Çalışma Hıristiyanlığın Protestanlık mezhebinden doğan, özellikle Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nde kümelendiği gözlemlenen, İsrail’i ve Yahudileri orantısızca desteklemesiyle bilinen ve aynı zamanda İslam’a ve Müslümanlara karşı düşmanca yaklaşımları haiz “Hıristiyan siyonistlerini” ele almaktadır. Hareketin mahiyeti, doğuşu, teolojisi, faaliyetleri ve kendisinde mündemiç olan antisemitizm ile anti-İslamizm olguları incelenmektedir. Bulgulara göre, Hıristiyan siyonizmi çeşitli açılardan bakıldığında bir anomali teşkil etmektedir. Bunlardan en önemlisi, Yahudilerin ve Hıristiyanların yüzyıllarca birbirlerine en üst seviyede düşmanlık etmiş olan iki topluluk oluşudur. Hıristiyan siyonistler dünya tarihini Mesih’in zuhuruyla birlikte (...) kurulacak olan bin yıllık küresel krallık öncesindeki yedi bölüm olarak ele alan, sınırları büyük ölçüde İngiliz-İrlandalı teolog John Nelson Darby tarafından çizilen ve “premillennial dispensationalism (premilenyal dispensasyonalizm)” olarak bilinen teolojinin öngördüğü kıyamet senaryosuna inanmaktadır. Bu senaryo hareketin varlık sebebini, amaçlarını, dostlarını ve düşmanlarını belirlemektedir. Dost-düşmanlar olarak Yahudilerin buradaki rolü bazı çelişkiler ve ihtilaflar barındırırken, düşmanlar olarak Müslümanların rolü açıkça olumsuz bir görünüm arz etmektedir. Bunun sonucu olarak Hıristiyan siyonistler Müslümanları şeytanlaştırma eğilimine girmektedir. Her ne kadar dindaşları tarafından ahlak, siyaset ve özellikle teoloji eksenlerinde ağır eleştirilere tabi tutulsalar da Hıristiyan siyonistler emperyalist güçlerle olan uzun ittifaklarının da bir meyvesi olarak dünya politikasında kayda değer bir güce sahiptir. Hıristiyan siyonizminin mahiyeti ve dahi antisemitizm ve anti-İslamizm ile irtibatı konusunda Türkçe yazılmış eserlerin azlığına binaen çalışma literatürdeki bu boşluğu kapatma amacı taşımaktadır. Özet: İçinde bulunduğumuz dönemde anti-İslamizm kavramı ele alınırken kendisine özellikle Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nin (ABD) teopolitik dekorunda yer bulan “Hıristiyan siyonizmi” adlı grubun etkisine işaret edilmektedir. Bu grup literatür tarafından İsrail’i Yahudilerin vatanı olarak destekleyen Hıristiyanlar olarak tanımlanmaktadır. İsrail için Birleşen Hıristiyanlar (CUFI) gibi organizasyonlar aracılığıyla İsrail’in desteklenmesi noktasında etkin faaliyetler yürütmektedirler. Orta Doğu’da barışın tesis edilmesini inandıkları kıyamet senaryosunun önünde bir engel olarak gördükleri için kategorik olarak reddetmektedirler. Özellikle 19. yüzyılda başlayıp, 11 Eylül olayları ile birlikte ciddi bir ivme yakalayan ABD’deki anti-İslami hareketlerin büyük bir kısmı Hıristiyan siyonizmi ile ilişkilendirilen şahıslar tarafından başlatılıp desteklenmektedir. ABD’de yaklaşık 20 ila 30 milyon arasında Hıristiyan’ın bu ideolojiyi benimsediği tahmin edilmektedir. ABD dışında İngiltere, İskandinavya, Avustralya, Güney Afrika ve hatta Güney Kore ve Honduras gibi coğrafyalarda da taraftar bulmuşlardır. Birçok açıdan bakıldığında Hıristiyan siyonizmi bir anomali teşkil etmektedir. Bunun özünde Yahudilerin ve Hıristiyanların birbirlerine olan düşmanlıkları yatmaktadır. Yahudiler dini kaynaklarında Hıristiyanlığın en kutsal şahsiyetlerine ağır hakaretler ederken, Hıristiyanlar Yahudileri Tanrı katilleri olarak görmektedir. Ancak Hıristiyan siyonistlerin çoğunluğu İsrail konusunda adeta kraldan daha kralcı davranmaktadır. Hıristiyan siyonizminin teolojik zeminini incelemek isteyen bir araştırmacı eskatoloji (kıyamet bilimi), Armageddon savaşı, istiğrak, püritenler, premilenyalistler, dispensasyonalistler, fundamentalistler, restorasyonistler, evanjelistler, John Nelson Darby ve Cyrus I. Scofield gibi bazı kavram ve aktörlerle karşılaşacaktır. İrlandalı-İngiliz bir teolog olan Darby birçokları tarafından Hıristiyan siyonizminin kurucusu olarak görülmektedir. Hareket için hayati önem teşkil eden ikinci isim ise Cyrus Ingerson Scofield’dir. Scofield Reference Bible ’ı yayınlayarak Hıristiyan siyonizminin milyonlar tarafından benimsenmesine yol açmıştır. Hıristiyan siyonistler “premilenyal dispensasyonel teolojinin” gerçek olduğuna ve gerçekleşeceğine inanmaktadır. Buna göre dünya tarihi yedi çağdan oluşan doğrusal bir olgudur. İnsanlığın halihazırda altıncı çağda olduğuna, yedinci çağın ise çok yakında olduğuna inanmaktadırlar. Bu teolojinin öngördüğü kıyamet senaryosu Antichrist ’ın gelişi, Sahte Peygamber ve Şeytan ile birlikte cehennem teslisini kurması, Müslümanların da onlarla müttefik olarak hareket edip İsrail’e saldırmaları (Armageddon savaşı), Hz. İsa’nın gökten tekrar inerek İsrail’i kurtarması ve barışı tesis edeceği Milenyum Krallığı’nı kurması gibi öğeleri içermektedir. Siyonist olmayan Hıristiyan teologlar Hıristiyan siyonizminin teolojisini defaatle eleştiriye tabi tutmuştur. Yahudilerin seçilmiş ırk olarak görülmesi, Yeni Ahit’in bu ideolojiye destek vermemesi, “Armageddon savaşının” büyük mezheplerde karşılığının olmayışı ve hareketin Yahudi karakteri taşıması gibi sebepler yüzünden bazı Hıristiyan teologlar Hıristiyan siyonizmini heretik ilan etmiştir. Hıristiyan siyonizminin teolojisinin eleştirildiği bir diğer husus ise onun emperyal teoloji olarak yerine getirdiği işlev ile ilgilidir. Birçok düşünür Hıristiyan siyonizmi, Yahudi-Hıristiyan Batı anlatısı ve emperyalizm arasında sağlam bağlar olduğunu iddia etmektedir. Hıristiyan siyonizmi anomalisine bir açıklama getirmek isteyen şahıslar Hıristiyan siyonizmi içerisinde yer alan antisemitizme işaret etmektedir. Buna göre Hıristiyan siyonistler, Yahudilerin ve Yahudi devletinin kurulmasının gerçekleşmesinde hayati bir rol oynadığı kıyamet senaryolarını yürürlüğe koymak adına İsrail’i her şartta desteklerken, bu senaryo Yahudilerin kendisini Mesih gibi gösteren Antichrist tarafından yönetilmesini ve Yahudilerin çoğunluğunun Mesih’in gelişinden sonra ölmesini içermektedir. Aynı zamanda neredeyse daima İsrail yanlısı açıklamalar yapan bazı Hıristiyan siyonistlerin zaman zaman doğrudan antisemitik söylemlere başvurduğu gözlemlenebilmektedir. Bu sebeple Hıristiyan siyonistler ve Yahudiler arasındaki teopolitik ittifakın bir noktada bozulacak pragmatik bir ittifak olduğu iddia edilmektedir. Anti-İslamizm noktasındaki bulgulara göre Hıristiyan siyonistlerin %70’i Araplara karşı ya kayıtsız ya da düşmanca hisler beslemektedir. 