This research aims to examine the Indonesian Ulema Council’s (MUI) fatwa strategy on COVID-19 vaccination booster, which employed religious narrations and laboratory test evidence to justify its arguments. Religious texts become ideological frames that are legitimate and effective in influencing the human senses. This study uses maqashid al-Qur’an as approach. Hence, the use of text of the Qur’an, hadith, and quotations from various ulema’s opinions elucidates the vaccination aim under Islamic law. Based on the MUI fatwa, the primary purpose of (...) the vaccinations is for the sake of national benefits, whereas, from the perspective of maqashid al-Qur’an, it mainly leads to the preservation of the Indonesian people’s life as a whole. The COVID-19 vaccination carried out in Indonesia is for curative purposes; consequently, this programme is classified into the daruriyah [urgent] category. The results revealed that religious authority plays a crucial role in persuading its adherents.Contribution: This research shows that interpreting the Qur’anic verses using the maqashid theory should also be integrated with a scientific approach for the benefit of humanity. (shrink)

The Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) has issued an illegitimate fatwa against smoking in mosques because it endangers the health of worshippers and interferes with the comfort of worshippers. This study aims to investigate smoking behaviour in mosques and violations of fatwas from ulama and governor regulations. This study follows a cross-sectional design conducted by interviewing 531 Muslims who have prayed in the mosque for the last 14 days and observed the compliance of the mosque in implementing a smoke-free policy in (...) 315 mosques. Frequency distribution and cross-tabulation were carried out using JASP 16 software using cross-tabulation. The results of this study indicate that the implementation of the smoke-free policy for mosques in Medan has been violated many times (57.8%), especially the violation regarding smoking in mosques (32.1%); cigarette butts were still found in the yard of the mosque (44.1%). Violations of the policy of fatwa smoke-free areas occurred in public mosques (61%) and muhammadiyah mosques (46.5%). Smoking behaviour in mosques was seen in the last 2 weeks, namely smoking behaviour carried out by worshippers (57.6%), smoking behaviour carried out by mosque administrators (39.2%), smoking behaviour carried out by community leaders in mosques (19.4%) and smoking behaviour that ulemas carried out in mosques (14.3%). Worshippers must comply with the rules against smoking in mosques because it can endanger the health of other worshippers. Cigarette smoke in the mosque will make other worshippers uncomfortable to worship so that it can damage the solemnity of the congregation to worship in the mosque. Contribution: This study is expected to explain smoking behaviour in mosques, violations of smoking behaviour in mosques that violate the ulama’s fatwa regarding smoking behaviour in mosques and the governor’s regulation on smoking behaviour in mosques. (shrink)

Ibn al-Sid al-Batalyawsi ( Badajoz 444/1052- Valencia 521/1127) es conocido básicamente por su actividad en el camppo de la gramática y la lexicografía, y por sus incursiones en la filosofía. También destacó en la ciencia del hadiz, inte-resándose además por cuestiones jurídicas y teológicas. Su obra se ha conserva-do prácticamente completa. Es valorada positivamente por los biográfos y el interés que ha despertado entre los investigadores modernos ha dado lugar a un buen número de ediciones críticas y estudios. Cuando un (...) investigador se acerca por primera vez a la figura de Ibn al-Sid comprueba, sin embargo, que los datos disponibles acerca de su vida son escasos y, en ocasiones, de difícil aprovechamiento, y piensa que probablemente a ello se deba la ausencia de un estudio monográfico sobre su trayectoria vital. Con este artículo se pretende llenar ese vacío. Mediante un examen detenido de las fuentes biográficas se pasa revista a los orígenes, formación, campos de actuación, discípulos y obras de Ibn al-Sid al-Batalyawsi. Asimismo se intenta fijar la cronología de sus múltiples desplazamientos e indagar en sus motivaciones, para terminar haciendo una valoración de su contribución general a la cultura de al-Andalus. La de Ibn al-Sid fue una vida a caballo entre dos épocas durante las cuales el poeta y secretario real, que viaja de taifa en taifa en busca de acomodo, tiene que adaptarse, no sin dificultades, a un nuevo contexto político y cultural, tras la conquista almorávid. (shrink)

¿Cómo veían los ulemas musulmanes a los seguidores de otras religiones, especialmente a los ahl al-kitāb ? Las leyes islámicas, en dos áreas concretas - el sacrificio ritual y el matrimonio -, reflejan al tiempo el intento por separar a los musulmanes de los no monoteístas y la permisibilidad del contacto entre los musulmanes y los ahl al-kitāb. Estos contactos respondían a dos motivos contradictorios: el deseo de mantener vínculos con los ahl al-kitāb, y el deseo de evitar el (...) peligro que tales vínculos podían representar. En consecuencia, los juristas musulmanes, en general, permitían consumir carme de animales sacrificados por los ahl al-kitāb - incluso cuando no se había seguido la obligación de mencionar el nombre de Allāh -, pero la mayoría de los juristas prohibía consumir carne de animales sacrificados por un cristiano que hubiese recitado el nombre de Jesús durante el sacrificio. Igualmente, el derecho matrimonial, que permite ciertos tipos de matrimonio entre los musulmanes y los ahl al-kitāb, prohíbe aquellos casamientos que tengan como resultado la inferioridad del cónyuge musulmán con respecto al cónyuge kitābī , pues tal inferioridad trae consigo el peligro de asimilación. (shrink)

