RESUMEN Una mirada desatenta sobre las reflexiones políticas del periodo clásico podría llevar a pensar que la Ciropedia es, por su protagonista, un producto excepcional de Jenofonte. En este trabajo nos proponemos mostrar cómo, contra esa posible concepción, la figura de Ciro goza de una destacada presencia en el grupo socrático, en particular, para Antístenes y Platón. Por esto, rastrearemos el lugar que ocupan las referencias al príncipe persa en las obras de estos dos filósofos socráticos, colocando especial atención (...) a la manera en la que se vinculan, mediante su caracterización de Ciro, con la Ciropedia. ABSTRACT A fleeting look at the political reflections of the classical period might lead to think that Cyropaedia is, in its usage of "Cyrus" character, an exceptional product of Xenophon's mind. In this work, I intend to show how against this possible conception, the image of Cyrus has a prominent presence in the Socratic group, especially for Antisthenes and Plato. To achieve that, I will trace the place occupied by the references to the Persian prince in the works of these two Socratic philosophers, giving special attention to how they are linked, in their characterization of Cyrus, with Cyropaedia. (shrink)

Una mirada desatenta sobre las reflexiones políticas del periodo clásico podría llevar a pensar que la Ciropedia es, por su protagonista, un producto excepcional de Jenofonte. En este trabajo nos proponemos mostrar cómo, contra esa posible concepción, la figura de Ciro goza de una destacada presencia en el grupo socrático, en particular, para Antístenes y Platón. Por esto, rastrearemos el lugar que ocupan las referencias al príncipe persa en las obras de estos dos filósofos socráticos, colocando especial atención a (...) la manera en la que se vinculan, mediante su caracterización de Ciro, con la Ciropedia. (shrink)

In his recent edition of Aeschylus' Persae Garvie prints the second strophe of the amoibaion ὀτοτοτοῖ, µάταντὰ πολλὰ βέλεα παµµιγῆ 270γᾶς ἀπ᾽ ᾿Ασίδος ἦλθεν, αἰαῖ,δᾴαν Ἑλλάδα χώραν.

The ghost of Darius provides a versified history of the Persian kingship, from the beginning down to the reign of his luckless son Xerxes, that starts out as follows in Martin West's Teubner text :Mῆδος γὰρ ἦν ὁ πρῶτος ἡγεμὼν στρατοῦ, 765ἄλλος δ’ ἐκείνου παῖς τόδ’ ἔργον ἥνυσεν·ϕρένες γὰρ αὐτοῦ θυμὸν ᾠακοστρόϕουν·τρίτος δ’ ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ Κῦρος, εὐδαίμων ἀνήρ,ἄρξας ἔθηκε πᾶσιν εἰρήνην ϕίλοις,Λυδῶν δὲ λαὸν καὶ Φρυγῶν ἐκτήσατο 770Ἰωνίαν τε πᾶσαν ἤλασεν βίᾳ·θεὸς γὰρ οὐκ ἤχθηρεν, ὡς εὔϕρων ἔϕυ.Κύρου δὲ παῖς τέταρτος (...) ηὔθυνε στρατόν·πέμπτος δὲ Mάρδος ἦρξεν, αἰσχύνη πάτρᾳθρόνοισί τ’ ἀρχαίοισι· 775First comes ‘the Mede Cyaxares, whom A[eschylus] probably saw as the first king of a united Media and Persia, and therefore the right person to begin his list’. Unless ἄλλος is corrupt, the first two members of the dynasty are anonymous. This is not perhaps surprising, given Aeschylus’ limited knowledge of early Median and Persian history and given his use of these rulers as foils to the blest Cyrus. Each of them is, like the equally anonymous Cambyses, accorded only one or two lines, in contrast to the five lines devoted to Cyrus the Great. What is surprising is that the second of these is singled out for his good sense and his restraint. Further, it is not clear what point is being made by attributing ‘this deed’ to the good sense and restraint of the son of the Mede, particularly since it is not immediately apparent to what deed reference is being made. As Alexander Garvie notes in his recent commentary on the play, ‘That this line [767] is out of place in the codd. is highly likely’. (shrink)