11 Eylül’den sonraki dönemde İslam’ın şeytanlaştırılması operasyonu büyük ölçüde Robertson, Graham, Lindsey, Vines ve Falwell gibi Hıristiyan siyonistler tarafından gerçekleştirilmiştir. Yine İsrail’in 1948 yılında kuruluşu, Filistinliler için doğurduğu sonuçlara rağmen Hıristiyan siyonistlerin çoğu için bir kıyamet alametinin gerçekleşmesi anlamına gelmektedir. Hıristiyan siyonistlerin inandıkları kıyamet senaryosunda Müslümanlar ancak düşman saflarında savaşan Gog ve Magog olarak anlam bulabilmektedir. Onlar Şeytan, Antichrist ve Sahte Peygamber ’den oluşan cehennem teslisinin müttefikleridir. Filistinliler, Araplar ve Müslümanlar senaryonun gerçekleşmesi önünde doğrudan engel teşkil etmektedir. Bu hususlar birlikte değerlendirildiğinde halihazırda Hıristiyan siyonistlerin İslam’a ve Müslümanlara neden bu kadar olumsuz yaklaştıkları hususu açıklık kazanmaktadır. Görüldüğü üzere karşı karşıya olunan, gerçek dünyadaki gerçek olaylar ve aktörler hakkında rasyonalizasyona ve değişime kapalı olan, son derece tehlike arz eden dini inançlardır. Hıristiyan siyonizmi üç dinin etkileşime girdiği, üç dinin de bağlılarını ilgilendiren bir fenomendir. Teolojik analiz hareketin Hıristiyanlık dininin kutsal metinlerini İsrail lehine yorumladığını, ancak siyonist olmayan Hıristiyan teologlarca desteklenmediğini göstermektedir. Emperyalist ajandalar dahilinde ABD ve İngiltere gibi devletlerce de destek bulan bu hareketin kıyamet senaryosuna göre Müslümanlar Şeytan’ın müttefikleri olarak kötülüğün tarafındadır. Hz. İsa’nın yeryüzüne dönüşüyle yenilecekler ve yok edileceklerdir. Milyarlarca dolarlık bütçeleriyle, sayıları on binlerle ifade edilen propagandist vaizleriyle, Kuran-ı Kerim yakmak ve Hz. Muhammed’e terörist demek gibi eylemleriyle, Yahudileri İsrail’i Filistinlilerden temizlemeye teşvik etmeleriyle, bu uğurda onlara ciddi bir finansal ve manevi destek sağlamalarıyla ve Batı devletlerini İsrail’in düşman olarak algıladığı Müslüman komşularıyla savaşmaya teşvik eden lobicilik faaliyetleriyle Hıristiyan siyonistler halihazırda İslam’ın yüzleştiği en ciddi meydan okumalardan birisini teşkil etmektedir. Bu hareketin zararlı sonuçlarıyla mücadele etmek için atılması gereken en önemli adım araştırmaları derinleştirerek kitleleri doğru şekilde bilgilendirmek olacaktır. (shrink)

There have been many famine incidents in the human history. Some of these have resulted in the disaster of the people. Muslims have also suffered from these famines. There have been countless famine examples from the time of the Prophet. One of the most significant of these famines is the famine incident that was effective in Madinah and its surroundings during the khalīfat of Umar bin al-Hattab (d. 23/644). This famine, corresponding to the 6th year of the khalīfat of Umar, (...) had negative consequences. In this period when the rains were not falling and the soil almost turned to ash, creatures were harmed, and some deaths occurred. When the opportunities in the city were insufficient to eliminate the shortage, the khalif asked for help from the surrounding provinces. The coming help eased the situation for the people. In this famine year, which is known as the Remade year, Umar did not collect zakat from the public, nor applied a sentence to theft in this period. Umar did everything in his power but as the effects of the famine did not lessen, Umar went to the rain prayer for the drought to disappear. When the rain came, life took its normal course and the people who came to Madinah from the rural parts due to the famine were sent back home by the khalīfa.Summary: There have been famine incidences in different geographies throughout human history. The Hejaz region in Saudi Arabia was also affected by these natural disasters. Mecca, which has a particularly dry climate, has witnessed countless famines from pre-Islamic times to the present day. Madinah, which became a center of attraction with the Prophet's migration, struggled with famines in the times of the Prophet as well as in later periods. Among these famines, the famine experienced during the khalīfat of Umar had considerably heavy consequences.The year of the famine in Madinah was recorded as Amurremade, which means the year was given that name because there was no rain at all, and the soil turned int the color of ash and was swept easily by the wind. The famine, which began in the late 17th year of the Hejira and continued until the beginning of the 18th year, lasted approximately nine months. During this time, the soil dried up, the crops did not grow green and the animals perished. The public was exposed to starvation and misery and had nothing in their hands. The bazaars and markets got empty, there was nothing left to buy and sell. People dug in the ground to find food and ate the lizards and moles they found.The famine had an harder impact on the rural areas of Madinah. Those living in the desert had to take refuge in Madinah when they could not find anything to eat. The severe drought even caused deaths in some tribes. The survivors had to eat whatever they could to stay alive. The animals they butchered had no meat, too. Thus, people removed the skins of dead animals and cooked them and gnawed on them or broke the bones of dead animals and ate the crumbs.When the famine continued for a long time, the living conditions of many people changed. Khalif Umar took some precautions to overcome the troubles of the people. First, he gave the food in the central treasury (Beytulmal) in Madinah to the service of those who suffered from famine. When the food in the Beytulmal did not suffice, he called for his governors to send aid to Madinah and its surroundings. The call was answered. Abundant aid was sent to Madinah from