Erken dönem tasavvuf tarihinde iki ana akımdan biri olarak kabul edilen Horasan tasavvuf ekolünün şekillenmesinde Hâtim el-Esam (ö.237/851) önemli bir figür olarak karşımıza çıkar. İbrahim b. Edhem (ö.161/778) ve Şakîk-i Belhî (ö.194/810) kanalıyla gelen öğretinin Horasan ve Maveraünnehir genelinde aktarım ve intişarının sağlamasında onun etkin bir rol oynadığı bilinir. Aynı zamanda yetiştirdiği talebeleriyle Melâmetîliğin teşekkülüne katkı sağladığı kabul edilir. Bu makale Hâtim el-Esam’ın entelektüel açıdan kimliği ve ilişkiler ağının tespitine odaklanmaktadır. Herhangi bir akademik çalışmaya konu edilmediği görülen söz konusu odağı, (...) farklı ilmî sahalardan istifade ettiği literatürle erken dönemdeki mesele ve tartışmalardan faydalanarak sunmaya çalışır. Bu itibarla Hâtim el-Esam’ın muhaddis, fakih ve sufi kimliğiyle Horasan ilim havzasının önemli şehirlerinden biri olan Belh’te ilmî faaliyetlerin ve özellikle hadis ilminin sürekliliğine katkı yaptığı ortaya konmuştur. Çok yönlü ilişkiler ağına sahip olduğu tespit edilen Hâtim el-Esam’ın Belh ve Bağdat ulemâsı ile irtibatının dostluk ve irşad eksenli ve aynı zamanda fıkh-ı bâtın vurgulu olduğu görülürken Rey, Kazvin ve Medine-i Münevvere ulemasıyla olan münasebetlerininse eleştiri odaklı olduğu belirlenmiştir. Nebevî mirasa bütünüyle sahip çıkılmamasına ilişkin söz konusu eleştirel münasebet biçimi, erken dönemde sufilerin, biçim-öz bütünlüğünden uzaklaşmaları nedeniyle diğer ilim müntesiplerine yönelttikleri tenkitlerin bir yansıması olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Ayrıca sened analizi yöntemiyle onun sufilerle olan ilişkiler ağına yönelik yeni tespitler ortaya konmuştur. (shrink)

Such questions that may it be essential, necessary, recommended, or free to believe in some matters will be addressed in the article. It is concluded that such an approach is possible for Māturīdis and Ash'arīs. In the study, it was thought that the following two problems should be solved first. The first problem is how can a definitive confirmation be made with speculative information (zannī). Second, if it is a contradiction that the ulema of the relevant school construct the subject (...) of belief with an āḥād report (khabar) even though they explain the true report as mutawātir in the works of Kalām? In the article, three different solutions are proposed for the first problem, and the second problem is tried to be solved with the proposition that tawātur is compulsory for the universal or essential subjects of theology. Then, by giving two examples for each decree (hukm), it was tried to determine what this idea means in practice. It has been determined that the main controversial issues between the Ahl al-sunnah and the Mu'tazila arise in the category of wājib to be believed. It has been determined that the scholars of the aforementioned sects fall into dispute among themselves in matters presented as sunnah to be believed. As a result, in terms of the principles set forth by the Ahl al-Sunnah, it has been deemed possible to implement ʾafʿālu al-mukallafīn (deeds of those obligated) to theological issues. (shrink)

Medrese, müslüman tarihinin geleneksel eğitim kurumları olarak tarihe geçmiş, Hint alt kıtasındaki İngiliz öncesi dönemde de bu işlevini sürdürmüştür. Tarihsel olarak medreseler sadece din alanında değil, aynı zamanda diğer alanlarda da toplumun ihtiyaç duyduğu insan gücünü karşılamıştır. Ancak Medrese müfredatı da dahil mevcut pek çok kurumun boyun eğmesine ve baskısına yol açan Biritanya emperyalizminin gelişi ile, medresenin toplumda oynadığı rolde yavaş yavaş bir düşüş yaşanmıştır. Medresenin (hem kurum hem de mezunları tarafından) karşı karşıya kaldığı bu varoluşsal krizin, Pakistan'ın kuruluşunda dini (...) Ulema ve Müslüman kitlelerin desteği ile sona ermesi beklenirken, Pakistan'daki modern eğitim sisteminin uyarlanması sadece mevcut problemi artırmıştır. Bu araştırma, medrese mezunlarının devlet ve toplumun refahına katkısını ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Sonuçlar, çok sayıda mezunun, Pakistan ve Dünya Bankası tarafından belirlenen asgari ücret ölçütlerinden bile daha az getirisi olan meslekleri yapmak zorunda kaldıklarını göstermektedir. Bu meslekler arasında şunlar bulunmaktadır: medrese öğretmenleri, imamlar, medreselerdeki memurlar, düşük dereceli gazetelerdeki yazarlar, küçük esnaf. (shrink)

Este artículo es parte de un estudio de conjunto sobre los sufíes de la Palestina medieval. Se centra en el surgimiento de asociaciones de inspiración sufí en contextos locales de ese ámbito geográfico durante el primer periodo medieval (desde finales del s. X hasta la mitad del s. XIII). A partir de las biografías de tradicionistas y juristas sufíes famosos que vivieron en la Palestina de la época, se pone de relieve la integración de los sufíes en los círculos de (...) los especialistas del saber religioso (los ulemas), así como en el orden social. Se analiza también cómo percibían su lugar en la sociedad y el papel que en ella debían jugar, cómo difundían la verdad del Islam y cómo, paralelamente a su integración en el mundo de los ulemas de las escuelas legales establecidas (los madhabs), desarrollaron formas de vida interna y organizativas específicas, y perfilaron modos de integrarse en la vida social y comunal. El temprano desarrollo de una congregación sufí local coherente en torno a un guía sufí ¿más allá del círculo disperso y fragmentado de sus discípulos¿ está estrechamente vinculado al concepto de guía para avanzar a lo largo del Camino y a cambios en la relación entre maestro y discípulo. (shrink)

