In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Virtual GalleryMao Ze Dong Click for larger view View full resolutionFigure 1. Click for larger view View full resolutionFigure 2. Click for larger view View full resolutionFigure 3. Click for larger view View full resolutionFigure 4. Click for larger view View full resolutionFigure 5. Click for larger view View full resolutionFigure 6. Click for larger view View full resolutionFigure 7. Click for larger view View full resolutionFigure 8.Fragments of (...) Mao Ze Dong’s poetry in his own handwriting are from a little red book of his poems. The superimposed characters, when read together, evoke a popular Chinese saying: “A monk holding an umbrella—no hair, no sky (no law, no higher principle).”Artwork for this issue was censored, pilfered, and assembled by the Committee for Global Enlightenment. Long live the people!Copyright © 1996 The Johns Hopkins University Press... (shrink)

On practice.--On contradiction.--On the correct handling of contradictions among the people.--Speech at the Chinese Communist Party's National Conference on Progaganda Works.--Where do correct ideas come from?

On practice -- On contradiction -- On the correct handling of contradictions among the people -- Where do correct ideas come from?

Rights do not feature prominently in the writings of Mao Zedong . Mao did not view rights as innate or natural; they were instead merited on the basis of class and political view, as we see in this document. Whether rights should be given to any group also depended on the historical moment, as can be inferred from the context in which they are invoked in this essay on the policies appropriate at a particular point in the revolutionary struggle. (...) Readers should thus keep in mind the situation China faced in 1940, the date of the essay: The Chinese Communist Party and the Guomindang had nominally joined in a United Front against the Japanese, who controlled large parts of China. Given the contingent nature of rights for Mao, finally, we find it inappropriate to translate the lone use of renquan here as "human rights": it seems instead to refer to "rights of the person". (shrink)

Knowledge of the world is for the purpose of transforming the world; the history of humankind is created by humankind itself. However, if one has no knowledge of the world then the world cannot be transformed; "without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement."1 Our high-and-mighty dogmatists 2 are ignorant of this point. It is through the two processes of knowledge and transformation that the realm of necessity will be changed into the realm of freedom. The European philosophers of (...) the past comprehended the truth that "freedom is knowledge of necessity." Marx's contribution lay not in the rejection of this truth, but in recognizing that this truth was incomplete, and his addition of the truth that "the transformation of the world" is founded on knowledge of necessity. "Freedom is knowledge of necessity"-this is the proposition of the philosophers of the past. "Freedom is knowledge of necessity and the transformation of the world"-this is Marx's proposition. It is a poor Marxist who does not understand that knowledge of the world is premised on the transformation of the world, and that the transformation of the world is premised on knowledge of the world. Any Chinese Marxist who does not understand that knowledge of China is premised on the desire to transform China, and that the transformation of China is premised on knowledge of China, is indeed a poor Chinese Marxist. Marx said that man differs from the honeybee in that man has in his mind a design for his house prior to constructing it.3 The house that we will construct is the house of the Chinese Revolution, and we too must firstly have a design for the Chinese Revolution. Not only must we have a grand design, a general plan, we must also have many designs which are subdivisions of the grand design, which are designs on a smaller scale. And these designs can be nothing but the active reflection attained in the practice of the Chinese Revolution of objective, real situations . The reason why our high-and-mighty dogmatists are subjectivists is because their entire design for the revolution, whether on a large or small scale, general or subdivided, is not based on and nor does it conform to objective reality. They have only the subjective aspiration to transform the world, or China, or Northern China, or the cities; they have no presentable plan. Their plan is not scientific, but is subjective and arbitrary, is a complete muddle. Since they have no knowledge whatever of the world and wish to transform it in a rash way, the consequence will not only be that they suffer cracked skulls themselves, but that the masses will also meet the same fate under their leadership. Since these high-and-mighty dogmatists are blind when it comes to the realm of necessity of the Chinese revolution, their presumptuous desire to play the part of the leaders of the people would truly be a case of "a blind man riding a blind horse at the edge of a deep gorge at midnight.". (shrink)

This law is the basic law of dialectics. Lenin said: "Dialectics in the proper sense is the study of contradictions in the very essence of objects." Therefore, Lenin often called this law the essence of dialectics; he also called it the kernel of dialectics. Because of this, in our study of dialectics, discussion should commence from this problem, and moreover should receive somewhat closer attention than other problems.