Damascus, Kufah, Basra, Egypt and Yemen. Thanks to the help sent, people were relieved. The aid sent from the provinces was planned to be distributed equally to both the people of Madinah and the people who came from outside and settled around Madinah. For this, Umar tried to determine the number of people in need by assigning some people. After the number of people was determined, he prepared a list showing the names and needs of those who suffered from famine. Documents bearing the seal of Umar were given to the public so that they could buy food. The aid also helped to decrease the prices. Because the prices of almost everything, particularly the basic necessities, had reached very high levels.Khalif Umar thanks to donations supported by governors founded also flour silos for those in need. Those who came to Madinah got food such as flour, bread, dates, grapes etc. In addition, some days, twenty camels were butchered and those who suffered from the famine were invited to get hot meals. For those who could not come, food was sent. This practice was continued regularly every month until the famine ended. When Umar could not find anything to distribute, he designated one family that had food to host another family that could not find food. After the rains started, the Khalif sent the Arabs, who came to Madinah in time of the famine back to their countries. He also funded them form treasury so that they could reach their homes comfortably. The Arab tribes were delighted and thanked for the good treatment Umar showed during the famine.Umar did not collect zakah from the goods during the drought period. However, when famine weakened, he took the zakat of two years together. In the same way, he did not apply the punishment to those who fed themselves illegally because of necessity.Umar worked hard to resolve the people's hardship and took all precautions in the famine period. However, the famine maintained its hard impact. Therefore, Umar decided to go for rain prayer and asked his governors to go to rain prayer, too. When people learned that Umar would pray for the rain, they all joined him. Caliph Umar, taking Abbas with him, wished forgiveness from Allah. The prayers were accepted and plenty of rain came down in and around Madinah. So, the famine came to an end and the people took a breath.Umar, the ruler of the Muslims, did not eat anything different from the people during the famine and sometimes was in a worse situation than the others. Many times, he preferred the benefit of others until the famine ended. For this, he was often hungry. This seriously threatened the Caliph Umar's health. These conditions were not limited to the caliph's person but also affected his family. Because Umar’s family members lived in more misery than other families. The conditions continued in this way until the famine lost its effect. (shrink)

The Qurʾān states that it is the last link in the chain of divine books, such as the Torah, Psalms, and the Gospel, and that it is also the approval and regulator of these books. As a result, there are some mutual narratives with other holy books, as well as some issues that differ from them and bring different explanations from them. These issues have been the subject of polemics, especially with Judaism and Christianity throughout the history. The crucifixion of (...) Jesus Christ formed the foundation of Christianity theology. However, the subject of ‘the cross’ has also been one of the most important issues by which Christian communities have made different explanations and interpretations since the 1st century, and have diverged accordingly. Although the docetists, who are our subject, are divided into many groups with different views, they generally accept that Jesus Christ was of a different nature from other people, had a divine nature, and therefore, it was not possible for him to be crucified. In the only verse in the Qurʾān that deals with the cross of Jesus Christ, it is mentioned that Jesus was not crucified. For this reason, a significant part of the interpretations in the commentaries have some similarities with the views of the docetics at first glance. It is possible to see more of the similarities mentioned in the commentaries, especially in the so-called “substitutionary interpretation”, in which it is stated that someone else was crucified instead of Jesus. In the Christian world, it is often claimed that Islam emerged in the Arabian Peninsula, where Christian heretics are abundant, and that it was influenced by the views of some heretic Christians. In this context, starting with John of Damascus in the 8th century, based on the above-mentioned similarities, many Christian researchers throughout the history claimed that the Qurʾān took this view from docetics. In this study, there has been an attempt to examine all of these claims. In this context, first, the docetics were researched, and as a result, it was revealed that Christians named groups with very different views from the early times as “docetic”, and that there was no standart use of the concept of “docetic” in the Christian World for centuries. It appears that it was determined that the concept would be used as a kind of umbrella concept for groups considered heretical. Then in the article, the different translations and interpretations of the verse in the Qurʾān and certain sources from the classical and modern Islamic literature were selected and identified. This led to the examination of how the said verse was understood in the Islamic world throughout the history. In this context, all types of substitutionary interpretations in the commentaries were made into a list by mentioning the sources of these interpretations, and then, these interpretations and the views of the docetics were compared. After revealing the similarities and differences in the explanations and interpretations in the commentaries and the views of the docetics, a new perspective on the subject was attempted by trying to explain the verse outside of its traditional interpretation throughout