Este artículo examina la propaganda establecida por Aḥmad al-Manṣūr al-Ḏahabī tanto en su correspondencia, como a través del ceremonial de la corte y de los cronistas, apologistas oficiales del sultán, propaganda que sacraliza extraordinariamente su figura y que roza en todo momento la pretensión mahdista, unida a la pretensión califal. Esta propaganda se realiza en el contexto de rivalidad con los Otomanos y en torno a la conquista del Sudán, conquista profundamente contestada por los ulemas marroquíes. La conclusión del (...) artículo es que la sacralización del poder islámico es siempre efímera y coyuntural y sólo puede hacerse a través de la figura del mahdī, una figura rupturista y a la que generalmente recurren los rebeldes al poder establecido: el recurso a esta figura por parte de un sultán es necesaria en un momento en el que los ulemas no consideran legítimo un poder o unas acciones emprendidas por tal poder. (shrink)

En las sociedades islámicas medievales, las convenciones culturales y las normas sociales tenían un papel importante en la educación, pero los pensadores musulmanes también prestaron atención a las diferencias individuales entre los estudiantes y a la necesidad de ajustar tanto el contenido de la enseñanza como los métodos educativos al contexto familiar de esos estudiantes, así como a sus habilidades personales, sus inclinaciones y sus aspiraciones. Esto pudo deberse no sólo a la herencia de los "árabes preislámicos y del Islam (...) temprano" como sugirió S. D. Goitein, sino también a la influencia cultural extranjera (por ejemplo, griega), especialmente en el ámbito del pensamiento educativo. En principio, podría parecer que el kuttab ofrecería menos atención individualizada a los que allí estudiaban que otras instituciones educativas. Sin embargo, los ulemas, en general, tenían en mente al estudiante individual cuando discutían asuntos de educación elemental, tales como el currículum, la edad de admisión del niño, la selección de métodos educativos apropiados, los juegos de los niños, la compañía de otros niños, la selección de una profesión para el niño y la participación del padre en la educación formal. (shrink)

This reflection on the social and political role of revenge in the Mongol empire, with a focus on the Īl-Khānate, uses revenge as a means of analyzing the relationship between the khān, his commanders, local officials, the ulema, and the subject population of the Īl-Khānate. It documents the limitations on royal authority and begins a new conversation about the way that juridical power was conceived and practiced in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. This study will contribute to the current debate (...) about the role of the Jasaq in the Mongol empire and the Middle East, with particular reference to how it was enacted by the Mongol nobility. It is hoped that this paper will be the start of a more detailed investigation into the role of blood-feud and vengeance across Central Asia. (shrink)

Mehmed Efendi, known as Mur Ali Baba, is one of the sheikhs of the Halisiyye branch of the Qadiriyya sect. Mehmed Efendi, who was buried in Sivas, is a sufi who was active in his time with his scientific and mystical efforts. Mehmed Efendi is a master of poetry as well as his command of Persian and his contribution to many people's learning of Persian. It is understood from Mehmet Efendi's only work called Tenbîhü's-sâlikîn that he was a personality largely (...) under the influence of Mawlânâ. In the article, a Persian poem of Mehmed Efendi, who was especially influential in Sivas and its environs in the 19th century, is discussed through the commentary made by him. This poem of seven couplets, in which Mehmed Efendi voiced his criticisms of the apparent ulemâ through the example of amber and straw, also shows his talent in poetry. In addition, in this poem, Mehmed Efendi expressed his views on education and the relationship between the perfect master and the devotee as the central subject, through the example of amber and straw, which are frequently used for reasons such as its color and physical characteristics in divan literature. The article focuses on the influence of Mevlânâ, whom Mehmed Efendi traced because of this example, and some of his thoughts expressed in the context of the amber-straw waste example. (shrink)

La relación entre la teoría y la práctica en el derecho islámico puede ser examinada desde distintos puntos de vista. Por lo que se refiere a la sustancia del derecho islámico, se puede plantear la pregunta de cómo las normas de la šarī‛a son o pueden ser aplicadas. Otra pregunta relativa a los aspectos externos de la šarī‛a es hasta qué punto la situación política, la administración judicial, el sistema educativo y otros factores sociopolíticos permiten la existencia de una jurisdicción (...) conforme a la šarī‛a. Los cadíes que no tienen las cualificaciones necesarias, cuya competencia se ve limitada por los gobernantes o cuyos juicios se ven influidos por los intereses políticos, no pueden ejercer el cadiazgo en el contexto de la šarī‛a. El análisis llevado a cabo en este artículo tiene como objetivo reconstruir el contexto socio-político de los cadíes en Siria durante los siglos VIII/XIV. A partir de los datos de varios diccionarios biográficos que contienen descripciones auténticas y detalladas de más de doscientos cadíes sirios, se demuestra que existían las pre-condiciones esenciales para ejercer el cadiazgo en aquella época y región. Se argumenta que los cadíes, junto con otros ulemas, formaban un cuerpo específico dentro del sistema estatal mameluco que, por una parte, era lo suficientemente fuerte como para resistir intervenciones políticas y, por otro lado, suministraba un alto nivel de formación legal y se beneficiaba al tiempo de él. (shrink)