Question One: Is the current political system in the Soviet Union a one-party dictatorship?

Ironically, specific compilations regarding the dialectical materialist principle of the negation of the negation cannot be found in the corpora of Comrade Mao Zedong. And yet, in his life of valiant struggle for the Chinese revolution and socialist construction, the law informed to great effect Mao's investigations of and attempts to transform China. Not only are these thoughts encapsulated in numerous essays and speeches, they are also naturally reflected therein. However, some foreigners maintain that Mao Zedong's thought "paid (...) no heed to this law, either theoretically or practically". Such is not just ignorance, it is nothing but nonsense. To be sure, his later treatment of dialectics was marred by his perceptual deviations vis-à-vis the law of the negation of the negation. However, in light of his affirmation and application of, and elucidations on the law of the negation of the negation, this was but a somewhat non-harmonious finale to a "majestic" symphony. (shrink)

The first problem we confront in the study and research of the philosophical thought of Mao Zedong is the relationship between Mao Zedong Philosophical Thought and Mao Zedong Thought. Clarification of the relationship between the two can assist our understanding of the status and function of Mao Zedong Philosophical Thought in Mao Zedong Thought, and thereby promote our understanding of why it is necessary to study and research Mao Zedong Philosophical Thought.

In studying and researching Mao Zedong's philosophical thought, it is necessary not only to study the relationship between it and Marxist philosophy, but also to study its relationship to China's traditional philosophy.

1983 was the ninetieth anniversary of Comrade Mao Zedong's birth. The best means of commemorating this event is to conscientiously study, uphold and develop Mao Zedong Thought. The things that we should study are many, and among these one important aspect is Comrade Mao's theories on Marxist dialectics.

This philosophical Mao is a fresh portrait of the mind of the ruler who changed the face of China in the twentieth century. The book traces the influences of both traditional Chinese and traditional pre-Marxist Western philosophy on the early Mao and how these influences guided the development of his thought. It reveals evidence of the creative dimensions of Mao's thinking and how he wove the yin/yang pattern of change depicted in the Yijing, the Chinese Book of Changes, into the (...) Marxist dialectic to bring ancient Chinese philosophy to mark changes in twentieth century thought. -/- Mao's lifetime philosophical journey includes his interpretations of and comments on both Chinese and Western philosophers. His deep, metaphysical reflections, uncanny prognostications and pensive speculations from his early pre-Marxist period to his later philosophical years prove to be as startling as they are thought-provoking. -/- Slavoj Žižek, International Director of the Birkbeck Institute for the Humanities, University of London, UK, writes: "Mao Ze Dong is celebrated (or cursed) as a revolutionary leader, but the philosophical foundation of his activity is largely ignored. In his superb study, Allinson fills in this lack. Mao's thought is not just located in its historical context; its complex references to the Chinese traditional thought, to Marx and Western philosophy, but also to modern sciences (quantum physics), are explored and documented. A new Mao thus emerges, a Mao whose radical acts are grounded in a thick texture of philosophical reflections. Allinson's Mao is indispensable for everybody who wants to understand not just Mao but the concatenation of philosophy and politics that characterized the twentieth century. -/- Michael Puett, Walter C. Klein Professor of Chinese History and Anthropology, Harvard University, writes: "Through extensive research, involving not only Mao's writings themselves but also the marginal notes he made on books he read, Allinson is able to trace the development of Mao's thinking over the course of his lifetime and to demonstrate the degree to which he was actively engaged with both the Chinese and Western philosophical traditions throughout. This is an invaluable contribution to our understanding of the intellectual history of China. -/- Anne Cheng, Chair of Chinese Intellectual History, Collège de France, writes: "Has it ever occurred to you to associate Mao with Aristotle or with the ancient Chinese Book of Changes, the Yijing? If you find it hard to believe, read this book by Robert Allinson who, in his own philosophical way, manages to inject new life and revived interest in this highly controversial but iconic figure which is still looming large behind the giant video screen of present day China. -/- Irene Eber, Former Director and Louis Frieberg Professor Emerita of Chinese History and Philosophy, Louis Freiberg Center for East Asian Studies, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel and Former Senior Fellow, Harry S. Truman Research Institute for the Advancement of Peace, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, writes: "This is a most exciting and fascinating enterprise. A magnificent statement on behalf of East-West philosophy. -/- Jana Rošker, chief editor of Asian Studies and the founder and first president of the European Association of Chinese Philosophy (International Communication of Chinese Culture), writes: "As Irene Eber writes in her foreword to this book 'This is a ground breaking work'. She is right, for it is indeed a work of utmost importance. In addition, the book is essential because it deals with a highly topical issue, one that can certainly help us to improve our understanding of contemporary China... Allinson achieves his goals in this book by clearly demonstrating a thoughtfully elaborated case of a truly intercultural, and, at the same time, truly intersubjective philosophy with widely influential connotations. This volume will be of great value to anyone interested in Chinese or cross-cultural philosophy, political theory and recent history. (shrink)

