these finds is how they "have augmented the [received textual] record with different kinds of texts, challenging received notions of school and genre" (p. 1). This is one of the more interesting contributions of Csikszentmihalyi's study, part of a recent trend among scholars of early China to move beyond traditional "school" labels. Csikszentmihalyi presents the Wuxing, which modern scholars attribute to the disciple Zisi 子思,1 as a hitherto unheard voice in "an important conversation about the nature of the virtues in early China from the fourth through the second centuries B.C.E." (p. 2), and by doing so significantly increases the subtlety of our picture of the early Chinese philosophical [End Page 694] landscape. For instance, in place of a more-or-less linear picture of the development of "Confucian" thought, originating with Kongzi and then diverging with the two followers Mengzi and Xunzi, Csikszentmihalyi argues for a view of the ru 儒 tradition that sees it as consisting of many competing disciple lineages, united by a shared technical vocabulary and the acknowledgment of Kongzi as an authority, but much more internally diverse than traditionally thought.Csikszentmihalyi contextualizes his discussion of the Wuxing by placing it firmly in the Mengzi-Zisi lineage that appears as one of Xunzi's targets in his famous "Against Twelve Masters" chapter. He makes a strong case for doing so: besides Xunzi's comment that the misguided followers of Mengzi and Zisi "created a theory, and called it 'Five Kinds of Action' (wuxing)" (p. 60), there are many textual and conceptual parallels between the Wuxing and the Mengzi. Csikszentmihalyi also makes a strong case that both the Mengzi and the Wuxing can be seen as springing from a similar motivation: defending Confucianism from Primitivist charges of moral hypocrisy by arguing for a more internalist conception of virtue, grounded in the physical body and its animating qi. As he notes, "The 'psychologizing' or 'embodiment' of moral self cultivation implies that genuine virtue cannot be simulated because it is an observable physical process" (p. 86). For instance, in his interesting discussion of the Mencian concept of haoranzhiqi 浩然之氣 (usually translated as "flood-like" qi), Csikszentmihalyi follows... (shrink)