Abstrack In this study, the subject of preference, its conceptual field and its historical process, as well as the methods of determining and choosing different readings of mutawatir recitation imâms are discussed. The different phrasing of the Qur'an began from the revelation period of the revelation. It is seen that there were some discussions about the different readings of the Qur'an among the Companions in the early period, albeit a little. These different recitations of some of the Companions, who see (...) their own reading better or who are not aware of their friends' readings, are the Prophet's. The fact that they took them to the Prophet indicates this. As a matter of fact, Allah's command to "read whatever is easy from the Qur'an" (Muzzammil, 73/20) and the hadith of the Messenger of Allah "read whatever is easy from it", together with the different reading license, also implicate his preference. Arab tribes who used different dialects from the Quraysh dialect during the Medina period and those who converted to Islam from other non-Arab nations faced some difficulties in pronouncing and understanding the Qur'an, which was revealed in the Quraysh dialect. Wanting to solve this serious problem, Hz. Prophet was given the permission to read with seven letters, the differences in recitation began to be seen. The concepts of preference and elder refer to the practices of the imams of recitation in the process of creating their own recitations together with their proofs, which they chose from among the recitations of their predecessors. In the science of hujjat, the most used concepts, along with other concepts, are the concepts of old age, preference and need. Ihticaj is a concept that expresses choosing one among different recitations by citing evidences and proofs. As a matter of fact, when the works of the recitation scholars on this subject are examined, it is seen that the imâms made their choices by citing evidence from the Qur'an, Sunnah, Mushafs and language rules regarding the differences in recitation. In the science of recitation, some other concepts such as ulema, especially proof, and illet and evidence were also used. Whether it is the Qurra that stands out in the field of natural recitation, or the imams of mutawatir recitation, they have formed their preferences by bringing evidence from verses, sunnah, mushaf, saned and language in line with the criteria of sound recitation. (shrink)

İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti’nin Meşrutiyet’in yeniden ilanı için II. Abdülhamid’e karşı yürüttükleri muhalefete dönemin bazı ulema ve İslamcı aydınlarının da katıldığı bilinmektedir. İslamcıların bu muhalefete katılmalarının en önemli nedeni, ulema sınıfının geleneksel gücünü kaybetmesinin yarattığı endişelerden kaynaklanmış ve buna bağlı olarak da modernleşmeyle beraber devletin giderek laikleşen yapısına bir müdahale olarak düşünülmüştür. İslamcı aydınların muhalefete katılmasıyla beraber hem dindar halk kesiminin Meşrutiyet’e bakışı değişmiş, hem de Abdülhamid karşıtı muhalefet güçlenip artan bir toplumsal desteğe sahip olmuştur. Sultan Abdülhamid’in tahttan indirilmesinden sonra (...) iktidarı ele geçiren İttihatçıların devlet yönetimindeki tecrübesizlikleri ve Meşrutiyetten beklentileri gerçekleşmeyen İslamcı aydınların önceki döneme yönelik eleştirilerini yeniden gözden geçirmelerine yol açmıştır. Bu yeni değerlendirme ve özeleştiriler Abdülhamid dönemini tamamen olumlayan bir çerçevede olmamakla birlikte, hata ve yanılgıların itirafı olmaları açısından önemlidir. Osmanlı tarihinde adı İttihad-ı İslamla nerdeyse özdeşleşmiş bir padişaha İslamcıların hangi gerekçelerle muhalefet ettiği ve bunun hangi argümanlarla savunduğu, kendilerinin sınıfsal bir mirasçısı olarak görülebilecek olan ulema sınıfıyla medreselerin Abdülhamid’le sorunlu ilişkilerinin bu muhalefeti ne derece etkilediği önem arz etmektedir. Bu makalede İslamcıların; Sultan Abdülhamid’e muhalefetinin sebepleri deşilmekte, İttihat ve Terakki deneyimi ve sonraki dönemde yaşadıkları tecrübelerden yola çıkılarak uzun süreli iktidarda kalan bu padişah ile ilgili yanılgı, pişmanlık ve itirafları değerlendirilmektedir. (shrink)

Islamic environmentalism is an intellectual movement whose representatives discuss contemporary environmental problems in the language of Islamic theology. This field includes Shariah-based environmental law, environmental activism, and environmental philosophy. This article is an overview of the genealogy of this philosophical trend: key names will be listed and their contributions to the development of this movement will be analyzed. For example, the legacy of Sayyid Hossein Nasr, considered the founding father of Islamic environmentalism, will be examined in detail. The religious and (...) ethical program of this philosophical movement will be analyzed in detail. The categorical apparatus to which Islamic eco-activists, philosophers, and ulema turned as the Islamic environmental agenda expanded will also be examined, such as how the concepts of khalifa, hima, and misan were conceptualized. Philosophers whose writings we will turn to include Iraqi philosopher and jurist Mawil Izzi Dien, British eco-activist Fazlun Khalid, Egyptian Grand Mufti Ali Jumaa, and representatives of so-called “Western Islam” Ziauddin Sardar and Tariq Ramadan. The example of Indonesia will be used to examine how Islamic eco-theology has formed the basis of a multilevel environmental policy. The thesis of the fundamental contradiction underlying Islamic environm entalism is put forward. On the one hand, this movement in its present form genetically dates back to the European protest movements of the 1960s and 70s, which opposed the culture of mass consumption, impersonal materialism, and overproduction. On the other hand, an equally important part of the rhetoric of a number of Islamic modernists, including on ecology, is the emphasis on the break with Western neoliberal values. The special role of social media in the promotion of Islamic eco-activism is noted separately. (shrink)

