La question de l’espace présente un point d’entrée particulièrement intéressant dès lors que l’on s’attache à comprendre le rapport de Hegel à la physique. Il est en effet un objet thématique de la physique, mais on ne peut le décrire comme un « objet » à part entière. En tant que dimension, sa définition engage une réflexion de la part du discours scientifique non seulement sur son objet, mais également sur sa méthode. Il s’agit, dans cette contribution, de montrer que (...) la soi-disant « confrontation » de Hegel et de Newton sur la question de l’espace doit se lire comme la prise au sérieux par Hegel du caractère méthodologique de l’hypothèse de l’espace absolu. La spécification du discours méthodologique passe par une clarification de sa métaphysique implicite. Or, d’après Hegel, celle-ci est construite, chez Newton, sur la base d’une ontologie modelée par les mathématiques. Sur la base d’une critique de ce rôle paradigmatique implicite des mathématiques, Hegel propose alors une théorie de l’espace comme « idéalité », libérée d’une transposition indue et spontanée du discours méthodologique dans le domaine de l’être. (shrink)

One of the key concepts in XVIII century political thought was despotism. Also Diderot utilised this complex idea. According to him, who followed Hobbes and Montesquieu, despotism was the result of the love of power, which was able to bring forth the passion of fear in the society. In this sense, Machiavelli belonged to this line of reflection: like that of Hobbes, his system was intended to show the danger of despotism and to learn the true foundation of natural law. (...) But rethinking this paradox Diderot was led to elaborate a new theory of despotism, no longer based on the mechanism of power. His interpretation of Machiavelli – and Hobbes – had opened up a new perspective, which did not move from the enigma of power – Machiavelli's and Hobbes’ chief concern – but from the nature of subjection. Along this path Diderot came across de la Boëtie's Discours de la servitude volontaire, which explained the origin of despotism in a different way. Despotism was not the result of the passion of fear, but of that of interest. The discussion of these two different ideas of despotism led Diderot to a new perspective from which he answered the problem of liberty in an original way. (shrink)

SummaryThe Enlightened theory of civilisation was expressed through the formula of ‘doux commerce’, a form of commerce which acknowledged the need for the European conquest of non-European lands and nations, and the opportunity to bring European civilisation to other peoples without violence. Montesquieu was the first to express this idea, condemning the Spanish conquest and empire. In the Histoire des deux Indes, this idea was dramatically discussed: Raynal wanted to defend it; Diderot dismantled this project showing that civilisation was but (...) the mask of violent conquest. In this way the latter offered an extraordinary refutation of both Enlightened ideology and its strategy of civilisation. (shrink)

El Elogio de la Locura de Erasmo de Rotterdam ha sido calificado como una crítica a la Europa del Renacimiento. El presente trabajo expone además como hipótesis que en dicha obra hay, detrás del uso de la ironía, una exhortación a sus lectores a reflexionar. Esto se afirma con apoyo en ciertos elementos que aquí se mostrarán, y en la comparación entre las críticas que hizo Lutero a la iglesia católica y las que había hecho Erasmo, enraizadas en una espiritualidad (...) especial que él llamaba Philosophia Christi, basada en la practicidad, la sencillez, la verdad y la humildad, cualidades que, a través de la ironía, Erasmo invitaba a practicar en su Elogio. (shrink)

The series of wars and civil wars in Yugoslavia, thereby dismembered, are seen in this paper as basically European wars, wars through which Europe is constructed and questionned in its very being. Contemporary history has alas confirmed this approach, since the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st centuries have seen right-wing populisms and nationalisms spread throughout the European subcontinent, the partition of Yugoslavia being the pattern repeated. In this sense, the Yugoslav wars are foundational for Europe (...) which is regularly being reconstructed and (re)founded by the reshuffling of its borders to the east. (shrink)

v. 1. Compendium logicae. Apologeticus de ratione poeticae artis. Trattato contra li astrologi -- v. 2. Compendium philosophiae naturalis, Compendium philosophiae moralis.

A philosopher formerly based in Zagreb, now at the Université de Paris VIII, Rada Iveković explains the genesis of her interest in comparative philosophy, situated in the context of a convergence of Asian, Islamic, and European forms of thought which emerged among certain philosophers in the former Yugoslavia. She discusses the relationship between this area of specialization and her work as a feminist philosopher.

A philosopher formerly based in Zagreb, now at the Université de Paris VIII, Rada Iveković explains the genesis of her interest in comparative philosophy, situated in the context of a convergence of Asian, Islamic, and European forms of thought which emerged among certain philosophers in the former Yugoslavia. She discusses the relationship between this area of specialization and her work as a feminist philosopher.

La Educación del príncipe cristiano fue escrita en 1516 por Erasmo de Rotterdam y dedicada al joven príncipe Carlos V. El presente trabajo analiza las ideas políticas contenidas en dicha obra, el impacto de las mismas en el contexto del Renacimiento europeo, su trascendencia y la vigencia que tienen en nuestros tiempos. Además, se aborda los argumentos a favor de la paz, concepto central de la obra y propósito principal, según el autor, de todo gobernante cristiano.

: A philosopher formerly based in Zagreb, now at the Université de Paris VIII (Saint-Denis), Rada Ivekovic explains the genesis of her interest in comparative philosophy, situated in the context of a convergence of Asian, Islamic, and European forms of thought which emerged among certain philosophers in the former Yugoslavia. She discusses the relationship between this area of specialization and her work as a feminist philosopher.

Gender is a form of "divided reason" (la raison partagée) which, in its turn, is an instrument of hegemony. The paper redefines both the concept of gender and such concepts as reason, in that it sees them as normative. The hegemonic project of reason divided (le partage de la raison) aims to compensate for the unstable process of differentiation and sexuation. Similarly it reinterprets the often contested sex/gender divide beyond the impasse of the nature/culture distinction and analyses it instead as (...) dynamics between the différend (that which makes the difference) and hegemonic identity. The point to be made is a re-interrogation of the sex/gender essentialising distinction and taking it beyond the concepts of différend and hegemony. The dichotomy is inherent to the process of dividing reason and it is the very way of being of reason. It aims at comprehending & governing any pattern of hierarchy. The paper shows how the subordination of women, through the “sexuation”/”gendering” of all human institutions starting with language and thinking, is used as a means to legitimate and justify all other social and political inequalities and injustices. At the same time, violence is shown to arise from the rejection of the fact that we are born of the other. It is a desperate attempt at self-generation. (shrink)