the history, considering the context of this verse and the Jewish literature. Considering that various Jewish claims about Jesus and Mary were responded to at the beginning of Qurʾānic the verse and just before the verse that mentions the cross, information in the Jewish religious literature was consulted about the allegations that Jews killed Jesus as mentioned in this verse. In this context, Jewish claims about the end of the life of Jesus in the Talmud, that they first killed him and then crucified him, were adressed and researched. Furthermore, an attempt is made to explain that the use of wa-mā qatalūhu wa-mā ṣalabūhu in the verse may be an answer to the claims of the Jews that they first killed Jesus and then crucified him. These claims of the Jews in the Talmud are further explored, and considering the context of the Jews of that time, it is explicated that these actions would not have been possible due to the political conditions in that period. Taken together, this study has attempted to address that the view claiming that docetics have an impact on the Quran via the related verse is not validand that the actual recipient of the verse is the Jews. (shrink)

Psikolojinin bir bilim dalı olarak ortaya çıktığı 19. yüzyıla kadar, insana dair sorunlar, felsefi bir yorumla ele alınmıştır. Zaman içinde pozitivizm, materyalizm gibi felsefe akımlarının yön vermesiyle psikoloji bilimi kendine ait kavram ve yöntemlere sahip olmuştur. Bu süreçte bilimde hâkim olan paradigmaların etkisiyle din, uzun bir dönem bilimsel araştırmaların dışında tutulmuştur. Bilim adamalarının dine karşı olumsuz tutumlarına rağmen, Hıristiyan din adamaları felsefe ve psikoloji gibi alanlardaki bilimsel gelişmeleri yakından takip etmişlerdir. Kilise hizmetleri çerçevesinde geleneksel olarak sürdürülen “pastoral care” faaliyetlerinin psikoloji (...) ve psikoterapi alanlarındaki gelişmelerden etkilenmesiyle bugünkü dini danışma ve rehberliğin temeli olan “pastoral care and counseling” kavramları ve yöntemleri ortaya çıkmıştır. 1960’lardan sonra dünya genelinde bir yayılma eğilimi gösteren dini danışma ve rehberlik konusu, son yıllarda Türkiye’deki dini kurum ve akademik çevrelerin de ilgi odağı haline gelmiştir. Bu makalede, konunun İslam kültürü içindeki realizasyonu ile ilgili çalışmalara katkı vermek amacıyla dini danışma ve rehberliğin temel kavramları ve tarihi arka planına odaklanılmıştır. Modern yaşam biçimi toplumsal değişimi hızlandırmakla kalmamış bireysel ihtiyaçları da bir hayli değiştirmiştir. Yaşanan hızlı değişim ve farklılaşan ihtiyaçlar bir takım psikolojik problemleri beraberinde getirmiştir. Buna bağlı olarak insanı olumsuz etkileyen ve hastalanmasına yol açan psikolojik süreçler incelenmeye başlanmıştır. Öte yandan değişimden hayatın değer ve inanç sistemleri de etkilenmiş, kurumsal dini yapılarda ve din hizmeti anlayışlarında önemli değişme ve gelişmeler meydana gelmiştir. Bu sebeple bir taraftan yeni ortaya çıkan olay ve durumlar karşısında dinin bakış açısını ve tutumunu öğrenme ihtiyacı, diğer taraftan yaşanan acı ve krizler karşısında psikolojik yardım ve manevi destek gereksinimleri giderek artmıştır. Kısacası din, insanların kendi başlarına hareket etmekte zorlandığı, rehberliğe ihtiyaç duyduğu bir alan olmuştur. Dini danışma ve rehberlik alandaki ilk çalışmalar, tamamen bir Hıristiyanlık faaliyeti olarak ortaya çıkmış olduğu için bu alana ait ilk kavramlar da Hıristiyan kültürü ile yakından ilgilidir. Dini danışma ve rehberliğin temel kavramlarından olan “pastoral care” genellikle rahip ya da papazların özellikle kilise dışında yürüttükleri dini danışmanlık ve rehberlik hizmetlerini ifade etmektedir. Günümüzdeki dini danışma ve rehberlik hizmetlerinin temelini, Hıristiyan din adamlarının verdiği manevi destek, öğüt ve tavsiye anlamındaki pastoral care faaliyetleri oluşturmaktadır. Ayrıca kavramların, Mesih ve teslis inancı; günahsızlık ve günahların kefareti, lütuf yoluyla kurtuluş öğretileri; papazların yanılmazlığı ve ruhbanlık anlayışı; itiraf müessesesi ve kilisenin statüsü gibi Hıristiyan teolojisine ait kökenleri bulunmaktadır. Pastoral care ve pastoral counseling birbirlerinden bir dereceye kadar ayırt edilebilen yardım şekilleridir. Aralarındaki farklılık, papazların insanlarla çalışırken, ilgili psikolojik dinamikler yerine kendilerinin ahlaki duruş mesafelerinden kaynaklanır. Bu nedenle ikisi arasında en geniş ve kapsayıcı pastoral faaliyet, kesinlikle pastoral care çalışmalarıdır. Bu çalışmalar, resmi ve gayrı resmi konuşmalar, diyaloglar ve diğer iletişim etkileşimleri ile gençler, çiftler, yetişkinler ve çeşitli diğer gruplarla daha fazla ya da az yapılandırılmış genel ilişkilerdir. Pastoral counseling olarak adlandırılan yardım ilişkileri ise pastoral care faaliyetlerinin genel ve her yerde uygulanabilirliğinden farklı şekilde, bireylerin belirli bir yerde ve belirli bir süre tahdidi çerçevesinde yapılandırılmış olan yardım faaliyetlerini içerir ki, böyle bir yardım sürecinde papazın dikkatini ve zamanını gerektiren durumlar söz konusudur. Burada ayırt edici nokta, bireyin psikolojik durumu ve sorunlarının daha fazla olmasıdır. Dini danışma ve rehberliğin kurumsal bir hizmet alanı olarak ortaya çıkışı, reform hareketleri ve sanayi devriminin Batı Avrupa ülkelerinin sosyal dokusu ve dini kurumların yapılanması üzerinde yaptığı değişimle doğrudan alakalıdır. Nitekim Katolikler ve özellikle Ortodokslar yeni gelişen psikolojik danışma faaliyetlerinde daha temkinli bir tutum takınırken Protestanlar dini destek ve yardım hizmetlerinde yeni psikolojik teori ve teknikleri kucaklama eğilimi göstermişlerdir. 