The sources show that two different groups of sheikhs were followed in the Hanafi usūl al-fiqh: ‘Iraqi and Samarqandi sheikhs. However, the perception of followers of ‘Iraqi sheikhs formed the dominant Hanafī tradition. This situation has caused different approaches of the theologian methodologists who followed the Samarqandi sheikhs to become in shadow. Considering this separation within this denomination, when the sunnah sections of usūl al-fiqh literature are compared it is possible to see the different points raised within the Hanafi usūl (...) al-fiqh. In this study, “the definition of sunnah”, “the acts of the Prophet”, “the imitating companions”, “the criteria of ard (submission) to the Qur’an” and “the problem of faqīh (jurist) narrator” are determined as differentiated notions. Considering these issues, since the concepts which differentiate theologian methodologists, whose perception have been taken into account in this paper, from the dominant Hanafi usūl tradition have been generally related to theological concerns, it is possible to argue that this distinction can be explained by their approach of usūl in which theological premises considered as important as other concerns. Eventually, this paper aims to show that like any denomination Hanafi sect also does not have a uniform approach about sunnah.Summary: In this study, the marks of differentiations in sunnah topics were followed based on the works of Ḥanafī usūl al-fiqh written in the Transoxanian region between 5th-8th centuries A.H. The reason for the limitation of this issue is that there have been some changes and developments in the sect in this region and period. It is because Ḥanafī usūl al-fiqh, which is in two different lines, namely ʿIrāqī sheikhs and Samarqandī sheikhs, has improved in favor of one side in this period. It is thought that this dual disintegration occurs due to the effect of different theological tendencies. This situation has caused the different approaches of the theologian methodologists who mostly followed the Samarqandī sheikhs to be overshadowed. Because Ḥanafī tradition, which became a permanent establishment, mostly followed the line of ʿIrāqī sheikhs in terms of both the topics that are discussed and the approaches in these issues. The aim of this study is to determine the different approaches of the line of Samarqandī sheikhs to sunnah. In the study which is based on comparative method, sunnah topics of Dabūsī, Pazdawī, Sarakhsī and those who followed them and the theologian methodologists Abū l-Yusr, Samarqandī, Lamishī and Usmendī’s sunnah topics were compared and the differentiation points of the second group were determined.In this context, it is seen that there are two different approaches in the Ḥanafī usūl al-fiqh regarding the definition and scope of sunnah. Because the Ḥanafī principals who followed the ʿIrāqī sheikhs, while describing the sunnah, they included the companions in the scope of sunnah. However, Abū l-Yusr, Samarqandī and Lamishī did not mention the companions in the sunnah description and stated that the only person to be subjected was the Prophet. In addition, the Ḥanafīs in the second group, unlike others, do not accept the opinion that the meaning of absolute sunnah word is only sunnah of the Prophet. At this point they have shared the same conviction with the ahl al-ḥadīth (the traditionists) and cumhūr al-ulemā (majority of ulema).There are two different approaches, which are based on ʿIrāqī and Samarqandī sheikhs in the show of the judgments of the acts of the Prophet. According to the ʿIrāqī Ḥanafīs, the Prophet's act is attributed to mubāh (permissible) when there is no evidence about its feature. According to the Samarqandī sheiks, such an act is attributed to vucūb (obligation) in terms of practice and stopped in terms of faith. Most of the later Ḥanafī scholars have adopted the idea of ​​ibāha (permissibility) of the ʿIrāqī Ḥanafīs. On the other hand, Samarqandī, Lamishī and Itkanī have tended to the opinion of the Samarqandī sheikhs.It is seen that two different approaches were adopted by Ḥanafī scholars in the field of imitation of companions. Most of the Ḥanafīs adopted the view of Bardaī. According to this view, it is necessary to imitate companions and their expression takes precedence over the qiyās (legal analogy). On the other hand Samarqandī and Lamishī adopted the opinion of Māturīdī. According to this opinion, a companion who has reached the rank of fatwā (legal opinion), it is necessary to imitate that person if one of his peers did not oppose his opinion on a subject that is not likely to be hidden because the general public needs it.There is also a dispute between the Ḥanafī scholars on the type of information expressed by the famous report. Dabūsī, Pazdawī and Sarakhsī and later Ḥanafīs believe that the famous report does not refer to certain knowledge but to assured knowledge. However, it is understood that, Abū l-Yusr, Samarqandī and Lamishī believe that the famous report refers to certain knowledge. But this conflict between the Ḥanafīs only affects the issue of the takfīr who denies the famous report. It does not cause any dispute on judgments.There are two different approaches in the sect about the issue of opposition to the Qur'an covered by internal interruption. In this matter, the issue of opposition to the Qur'an, especially through ziyāda alā al-nās, has been evaluated in different ways. According to the ʿIrāqī sheikhs and majority of the Ḥanafīs, which followed them, ziyada ala al-nas is naskh (abrogation). But according to Māturīdī and Ḥanafīs which followed him, it is also possible that ziyāda alā al-nās is naskh and statement. One of them cannot be preferred without any evidence. In addition, according to the ʿIrāqī sheikhs general and apparent words of the Qur'an express certain knowledge. However, according to the Samarqandī sheikhs the general words of the Qur'an don not express certain knowledge. So, these words can be specialized by isolated tradition. But it was observed that this conflict between the Ḥanafīs was related to the fact that the first opinion caused some problems related to the faith.In the issue of the faqīh narrator, it was determined that three different approaches were exhibited by Ḥanafī scholars. Firstly, the attitude towards not accepting the report of the non-faqih narrator, expressed by the ‘Īsā b. Abān in Abū Hurayra, is gradually being softened along with Dabūsī and adopted by the later Ḥanafī principals. However, despite the same scientific environment and period, Abū l-Yusr does not follow this approach. At the same time, it is possible to say that Samarqandī, Lamishī and Usmendī don not adopt the faqīh narrator criterion. While ‘Abd al-‘Azīz Bukhārī and Kakī did not adopt this approach but criticized it openly. As a result, it is seen that Ḥanafī sect which contains different orientations in itself does not have a uniform approach about sunnah. The points which differentiate theologian methodologists, whose perception have been taken into account in this paper, from the dominant Ḥanafī usūl tradition have been generally related to theological concerns. So, it is possible to say that this distinction can be explained by their approach of usūl in which theological premises considered as important as other concerns. In addition, it is seen that some of the opinions theologian methodologists present as an alternative to dominant Ḥanafī usūl al-fiqh tradition are close to the ahl al-ḥadīth and cumhūr al-ulemā. (shrink)