En la época islámica, Apolonio de Tiana (15-100 d.C.) era conocido tanto como “Señor de los talismanes” (ṣāḥib al-ṭilasmāt), así como filósofo neopitagórico y hermético. En su Kitāb al-Aḥŷār, Ŷabir b. Ḥayyān habla de “los defensores musulmanes de Apolonio” (aṣḥāb Balīnās al-Islāmīyūn). La referencia muestra que el trabajo más prominente de Apolonio, Sirr al-jalīqa, ya era famoso en el mundo de habla árabe desde muy temprano. Este artículo proporciona una visión general de las citas de Apolonio en las fuentes islámicas (...) de diferentes campos y de las obras, generalmente, atribuidas a él. Además, reviso en Sirr al-jalīqa, sus influencias en las obras ŷābirianas y su recepción en la tradición ismailí. Este artículo aborda además el comentario árabe de Sirr aljalīqa de ‘Awn b. al-Munḏir (IV/X), conservado en un manuscrito único, y cuya traducción persa era hasta ahora desconocida. Dicha traducción cubre fragmentos del trabajo de Ibn al-Munḏir, no disponibles en árabe, y, por lo tanto, es una fuente sustancial para la historia de la alquimia islámica. Una edición de la traducción persa se presenta como apéndice. (shrink)

a1 University College DublinAt lines 7–10 the description of the sea-battle appears to involve the destruction of the oars of the enemy ship , with the result that the sailors fall over . We would expect lines 11–13 to provide some sort of contrast with this description, since εἰ δέ at 11 contrasts with 7 ảλλ’ εἰμέυ, but the exact sense is not quite clear.

After the accusative the names of the officers of the Egyptian contingent are given in the nominative, with no connecting particle or relative and no main verb to follow. The editors offer various supplements for the sense, e.g. Dindorf ; but what we have here is not a simple case of ellipse but a harsh change in construction which it would be hard to parallel.

Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar um aspecto da filosofia política de Xenofonte comumente negligenciado pelos interprétes: a organização militar, isto é, a hierarquia e a cadeia de comando, como o elemento que oferece a estrutura econômica e política do império Persa descrito na _Ciropédia_. A transposição desse modelo militar hierárquico confere à estrutura do Estado persa um caráter racional que visa, do ponto de vista econômico, a eficiência na produção de recursos e o equilíbrio fiscal; e, do (...) ponto de vista político, a eliminação de conflitos internos e da anarquia, bem como a rapidez na transmissão das ordens e a eficácia na execução de tarefas burocráticas, na medida em que cada um conhece o seu lugar e as suas funções nesse sistema hierárquico, que se mantém através do poder do soberano disseminado em todas as instâncias do governo. (shrink)

This article considers how mourning is configured as a site of political and aesthetic conflict in Aeschylus’ Persae. Aeschylus represents the Persian defeat at Salamis as a catastrophe that unsettles the Persians’ habitual modes of visualizing and quantifying the empire’s population as an ordered whole. Drawing on the work of Jacques Rancière and Alain Badiou, I show how characters in Persae construct novel representations of the war dead as social collectivities that do not fit into the hierarchical structures of dynastic (...) rule. I focus on two passages that stage this work in granular detail: the Messenger’s list of dead commanders recited soon after he reports the defeat and a second list of the dead sung by the Chorus in dialogue with Xerxes. Each passage advances a polemical recount of the dead, at once reevaluating the scale of the disaster and reframing how individuals and collectivities destroyed in the war should be mourned and memorialized. The Messenger and Chorus thereby contest the efforts of the royal family to count the losses at Salamis according to the circumscribed terms of imperial administration. By tracing how the memorialization of the dead galvanizes conflicting efforts to count the community as a whole, Persae raises larger questions about the political affordances of aesthetic form. (shrink)