15. yüzyıldan itibaren oluşan, insana, Tanrı’ya ve âleme bakıştaki farklılaşmanın gerçekleştiği süreç, 18. yüzyılda “aydınlanma” olarak adlandırılan köklü bir değişimi beraberinde getirmiştir. Doğaüstünün doğayla, dinin bilimle, tanrısal buyruğun doğa yasasıyla, din adamlarının filozoflarla yer değiştirmesi ve dini inanca toleransın azalması ile karakterize edilen bu dönemde, din ve maneviyat konusu, psikolojik araştırmalar ve klinik deneyler dışında tutulması gerektiğine inanılan, kişilere özgü, bilim dışı, bilinmez bir özel alan olarak görülmüştür. Psikolojinin bir bilim dalı olarak ortaya çıktığı dönemde bilimsel sahada hâkim olan paradigmanın etkisiyle bilim adamaları her ne kadar din ile sağlıklı bir ilişki kuramadıysa da; özellikle Amerika ve Avrupa’da kilise hizmetleri çerçevesinde “pastoral care” faaliyetlerini yürüten din adamları, modern psikiyatri ve psikoterapi birikiminden etkili bir şekilde yararlanmışlardır. Kilise faaliyetlerinin psikoloji alanındaki gelişmelerden etkilenmesiyle papaz ve rahiplerin dini konulardaki yardım çalışmaları hem kilise içinde hem kilise dışında daha profesyonelce yürütülen faklı bir boyut kazanmaya başlamıştır. Papazların yetiştirilmesinde danışma psikolojisi ve klinik psikolojinin yöntem ve kurallarının kullanılmaya başlamasıyla “pastoral counseling” alanı gelişme göstermeye başlamıştır. Abraham Maslow’un “kendini gerçekleştiren kişiler” hakkındaki araştırmasına kadar (1962) ilgiye layık görülmeyen din ve maneviyat, bu araştırma sonucunda, karşılanması gereken nihai bir ihtiyaç ve önemli bir motivasyon olarak fark edilmiştir. Alanda son yapılan araştırmalar, din ile ruh ve beden sağlığı arasında önemli ilişkilerin olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Danışmanlarca, danışanların dini inançlarının danışma sürecine dâhil edilmemesi; danışanın kimliğinin işe yarayan önemli bir bölümünü yok saymakla eş anlamlı kabul edilmektedir. Bu gelişmelerin sonucu olarak bugün başta ABD ve diğer gelişmiş ülkelerde birçok Tıp Fakültesi ve Psikoloji bölümleri, programlarına dini danışmanlıkla ilgili dersler koymaktadır. 20. yüzyılın başından beri Hıristiyan Batı dünyasında uygulanmakta olan pastoral care and counseling faaliyetleri, toplumsal değişmenin küresel etkileri ve gittikçe benimsenen modern yaşamın farklılaşan ihtiyaçlarına bağlı olarak son yıllarda Türkiye’deki akademik çevrelerin ve ilgili kurumların ilgi odağı haline gelmiştir. Dini danışma ve rehberlik, kültürümüzde henüz yabancı bir kavram ve kurumsallaşmamış bir hizmet alanı olarak kabul edilse de; Hz. Peygamber’den (s.a.v) bu yana sürdürülen din hizmetlerinin en önemli bölümünü, özü dini rehberlik olan irşat faaliyetleri oluşturmaktadır. Ancak günümüzde modern psikolojik yardım disiplinlerinin ilke ve yaklaşımlarından destek alan yeni irşat modellerine ihtiyaç vardır. Dini danışma ve rehberlik, amaç, ilke, yöntem ve yaklaşımları ile toplumda oluşan yeni ihtiyaç ve beklentileri karşılamaya yönelik sürdürülen çabalara önemli katkılar sağlayacaktır. (shrink)

Abstract: The paper deals with “Christian Zionists”, who have born out of Protestantism, conglomerate particularly in the United States of America, provide a non-proportional support for Israel and who at the same time antagonize Islam. The movement’s quiddity, genesis, theology, activities, as well as anti-Semitic and anti-Islamic tendencies are elaborated. According to initial findings, Christian Zionism constitutes an anomaly from a number of perspectives. Most importantly, Jews and Christians symbolize two communities that have been violently antagonizing each other since centuries. (...) Defenders of Christian Zionism believe in the eschatological scenario of “premillennial dispensationalism”, a theology mainly introduced by the Anglo-Irish priest John Nelson Darby that divides world history before the establishment of the global Millennial Empire following the Second Coming into seven dispensations. This scenario determines the raison d’être, purposes, friends and foes of the movement. While the Jewish role in it as frenemies is controversial and ambivalent, Muslims’ role as enemies is unequivocally unfavorable. This situation leads to the demonization of Muslims by Christian Zionist figures. Albeit being criticized by co-religionists in a number of areas including ethics, politics and particularly theology, Christian Zionists occupy a significant position in world politics thanks to their alliance with imperial powers. The paper aims to fill the scholarly gap caused by the scarcity of Turkish literature on Christian Zionism’s quiddity, as well as its nexus with antisemitism and anti-Islamism. -/- Öz: Çalışma Hıristiyanlığın Protestanlık mezhebinden doğan, özellikle Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nde kümelendiği gözlemlenen, İsrail’i ve Yahudileri orantısızca desteklemesiyle bilinen ve aynı zamanda İslam’a ve Müslümanlara karşı düşmanca yaklaşımları haiz “Hıristiyan siyonistlerini” ele almaktadır. Hareketin mahiyeti, doğuşu, teolojisi, faaliyetleri ve kendisinde mündemiç olan antisemitizm ile anti-İslamizm olguları incelenmektedir. Bulgulara göre, Hıristiyan siyonizmi çeşitli açılardan bakıldığında bir anomali teşkil etmektedir. Bunlardan en önemlisi, Yahudilerin ve Hıristiyanların yüzyıllarca birbirlerine en üst seviyede düşmanlık etmiş olan iki topluluk oluşudur. Hıristiyan siyonistler dünya tarihini Mesih’in zuhuruyla birlikte kurulacak olan bin yıllık küresel krallık öncesindeki yedi bölüm olarak ele alan, sınırları büyük ölçüde İngiliz-İrlandalı teolog John Nelson Darby tarafından çizilen ve “premillennial dispensationalism (premilenyal dispensasyonalizm)” olarak bilinen teolojinin öngördüğü kıyamet senaryosuna inanmaktadır. Bu senaryo hareketin varlık sebebini, amaçlarını, dostlarını ve düşmanlarını belirlemektedir. Dost-düşmanlar olarak Yahudilerin buradaki rolü bazı çelişkiler ve ihtilaflar barındırırken, düşmanlar olarak Müslümanların rolü açıkça olumsuz bir görünüm arz etmektedir. Bunun sonucu olarak Hıristiyan siyonistler Müslümanları şeytanlaştırma eğilimine girmektedir. Her ne kadar dindaşları tarafından ahlak, siyaset ve özellikle teoloji eksenlerinde ağır eleştirilere tabi tutulsalar da Hıristiyan siyonistler emperyalist güçlerle olan uzun ittifaklarının da bir meyvesi olarak dünya politikasında kayda değer bir güce sahiptir. Hıristiyan siyonizminin mahiyeti ve dahi antisemitizm ve anti-İslamizm ile irtibatı konusunda Türkçe yazılmış eserlerin azlığına binaen çalışma literatürdeki bu boşluğu kapatma amacı taşımaktadır. (shrink)

