"Language and its Public Features: Reorganizing the Trivium in Locke's Essay and Port-Royal Logic" The new theory of language in the 17th century coincides with the end the traditional order of disciplines in the trivium (grammar, logic and rhetoric), which in the mediaeval times provided a comprehensive view of the problems of discourse. The article focuses on some key passages in Port-Royal Logic and Locke's Essay that provide us with a typical early modern scheme of linguistic representation, characterised by heavily (...) emphasized dualism of ideas and words. Since ideas are also the meanings of words and are ontologically essentially private, one can raise the question, where in this analysis of language is it even possible to locate its public features. The article tries to show that private language is not only possible for Locke and the Port-Royalists, but that it is even a necessary and primary character of language. Language becomes a public medium of communication only on the junctures of private meanings constituted by the “common use” of words. The article then focuses on almost complete marginalisation in the two works of the theory of public speech. Rhetoric, in the 17th century often reduced to mere eloquence, has no place in philosophy, and the duties of making speeches persuasive are taken over by reason alone. To show how the domains of jurisdiction of the trivial disciplines had been transformed in the linguistic theories proposed by the Port-Royal Logic and Locke, one can construct a hypothetical early modern trivium in the light of the following order: idea – word – figure, or, logic – grammar – rhetoric. Rhetoric is found to have kept its structural place only to be singled out as dangerous. (shrink)

In the article, we consider the objections of the capability approach to Rawls’s theory of public justification. The objection is that Rawls’s theory is considered with an exclusive focus on reason and rationality as essential properties of justice, excluding from the domain of justice people who do not possess these properties (such as people with severe cognitive impairments). We point out the shortcomings of the alternative proposal to the capability theory, which is based on the dignity of the species, because (...) we claim that no valid normative conclusions can be derived from the concept of the species. We conclude by adopting a model of public justification according to which duties and rights are determined by reasonable people (ideal legislators). Reasonable people impartially judge the principles of justice even for those who do not participate in the process of justification but deserve the recognition of rights by universalizing these rights. Through universalization, they justified these rights for themselves and for those they represented by presenting adequate representatives in the process of justifying the principles of justice for those who do not have the capability to be reasonable and rational. (shrink)

Na tragu novog citanja Kantove trece kritike, koje nam u svojim Predavanjima o Kantovoj politickoj filozofiji sudjenja predlaze Hana Arent, autor se u ovom radu bavi funkcijom umetnosti u uspostavljanju, uredjenju i profilisanju politicke zajednice, fokusirajuci se pritom pre svega na oblast muzike. Svoju analizu on zapocinje sa antickim misliocima, a nastavlja je problematizovanjem mesta koja se ticu umetnickog oblikovanja zivota gradjana u moderno doba. Njegov cilj je pritom da pokaze da se filozofija umetnosti, tj. filozofija muzike, jednako mogu shvatiti (...) i kao politicka filozofija, upravo stoga sto se u analizi pomenutih fenomena neprestano osvedocuju bliska isprepletenost politike i estetike, tj. umetnosti i moci, odnosno, muzike i moci. Njegov zakljucak je da, uslovno receno, estetsko opste culo mozemo shvatiti kao svojevrsni ljudski organ za javno esteticko zdruzivanje gradjana. Muzika, pesnistvo, likovna umetnost, itd. postaju orudje politickog oblikovanja gradjana, odnosno, orudje njihovog politickog zivota. (shrink)

Na podlagi Deweyjevega razlikovanja med »zgolj združbenim obnašanjem« in »resnično družbenim obnašanjem« skuša članek pokazati, da lahko delo razumemo kot tisti dejavnik, ki omogoča prehod od prvega do drugega, tj. do skupnosti delovanja oziroma do sodelovanja. Izpeljava izpostavi demokratične zmožnosti, ki so lastne delu, in nazadnje privede do možnosti, da bi delovno okolje obravnavali kot demokratično javno mesto, ki bi lahko utemeljevalo vse druge prostore te vrste.

U ovom radu razmatraju se pravi ciljevi tzv. medjunarodne zajednice na Balkanu, pod kojom se zapravo podrazumevaju Sjedinjene Americke Drzave Kao jedina preostala super sila, i Evropska unija, u kojoj kljucnu ulogu imaju Francuska, Velika Britanija i Nemacka. Pisac polazi od uverenja da stvarne, a narocito dugorocne namere ovih sila treba prevashodno izvoditi iz onoga sto one cine, pa tek onda uzimali u obzir i ono sto se javno ili tajno govorilo ili nagovestavalo. Analizom veceg broja primera na Balkanu (...) i u drugim delovima sveta pisac dolazi do neocekivanog ishoda. Dok su se velike zapadne sile na recima zalagale za multietnicnost i ocuvanje multietnickih drzava, na delu su postupale upravo suprotno: ne samo sto su podsticale bujanje nacionalizma i separatizma, nego su i pospesile i priznale raspad triju evropskih federacija na 22 manje-vise nacionalne drzave. I dok su se na recima prividno zalagale za tzv. demokratizaciju, u praksi su ne samo podrzavale autoritarne rezime nego su i same na tlu Balkana demokratiju poistovetile s okupacijom. (shrink)