Qādī Burhaneddin, who died in 1358 at the age of 54 after living a stormy life, came out of many wars and distinguished as the most active name among Anatolian seigniors. He was called ‘the father of conquest’ because of this striking feature. Qādī Burhanuddin is a sharp-witted and fair scholar with dignity, tireless and never afraid to say the truth. Although he is said to be debauched and wassailer, he is mostly known for his kind-heartedness, cheerful nature, pleasant disposition, (...) magnanimity, benevolence.and intimacy with the clergy. He became prominent in his struggle for the sake of Allah, took the plunge in this cause and gave away constantly in the service of God. Has adopted quite a close manner towards clergy and found great pleasure in conversing with them. He organized discussions with them three days a week, did not defect in respect of scholars visiting him and displayed just and compassionate relation with his community. Serving as a Qādī, he was a powerful figure belonging to the branch of ulema, and known for his mystical temper as well as jurisprudential mastery. When we examine his symbolic expression in poetry, we can see the depth of mystical meaning in many couplets that seem to be unsophisticated. Even not being a Sufi himself, Qādī Burhaneddin is prone to mysticism and closely affiliated with Sufis. (shrink)

Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr (368/978-463/1071), uno de los mayores ulemas andalusíes del siglo V/XI, incluye un largo capítulo sobre los anwāʾ en su Kitāb al-Tamhīd, que se estudia, junto a textos afines, en sus dos aspectos fundamentales. En el plano literario, el capítulo contiene una especie de tratado de anwāʾ abreviado que constituye uno de los raros ejemplos de textos andalusíes relacionados con este género en la época de los taifas. En el plano religioso, el capítulo expresa un debate sobre (...) la licitud de los anwāʾ centrado en el hadiz transmitido por Ṣāliḥ ibn Kaysān que condena los anwāʾ en tanto que creencia preislámica. Por su tratamiento extenso y profundo del tema, el capítulo del Tamhīd es uno de los documentos que aporta un mayor conocimiento sobre el problema de fondo del sistema de los anwāʾ y la literatura derivada: su licitud teniendo en cuenta que se basa en una creencia pagana. El debate adquiere todo su sentido cuando se sitúa en una discusión más amplia, frecuente en el s. V/XI andalusi: el uso correcto de la astronomía, ya sea la astronomía matemática de origen griego o la astronomía popular árabe vinculada a los anwāʾ, en un contexto religioso, teniendo en cuenta la oposición a la astrología, considerada generalmente por los ulemas como una disciplina ilícita. (shrink)

This article aimed to highlight how polemic between Muslims and Christians on halal tourism is discussed in Indonesia. The study concerned three research questions: How do Christians view halal tourism? Is the halal tourism a term that has the potential to build segregation according to the Christians’ perspective? How do Muslims respond to Christians on halal tourism? By reviewing related literature and conducting interviews and analysis using reception theory, this study reached the following conclusions. Firstly, Christian religious figures view on (...) halal tourism by varied characters: realistic, substantial and critical. Secondly, for those with oppositional views, they emphatically said that the term halal tourism had the potential to build segregation. Meanwhile, in a negotiation position, the main substantial one is still open minded for discussion if there is a concept that is formally more inclusive and from the material side representing the common will even though it was originally a will of a particular group. Thirdly, Muslims, as represented in the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), perceive that halal tourism does not interfere with other religious beliefs, but it has an economic value for the country.Contribution: Practically, this article contributed to opening opportunities for halal tourism to be recognised by all elements in a multi-religious society. Differences in potential reception occur because the sender of the message and the recipient of the message have basic assumptions according to their respective contexts. (shrink)

Over the years, there are various research on cultural development seen from socio-historical perspective. The uniqueness of Islam in Malay region as it is diverse and open to outside influences is important to be look at; as it differs greatly from "the Islam" that have been practiced in the Middle East. Based on the discussions, the ulemas or Muslim clerics of this region and the Malays themselves have already practiced the supra-madhhab model as proposed by many contemporary scholars. Using (...) Shia influences in the Malay culture, this paper attempt to show how sectarianism within Islam was never entertained by the Muslims in this region. In fact, Shi'ism was so embedded in Malay culture. Although being dominated by Sunnism, most of the Shia doctrines and pillars were widely accepted and embraced. The axiology of Shi'ism in Malay culture reflected in many religious texts, classical literature and cultural events. However, as sectarianism rising in this region, the Shia influence and its axiology slowly eroded and were victimized by unnecessary foreign interventions. (shrink)

The paper undertakes to investigate the Shī`ī practice of prudential concealment (taqīya) as a source of both quietism and political activism. The practice functioned as a strategy of survival for the Shī `ī minority living under hostile Sunni regimes. Although Sunni ulema criticized the practice as dissimulation and, hence, morally wrong, ironically they too adopted the strategy when encountering autocratic and oppressive Sunni regimes that suffocated the right of the people to voice their demand for just treatment. The article demonstrates (...) that the strategy created a specific sphere of existence for the Shī `ites, known as the “abode of prudential concealment,” which incrementally allowed Muslim opposition to engage in underground activity for regime change and for a political transformation of the public order that accorded with Islamic ideals. In light of Muslim political theology providing doctrinal resources for Muslim societies to work toward the common good in the public sphere, this latter space functions as a means of critical evaluation of the existing autocratic governments in the Muslim world, prompting political action, however underground. The major conclusion of the paper is that although the practice was developed by the Shī `ī minority living under intolerable political conditions, at different times under unbearable political conditions and the absence of democratic processes, it has provided Muslims a strategy to regroup and engage in political transformation. (shrink)