Khalīfa b. Khayyāt(d. 240/854-855) was an historian- muḥaddith in the ʿAbbāsid’s period. There are references in sources to his competence in history and lineage rather than Ḥadīth. Two works of him have survived. The first one is al-Ṭabaḳāt which is about study of men and the second one is al-Taʾrīkhwhich chronologically narratesthe events in the history of Islam until 232 AH. The latter is the most significant work to be applied for the historiography of ibnKhayyāt. In this article, Khalīfa b. (...) Khayyāt’s methodology in historiography is examined. In this study, the early period of Islamic histography is handled and the subject is discussed comparatively. The main characteristics of his historiography are his adoption of a chronological style that facilitates the follow-up of the book, his knowledge for the lineage of those who died in wars and the details about the wars. Also, among the charactersitics are his application of isnād to his history book as a muḥaddith, his knowledge for the previous resources via his teachers who belong to the schools of al-Madīna and ʿIrāḳ and when required, his usage of ayah, ḥadīth and poems. These issues are dealed in the artcile with examples. Besides, a study in the West about Khalīfa b. Khayyātasserts that he was a follower of Umayyad dynasty and so this affected his historiography. In this article, this assertion is tackled by analyzing the whole book and it concludes that it is not valid because of some narrations against this assertion.SummaryKhalīfa b. Khayyāt (d. 240 / 854-55), who grew up in Basra, one of the most important centers of scholarship of the time and the meeting point of scholars, and he continued his scholarly works in this city. Since his grandfather and father are engaged in the field of Ḥadīth, Khalīfa b. Khayyāt started his scholarly adventure at an early age and he took his first education in the field of Ḥadīth.Scholars, in the early periods, continued their studies in the fields of sciences related to each other. Khalīfa b. Khayyāt’s studies are also in this kind. Although there are references in sources to his accumulation of Ḥadīth, Khalīfa b. Khayyāt ’s main area of ​​expertise is history and nasab/genealogy. The fact that his works and references to him in later sources are largely related to historical events, knowledge of the nasab/genealogy, and wafayāt (death dates of Ḥadīth scholars and narrators) reveals his considerable knowledge on these issues. Khalīfa b. Khayyāt lived in the period of ʿAbbāsid caliphs al-Maʾmūn (813-833) and al-Muʿtaṣim (833-842). This period is important because of the fact that the al-Mihna incident took place and the pressure on the Ḥadīth scholars increased. Although Khalīfa b. Khayyāt is not one of the direct opponents of Muʿtazila, his participation in a debate against them provides clues about the place where he stands. The scholarly atmosphere of Basra, enabled Khalīfa b. Khayyāt to benefit from a wide range of teacher-student network. In addition to his professors from whom he benefitted in the field of Ḥadīth, he had the opportunity to obtain the knowledge and understanding of the history of that time through his teachers who are important historians of the period in his field. Two works related to Khalīfa b. Khayyāt whose reliability is confirmed by djarh wa l tadil scholars reached to our time. One of the oldest Ṭabaḳāt works in the history of Islam is al-Ṭabaḳāt; the other one is the book, al-Taʾrīkh, which provides a new method for Islamic historiography.This study deals with the principles of the method of historiography, which can be put forward through Khalīfa b. Khayyāt 's al-Taʾrīkh. al-Taʾrīkhis important in terms of being the first example of chronological writing type in Islamic historiography and has not been subject to any independent study to date. There are two ongoing M.A. thesis about Khalīfa b. Khayyāt, however, no study has been identified that directly deals with its methodology of history. On the other hand, based on some riwāyats/narrations in al-Taʾrīkh, there is a work that claims that Khalīfa b. Khayyāt had sympathy towards Umayyads. The study named “Khalīfa b. Khayyāt’s History on the Umayyad Dynasty (660-750), prepared by Carl Wurtzel as his PhD. Dissertation, examined the life of Khalīfa, partly the historiography and the religious-political narrations in the work. On the case of Muʿāwiya’s (d. 60/680) request of the allegiance to Yazīd (d. 64/683), Wurtzel compared an event that took place between the envoy of Ibn al-Zubayr (d. 73/692) and Muʿāwiya with al-Balādhurī’s (d. 279/892-93) narrative and concluded that Khalīfa was an Umayyad sympathizer. However, Khalīfa b. Khayyāt’s exclusion of an event such as al-Mihna which was against the ʿAbbāsid and changed the course of history in his book, shouldn’t be considered as a symptom of sympathy; It would be more appropriate to accept it as a feature of history writing.At the top of Khalīfa b. Khayyāt's principles of historiography, adopting chronological method comes first. Accordingly, Khalīfa b. Khayyāt, gives a brief history about the siyar of the Prophet Muhammad at the introduction of the book. Then, by beginning from the first hijri year, he gives the important events, wars and deaths by the years. Sometimes, he refers to the people assigned by the caliphs of the period by referring to the Amîrs (Administrators) of the Hajj. He gives lists of those who died on both sides of the wars. The importance of mentioning the tribes of the deceased shows his competence in the knowledge of nasab. One of the highlights of his historiography is that he sometimes does not touch upon some of the events and situations that are considered to be turning points in Islamic history; and sometimes he does not go down into detail but just gives relevant narratives. For example, he doesn’t mention any narrations about the selection of the Caliph which perhaps the most fundamental point of separation between Ahl al-Sunnah and Shīʿa in the history of