Ovaj tekst, kao nastavak našega promišljanja o dispozicijama za pedagogično djelovanje, kritička je refleksija vlastite profesionalne svakodnevice u kojoj detektiramo brojne dileme vezane za svrhu pedagoške profesije. Točke prijepora, poput – biti neutralna ili angažirana, graditi distanciran ili prisan pedagoški odnos, prioritizirati vlastitu ili tuđu dobrobit, odbijati ili prihvaćati sukob kao potencijalni agens promjene – izmještamo iz hodnika, predavaonica i učionica u kojima bivamo te, izlazeći time iz komforne zone nepromišljanja o njima, apostrofiramo ambivalentnu pojavnost dihotomije javno–privatno u skrivenome (...) kurikulumu tih prostora. Promatrajući dispozicije kao za autonomno pedagogično pedagoško djelovanje prediktivna uvjerenja i osobine razvijajućega karaktera, u radu zagovaramo napuštanje shvaćanja pedagoginja kao neutralnih profesionalki apstrahiranih od osobnih uvjerenja, kvaliteta i ograničenja te u fokus stavljamo etičnost, refleksivnost i autentičnost kao temeljne dispozicije za pedagogično djelovanje usmjereno k podupiranju mogućega i transformativnoga u pedagoškome odnosu. Rad zaključujemo promišljanjem odgovornosti studijā pedagogije i samih pedagoginja za kultiviranje opisanih dispozicija. This text, as a continuation of our reflections on dispositions for pedagogical practice, is a critical reflection on our everyday working life, in which we detect numerous dilemmas related to the goal of the pedagogical profession. We move points of contention – such as being neutral or engaged, building a distanced or close pedagogical relationship, prioritising one’s own benefit or that of others, rejecting or accepting conflict as a potential agent of change – out of the halls and classrooms in which we spend time and, breaching the comfort zone of not thinking about them, accent the apparently ambivalent dichotomy of public and private in the hidden curriculum of these spaces. By conceptualizing dispositions as evolving predictive beliefs and personal traits, the paper advocates abandoning the view of pedagogues as neutral professionals devoid of personal beliefs, qualities, and limitations, instead focusing on ethics, reflexivity, and authenticness as the basic dispositions for pedagogical practice directed towards supporting the possible and transformative in the pedagogical relationship. The paper concludes with a consideration of the responsibility of pedagogy programmes and pedagogues themselves in cultivating the aforementioned dispositions. (shrink)

Fichte's Philosophy of Freemasonry took as its object the culture of a secret society, quite influential and widespread but no less obscure in times of Enlightenment and early Romanticism. He tried clarify it from the perspective of classical German idealism, and to use it for his own purposes: through it, Fichte sought to realize the idea of man as citizen of the world and thus to influence the so-called or public society, as well as politics. Fihteova Filozofija masonstva predstavlja pokusaj (...) da se sa stanovista filozofije klasicnog nemackog idealizma rasvetli i preuzme, odnosno iskoristi za vlastite svrhe, jedna u doba prosvetiteljstva i rane romantike uticajna i rasirena, iako i u to vreme nista manje opskurna kultura tajnog drustva, da se preko nje ostvari ideja coveka kao svetskog gradjanina i da se na taj nacin izvrsi uticaj na tzv. veliko ili javno drustvo i na politiku. (shrink)

Tema ovog rada je afera iz 2001. godine u vezi sa finansijskim transakcijama izmedju Srbije i Kipra tokom devedesetih. U radu se analiziraju strategije koje politicari, drzavni sluzbenici i strucnjaci u oblasti borbe protiv korupcije primenjuju kako bi kroz javne debate odbranili svoje interese. Rezultati ukazuju da se vecina ucesnika opredeljuje za jedno od sledeca dva nacina: javno objavljivanje informacija o aferi kako bi se stekla legitimnost za anti-korupcijsko delovanje, ili koordinisano izbegavanje rasprava o aferi kako bi se umanjila (...) moguca politicka steta. (shrink)

Sažetak Da postoji neka malena recenzija čuvene „Kritike čistoga uma“, na koju se Kant osjećao primoran tako odgovoriti da se od početka do kraja svojih „Prolegomena za svaku buduću metafiziku“ stalno s njome razračunava, moglo bi biti poznato boljiim poznavaocima Kantovih spisa, no bit će manje poznato da je ta recenzija – Göttingenska recenzija – ujedno dala povoda da se Kant javno postavi nasuprot onodobnoj filozofiji s kojom je njegova u više važnih pogleda bila srodna, naime škotskoj filozofiji zdravoga (...) razuma. U ovome se članku istražuje u kojem se kontekstu to suočenje odvijalo. -/- Zusammenfassung Dass es eine kleine Recension der berühmten „Kritik der reinen Vernunft“ gibt, auf die Kant sich genötigt fühlte, so zu antworten, dass er seine „Prolegomena zu einer jeden künftigen Metaphysik“ hindurch stetig mit ihr auseinandersetzt, könnte den besseren Kennern der kantischen Schriften bekannt sein, aber dass diese Recension – die Göttinger Recension – zugleich veranlasst hatte, dass Kant sich der damaligen Philosophie, mit der die seinige in mehreren wichtigen Hinsichten verwandt ist, nämlich der schottischen Philosophie des Common-Sense, öffentlich gegenüberstellte, ist vielleicht weniger bekannt. In dieser Aufsatz wird untersucht, in welchem Kontext es geschah. (shrink)

This article develops a feminist critique of liberalism through analyses of the liberal private-public dichotomy, the concept of the individual and liberal individualism, the concept of formal equality, abstract models as the basis of political theory, and through analyses of the liberal neglect of ethics and the practice of care. These analyses show why feminist philosophy usually presents liberalism as a gendered and patriarchal tradition. On the other hand, the article aims to highlight some of the feminist responses to the (...) feminist critique of liberalism in order to present the tradition as heterogeneous and one that has the potential to develop the radical feminist political programme. The concepts that are the subject of analysis in this article are precisely those that demonstrate the possibility or impossibility of adopting or redefining liberal ideas in feminist philosophy and commitment to social change, but also those that represent the limits of liberal discourse in any feminist attempt to adopt and/or redefine key concepts and ideas from liberal theories. (shrink)