Resumo: A prática de 70 anos da Nova China mostra que nosso Partido tem, de forma permanente, valorizado e fortalecido a liderança do trabalho ideológico, fator essencial para que a nação chinesa consiga o salto de rica e poderosa, e consolide continuamente a posição dominante do partido. As sucessivas lideranças coletivas do partido exploraram e inovaram a teoria da ideologia socialista em diferentes períodos da história da China, em vista da situação internacional e doméstica, fornecendo ao PCCh uma base teórica (...) científica e diretrizes de ação para romper as barreiras ideológicas em sua regra de longo prazo. Mao Tsé-Tung fez contribuições históricas significativas para explorar o caminho para o novo socialismo chinês, projeto institucional, inovação teórica e construção ideológica. O objetivo deste estudo é combinar os princípios básicos marxismo com a realidade específica da China, apresentar de forma criativa os princípios básicos e as direções básicas da construção da ideología nacional e elaborar sistematicamente a conotação essencial, a ideologia orientadora, os objetivos primários, a natureza fundamental e o camino de realização da construção da ideología socialista. Este estudo mostra que o primeiro salto teórico da localização da ideología marxista na China lançou uma base sólida para construir um país científico e completo e um sistema ideológico nacional científico e completo. (shrink)

孙显元(1935~),浙江温州人,中国科学技术大学教授,全国逻辑学会理事,安徽省逻辑研究会会长.

This is a most unusual book. Mao Zedong was one of the most powerful people in the twentieth century. With Chiang Kai-shek he drove out the Japanese from China and then defeated Chiang in turn and carried out a major revolution over which he presided for many years. Everyone knows he was a poet and, like every Marxist leader, he was a philosopher of sorts. His Marxist philosophy evolved from his youth to old age, and he developed differences from (...) the Soviet model of Marxism that were quite significant. He "converted" to Marxism in his twenties and identified himself with that movement until he died in his eighties. But what was his education in philosophy like before he encountered Marxism? Whereas Marx, Lenin, and... (shrink)

Analysis of the study of Mao Zedong's philosophical thought in contemporary China is significant for a number of reasons. First, such a project has considerable relevance for Mao studies in the West. Since the early 1980s, Mao scholars in China have pursued their own research in an atmosphere more amenable to academic investigation and judgement than was previously possible. An important consequence of this has been that a number of the documentary and empirical revelations contained in Mao scholarship in (...) China have added considerably to what is known in the West about the development of Mao's thought; indeed, in some instances, the publication of hitherto unknown writings on philosophy by Mao and commentaries on them suggest that earlier debates amongst Western Mao scholars should be reopened and judgements perhaps revised.1 Moreover, the debates amongst Chinese Mao scholars have quite frequently cut across areas of contention amongst Mao scholars in the West, and a considerable number of fresh perspectives have emerged which are of wider interest. (shrink)