Ṣūfī people, as well as the ulema (ʿulemā), discussed the issue of how God (Ḥaḳḳ) surrounds the universe (ʿālem) and where the ʿarş (arsh / the ninth heaven) in which God ensconces himself exists. The Ṣūfī people supporting the unity of existence (Wahdat al-wujud) concept claim that God surrounds the universe by his own being and so that the ʿarş (arsh) is all the creation / created beings by God moreover they argued that people who rejected this idea could attribute (...) weakness or impotence to the power of God. On the other hand, commentators and scholastic theologians acknowledge the idea that God surrounds the universe not by his own being as Ṣūfīs claimed but God surrounds the universe by his knowledge (ʿilm) and power (ḳudret). They claimed that there was no physical connection of God with the universe. There-fore, this article discusses a couplet (beyit) written by Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī from Bayramī-Melāmī group in light of four different tracts (risāle). One of the four tracts was written by the author of the couplet Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī himself. The title of his tract is Wahdat-nameh (Vaḥdet-nāme). The other tract was written by Munīrī-yi Belgradī and the title of it is Şarḥ-i Qaṣīda-i Suleymān. The other two tracts analyzed in this article were written by Ṣalāḥ al-dīn-i ʿUşşāḳī. These two tracts try to explain how God surrounds the universe from the unity of existence (Wahdat al-wujud) perspective. Therefore, they may help in understanding the men-tioned couplet written by Lāmekānī. The outline of the article is as follows: the introduction has the text of the ghazal including the mentioned couplet and discusses how the characteris-tics of Bayramī-Melāmī people were reflected in their poems. This part also tries to determine who wrote the mentioned ghazal as there were two different pen manes / pseudonyms (mah-las) for the same ghazal in various resources. To determine the original writer of the ghazal is crucial for proper interpretation of the texts. The next part of the article discusses the accusa-tion that Lāmekānī was an heretic in the Şarḥ-i Qaṣīda-i Suleymān tract by Munīrī-yi Belgradī. This part also tries to outline Munīrī-yi Belgradī’s mode of thought to discuss the background of his criticism about the couplets. According to his way of thinking, though Munīrī had some tolerance to Ṣūfī people believing fenā fillāh, he ironically harshly criticized the Ṣūfī group supporting Wahdat al-wujud entitled as Fuṣūṣī. In the second section, based on his work named Wahdat-nameh (Vaḥdet-nāme), it is aimed to create a general portrait of Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī. In this context, it discusses how Wahdat al-wujud and Hurufism, which are generally big issues for Bayramī-Melāmī, influenced Lāmekānī. Therefore, the comparison between Oglan Sheikh İsmāʿil-i Maʿşūḳī who was clearly influenced by Wahdat al-mavjud (vaḥdet-i mevcūd) and Hurufism, and Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī is realized in this part. It was figured out that adoration of Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikem (Fuṣūṣīlik) was more influential in Bayramī-Melāmī Sheikh’s mode of thinking through the analysis of the effect of Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikem in Wahdat-nameh (Vaḥdet-nāme). It was suggested that the reason behind the allocation of Munīrī-yi Belgradī for Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī was the effect of Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikem which was salient for Melāmī Sheikh Lāmekānī. The final part of the article is about two tracts Miftāḥ al-vucūd and Zayl al-kitāb written by Ṣalāḥ al-dīn-i ʿUşşāḳī. The criticized couplet was read under the light of these tracts. These two tracts are significant as they explain how God surrounds the universe and where the ʿarş (arsh) is located by referring to the verses of Quran al-Fussilet 41/54, al-Nisā 4/126 and el-Tāhā 20/5 mentio-ned in the couplet by Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī. Ṣalāḥ al-dīn-i ʿUşşāḳī proposed a new argument about how God surrounds the universe in Zayl al-kitāb. According to this argument, in Miftāḥ al-vucūd Ṣalāḥ al-dīn-i ʿUşşāḳī tries to explain God’s surrounding potent through the or-ders/grades of the existence. In Zayl al-kitāb, he claims that there must be a center for God’s surroundings of the universe and this center must be Ḥaḳīḳat al-Muḥammediyye. Ṣalāḥ al-dīn-i ʿUşşāḳī stated that he did not acknowledge this information by himself but he acquired it from Ibn Arabī when he had a dream. Lastly, this part of the article discusses what Rahman settles in ʿarş (arsh) means in terms of circle (devir) theory. It was suggested that according to Ṣūfī people believing Wahdat (vaḥdetçi) God’s ʿarş (arsh) is the human being himself by drawing on the Kasf al-Gıtā (Keşfu’l-Gıtā) qasida written by Sunʿullāh-ı Gaybī who was a successor of Ḥuseyn-i Lāmekānī from the second generation. (shrink)

Although Ibn Barrajān (d. 536/1141) was one of the foremost Sufi masters in al-Andalus, he remains a controversial figure. He is mainly known for an accurate prediction of the Muslim capture of Jerusalem on 583/1187, for his close relationship with the other leading Andalusian Sufi master of his time, Ibn al-ʿArīf (d. 536/1141), and for his obscure death. Ibn Barrajān is not mentioned in Ibn Bashkuwāl’s Ṣila—the main source for study of the Andalusian ulema of this time—and as a result (...) has been taken to be an outsider among the Andalusian ulema, one who threatened the theological and political establishment. However, this image is distorted by the socio-political context of the time and by the paucity of our references. The aim of this article is to shed light on the figure of Ibn Barrajān from a historical point of view so as to improve our understanding of the role played by Sufism in Mahdist movements and in the political changes in the Islamic West during the sixth/twelfth century. (shrink)

Tolerance implies both renunciation and negotiation, concepts that assume truth as relative. The rationality of religious faith does not acknowledge the existence of a shared truth, but history reminds us that religions could be directed through their social representatives to engage in social realities. This had been the case with Islam, despite the existence of strong structuring of knowledge and the Ulemas who play a vital role in its control and reproduction.