Islam.Although he gave detailed information about The Battle of The Camel (36/656) and Ṣiffīn cases (37/657), it is not possible to determine his views on this subject. In addition, he never mentioned the al-Mihna incident, which deeply influenced society and the scholarly environment during the ʿAbbāsid period. Isnād is also holds an important place in the methodology of history of Khalīfa who was a muḥaddith at the same time. In many of the narrations he used the words haddathanā and ahbaranā.In our study, the siyar section of al-Taʾrīkhwas examined in order to determine the sources of the Khalīfa’s historiography and has been seen that the works of Ibn Isḥāḳ (d. 151/768) and Ibn Hishām (d. 218/833) were the main sources of this chapter. Considering Khalīfa b. Khayyāt’s emphasize to isnād and his reach to Ibn Isḥāḳ 's work through the mediation of Bekr b. Suleiman, it can be said that he was dominant in historiography on the sources before him. Khalīfa b. Khayyāt rarely refers to Qur’anic verses and hadiths when describing events. He referred to the verses in only two places and hadiths in only five places. One of them, and perhaps the most remarkable one in the book is the Ḥadīth of the Prophet Muḥammad: “I am the guardian of whom; ‘Alī is his guardian” This narration is used in the letter of Caliph Mahdī (d. 169/785) of the ʿAbbāsid to khārijī (outer) Abd al-Salām b. Hishām who rebelled. The study is based on the principles outlined above. At the end of the study it is also considered that Khalīfa b. Khayyāt ’s works should be the subject of graduate studies which should be prepared with deep readings. (shrink)

The political, administrative and economic recovery process that took place after the Abbasid caliph al-Mu‘tadid moved the center of the state back to Baghdad in 279 (892) was short-lived. The fact that al Muktadir became caliph at an early age and political conflicts caused Baghdad to fall into the hands of the Buwayhids in 334 (945). This writing aims to evaluate the work prepared by Adan Jarso Golole as a doctoral thesis under the name Political, economic, and social life in (...) Baghdad in the process leading to the rule of Buwayhids (279-334/892-945) and published in 2021 as a book under the name of Baghdad Falling into the Hands of the Buwayhids (279-334 / 892-945). (shrink)

Imam Malik, the founder of one of the four major sects of fiqh, named his work Muwatta, which compiled authentic narrations. It is also the first fiqh formulation that survive to the present day. The Muvatta, as a work that conveys the practices of the Medina society in the period of the Companions, allows to see the religious life of the Prophet and the Companions. This work, which constitutes one of the first written sources of fiqh and hadith, is a (...) response to the western criticism, especially regarding the authenticity of hadiths. Conveying the Muvatta in the same way, the narrators in different geographies of the world revealed that authentic hadiths had also been the tradition of the Muslim community since the time of the Prophet. (shrink)

In the history of Islamic thought, it is prominent to examine the sects according to certain facts. In this research, it is aimed to read the development of the sect through aqāid works by taking the aqāid texts into the center. By centering Ash'ariyyah, we determine the aqāid literature of this sect in general terms and center two Ash‛ari aqāid works. These two aqāid texts that we have examined are the works identified with the Seljuk and Ottoman madrasahs. Al-Juwaynī’s al-Aqīda (...) an-Nizamiyyāh and al-Ījī’s al-Aqāid al-adudiyya hare extremely valuable identity texts in terms of Ash‛arī aqāid tradition. As a product of the Seljuk world of thought, al-Juwaynī’s work deals with aqāid issues with much broader titles and explanations. Al-Juwaynī lists his criticisms by targeting Mu‛tazila on most issues. Al-Ījī’s al-Aqāid al-adudiyya is one of the basic books of Ottoman madrasahs. In al-Ījī’s work, on the other hand, plain narration and a concise aqāid presentation attract attention. When we look at the work, it draws attention that the audience has changed and the opposition to the Mu‛tazilite is not too dominant. In addition, while a political interpretation over the imamate/caliphate issue is included in the creed in al-Ījī’s text, virtuousness, which is the perception of the Sunni companions, is also emphasized. The aqāid works of al-Juwaynī and al-Ījī bear the traces of the historical development of Ash‛arism, depending on their addressees, the period in which they were written, and many other reasons. (shrink)

Ekonomik ilişkiler ve fetihler sonucu çok geniş bir coğrafyaya yayılan ve bunun bir sonucu olarak da birçok farklı kültürle karşılaşan Müslümanlar, özellikle Bizans (Helen/Yunan), İran ve kısmen Hint kültürleriyle temasları sonucunda bu kültürlere karşı büyük bir ilgi ve merak duymuşlardır. Özellikle İskenderiye, Harran ve Cündişâpûr gibi şehirlerin fethedilmesinin ve bu şehirlerdeki ilmî geleneğin Müslümanlar üzerinde önemli etkileri olmuştur. Nitekim bu fetihler akabinde Müslümanlar, sadece dinî ilimlerle yetinmemiş, bunun yanında antik düşünce geleneğini ve kadim kültürleri tanımak amacıyla o kültürlere ait eserleri (...) Arapçaya çevirmek üzere harekete geçmişler, yani ilk tercüme faaliyetlerine başlamışlardır. İslam medeniyeti ve bilim tarihi açısından son derece önemli olan bu ilk tercüme faaliyetleri, bugüne kadar pek çok çalışmaya konu olmuştur. Ancak yapılan çalışmalar sırasında genellikle tercüme yapılan eserlerin isminin, yapıldığı alanların ve bu tercümeleri yapan mütercimlerin zikredilmekle yetinildiği görülmektedir. Bu çalışmada ise İslam Bilim Tarihi’ndeki ilk tercüme faaliyetleri ve yapıldığı alanlar yanında, tercüme faaliyetlerinden önce Müslümanların bu alanlardaki bilgi ve birikimlerinin ne olduğu ve tercüme faaliyetlerinin bu alanlardaki gelişim veya değişime olan katkısı, yazmış olduğu eserler Batı’da da tanınan farklı yüzyıllardaki Müslüman bilim adamlarından örnekler verilmek suretiyle ortaya konulmaya çalışılacaktır. Bu bağlamda Müslümanlar açısından bilim ve teknolojide II. (VIII.) ile V. (XI.) yüzyıllar arasında yaşanan parlak zaman ve bu zaman dilimi içerisinde yapılan bazı önemli bilimsel faaliyetler; bilgiyi elde etme, bilgiyi sistemleştirme ve özgün bilgi üretme dönemi olmak üzere üç ana bölümde incelenecektir.