One of the main ideas of the article is the foresight that the organization of the ulama, which distinguishes itself from its counterparts in other cultures with its unique free and open-to-change structure, played a major role in the success of the Ottoman Empire. Carrying out educational activities in madrasahs, the higher educational institutions of the state, the ulama (the organization of ‘ilmiyyah) was at a level that could lead the society with its scientific accumulation, efforts to make sense of (...) life, and universal perspectives. This article discusses whether the rapid decline of the ulama in the 18th and 19th centuries has been manipulated or not. Another issue that the article pays attention to is the intellectuals who were opposed to the ulama under the influence of Western culture after the declaration of the 1839 Tanzimat Edict. These intellectuals started to replace the ulama in the Ottoman Empire in a short time and became a kind of representatives of the Western culture. A new dilemma was that these new reformists aimed to become Westernized while preserving Islamic values in the Islamic world. The aim of the article is to examine this paradox in its historical background and to reveal what kind of effect and perception it creates on the society. "Historical research method" was used in the research. Through this method, the period that constitutes the subject of the study has been critically examined and attempted to be analyzed correctly. (shrink)

Shihàb al-Dîn al-Suhrawardfs life is obscure. Some clues regarding his studies, travels and encounters are found in short biographical notices of the 12th and 13th centuries. These notices can provide the means to sketch al-Suhrawardfs biography: his early life, his coming to Aleppo, the mounting opposition of the ulemas of Aleppo, and the final moments that led to his tragic death. The ociopolitical context of Aleppo provides a good framework for the interpretation of the data provided by the biographers. (...) All these biographical works are, however, of relative reliability. Even the most contemporary texts are in fact not devoid of erroneous elements. (c) Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas. (shrink)

Los estudios modernos sobre derecho islámico han puesto de relieve la necesidad de estudiar los procedimientos jurídicos en el Islam y el papel desempeñado por la práctica judicial en su formación. Se considera en general que, en el período temprano, los cadíes disponían de mayor libertad en lo relativo a testigos y métodos para establecer pruebas. Posteriormente y de forma gradual el sistema se volvió más rígido y restrictivo. En relación a este desarrollo, los investigadores han propuesto distintas fechas, que (...) van desde la segunda mitad del siglo VII hasta el siglo VIII e incluso hasta el siglo XI. Estos investigadores han tratado la doctrina de al-yamīn ma‛ al-šàhid como una excepción dentro del procedimiento establecido por la šarī‛a que, según ellos, se basaba estricta y mecánicamente en la doctrina de los dos testigos. Para dichos investigadores, la doctrina de al-yamīn ma‛ al-šàhid surgió bajo la influencia de determinadas locadidades o bien por influencia judía. Este artículo propone que esa doctrina debió de surgir en el contexto del período de la guerra civil, cuando las cuestiones sobre qiṣāṣ, qawad, qasāma y ḥakam fueron discutidas con frecuencia en relación con el Corán y la sunna común y cuando se sintió la necesidad de reformar la institución del ḥakam. Sobre la base de afirmaciones dispersas de ulemas que vivieron en fechas cercanas a ese período, afirmaciones que se ven confirmadas por los comentarios de Wakī‛, se concluye que Mu‛āwiya fue quien introdujo ese método para reformar la institución del ḥakam. La práctica judicial de esta doctrina también confirma que estaba demasiado difundida como para poder considerarla una práctica medinense o una práctica local, tal y como pretenden algunos juristas clásicos, los tradicionistas y algunos investigadores modernos. (shrink)

History works written in the style of chronicles are used not only for the purpose for which they were written. Chronic works may also contain reflections on the position of the ulema (ʿulamāʾ) at the time of its writing and his view of the scientific world of the period in which he lived. This work is based on the book ʿIqd al-jumān fī taʾrīkh ahl al-zamān written by the celebrated Ḥanafī jurist (faqīh) and muḥaddith Badr al-Dīn al-ʿAynī as a public (...) history book. This article, focuses on the state of ḥadīth science and scholars in the Mamlūks between the years 648-707 (1250-1307) and approaches of al-ʿAynī to these issues based on the work of ʿIqd al-jumān. For this purpose, the work has been examined in terms of certain keywords that allude to the history of ḥadīth through electronic sources. In addition, the work has been completely reviewed with the traditional method in terms of allusions and information about the hadith studies of the Mamlūks period. Eventually, the historical elements of ḥadīth referred to in ʿIqd al-jumān, scientific institutions, different groups of rāwī, different narration methods and classifications made during the period have been identified. In addition, the professional, sectarian and political trends of the muḥaddith of the period in question were focused on. Comparing the information in the sources written in the field of general history with the studies focusing directly on the historical elements of ḥadīth will contribute to compare the similarities and divergences. This study is an example of how to make use of the wafayāt sections in chronicle works. Examining a single book that was not written directly in the field of ḥadīth - even if it contains important information - is not enough to find elements about the history of ḥadīth and to make constructions regarding it. This necessitates the formation of a team that will examine a large number of books using the same criteria. (shrink)