Özet: Bilim, medeniyetin ve insanlık tarihinin en önemli ortak miraslarından biridir. Bu mirasta en çok katkısı olanlar ise yaşadıkları toplumda bilime, bilimsel çalışmalara ve bilim insanlarına gereken önemi gösterenlerdir. İlk emri “Oku” olan bir dinin müntesipleri olan Müslümanlar da, bilime değer veren ve bunun için önemli çalışmalar altına imza atan toplumlar arasında saygın bir yere sahiptir.Ekonomik ilişkiler ve fetihler sonucu çok geniş bir coğrafyaya yayılan ve bunun bir sonucu olarak da birçok farklı kültürle karşılaşan Müslümanlar, özellikle Bizans (Helen/Yunan), İran ve kısmen de Hint kültürleriyle temasları sonucunda bunlara karşı büyük bir ilgi ve merak duymuşlardır. Özellikle İskenderiye, Harran ve Cündişâpûr gibi şehirlerin fethedilmesinin ve bu şehirlerdeki ilmî geleneğin Müslümanlar üzerinde önemli etkileri olmuştur. Nitekim bu fetihler akabinde Müslümanlar, sadece dinî ilimlerle yetinmemiş, bunun yanında antik düşünce geleneğini ve kadim kültürleri tanımak amacıyla o kültürlere ait eserleri Arapçaya çevirmek üzere harekete geçmişler, yani tercüme faaliyetlerine başlamışlardır.İslam medeniyeti ve bilim tarihi açısından son derece önemli gördüğümüz bu çalışmada, tercüme faaliyetlerinin bilgi üretimine katkısı ele alınacaktır. Bu bağlamda Müslümanlar açısından bilim ve teknolojide VIII. ile XI. yüzyıllar arasında yaşanan parlak zaman ve bu zaman dilimi içerisinde yapılan bazı önemli bilimsel faaliyetler; bilgiyi elde etme, bilgiyi sistemleştirme ve özgün bilgi üretme dönemi olmak üzere üç ana bölümde incelenecektir.İslâm dininin iki ana kaynağı olarak kabul ettiğimiz Kur’ân-ı Kerîm ve Hz. Peygamber’in hadisleri ilmi öven ve teşvik eden pek çok emir ve tavsiye içermektedir. Hatta bu ayet ve hadislere göre ilmin ya da bilimin rolü dinin ve böylece de bütün bir insan hayatının asıl itici gücü olarak öne sürülmüştür de diyebiliriz. Bundan dolayı Hz. Muhammed’in peygamber olarak görevlendirilmesiyle Mekke’de başlayan ve Medine’de devam eden ilmî faaliyetler, Hulefâ-i Raşidîn döneminde de artarak devam etmiştir. Özellikle ilk İslâm fetihleri Müslümanların, Bizans ve İran başta olmak üzere pek çok farklı medeniyetle tanışmalarına, bu medeniyetlerin meydana getirmiş olduğu eserlerden faydalanmalarına, Emevîler ve Abbasîler dönemlerinde de yoğun bir tercüme faaliyetine girişmelerine vesile olmuştur. Bu sayede Müslümanlar, dinî ilimler yanında sosyal bilimler, fen ve sağlık bilimleri alanlarında da ilerlemeye başlamışlardır. Bu anlamda Müslümanların ilk yapmaya çalıştığı şey var olan bilgi birikimini tanımaya ve anlamaya çalışmak, sonrasında ise geliştirmek ve dünyanın istifadesine sunmak olmuştur.Araştırmamızda bilgiyi elde etme dönemi olarak adlandırdığımız dönem; İskenderiye, Harran ve Cündişâpûr gibi şehirlerin fethedilmesinin ve ardından bu şehirlerdeki ilmî geleneğin Müslümanlar üzerindeki önemli etkilerinin bir tezahürü olarak ilk tercüme faaliyetlerinin başladığı dönemdir. Bu dönemde bilim nerede olursa olsun gidip alma çabası hakim olup; amaç, bilgiyi üreten, ister Yunan, ister Hint, ister Farisî olsun onu elde etmek ve Arapçaya çevirmektir. Bilgiyi sistemleştirme dönemi ise hem tercüme faaliyetlerinin artarak devam ettiği hem de tercüme faaliyetleri neticesinde elde edilen bilginin sistematik hale getirilmeye başlandığı bir süreçtir. Bu süreçte amaç, bilgiyi üreterek, kullanılabilir hale dönüştürmek ve toplumun hizmetine sunmak olmuştur. Yine bu süreçte, bilim hem takdir ve teşvik edilme ayrıcalığını kazanmış, hem de dönemin yöneticileri ve ilim meraklıları, bilginin ışığıyla tüm sorunların çözülebileceği yaklaşımı içinde olmuşlar ve bu yönde adımlar atmışlardır. Beytülhikmeler ve rasathaneler, bu sürecin birer meyvesi olarak ortaya çıkmış kurumlardır. Bu dönemde yapılan tercümeler Müslümanlar arasında derin bir ilgi ve etki meydana getirerek onların bilgi ve kültürünü zenginleştirmiştir; ancak hiçbir zaman özgün kimliklerini kaybetmelerine sebep olmamıştır. Bilakis Müslüman âlimler, kendilerinden önce yaşamış bilginlerin çalıştıkları farklı alanlarla ilgili eserleri inceleyerek istifade etmişler; fakat hiçbir zaman onları mutlak bir otorite olarak görmeyip, yeri geldiğinde eksik ve yanlışlarını ortaya koymuşlar, sonunda da kendi gözlem, deney ve düşüncelerini ortaya koymak suretiyle özgün eserler üretmişlerdir.Özgün bilgi üretme süreci olarak adlandırdığımız bu dönemde ise, yaşadığı yüzyılda ön plana çıkmış ve sonrasında Avrupa bilim dünyası tarafından da tanınmış bazı ilim adamlarından ve çalışma yaptıkları alanlardan hareket etmek suretiyle dönemin ilmî anlamda nasıl bir gelişmişlik seviyesine ulaştığı ortaya konmaya çalışılacaktır. Söz konusu bu dönem Fezârî (ö. 190/806), Câbir b. Hayyân (ö. 200/815), Hârizmî (ö. 232/847), Fergânî (ö. 247/861), Ali b. Rabben et-Taberî (ö. 247/861), Ebû Bekir Râzî (ö. 313/925), Bettânî (ö. 317/929), Ebü’l-Vefâ Bûzcânî (ö. 388/998), İbn Sînâ (ö. 428/1037), Ali b. Îsâ el-Kehhâl (ö. 430/1039), İbnü’l-Heysem (ö. 432/1040) ve Bîrûnî (ö. 453/1061) gibi bilim adamı ve düşünürlerin zirvede olduğu bir zaman dilimidir. Bu dönemde bir taraftan tercüme faaliyetleri tüm hızıyla devam ederken (VIII.-X. yüzyıllarda) diğer taraftan araştırmalar, kuralları, yöntemleri ve kavramları olan bir niteliğe kavuşmuş ve İslam bilim tarihinin altın çağı yaşanmıştır. Bu dönem içindeki en parlak çalışmalar, matematik, tıp, fizik, kimya ve astronomi alanlarında gerçekleştirilmiş olup üretilen bilgiler, V. ila XI. yüzyıllar arasında skolastiğin koyu karanlığını yaşayan batı dünyası tarafından, ancak yüzyıllar sonra yani XI. yüzyıldan itibaren Arapçadan çeviriler yapılarak tanınabilmiştir. (shrink)

Ölüm her canlı için kaçınılmaz bir gerçekliktir. Bu kaçınılmaz gerçeğin farkında olmasına rağmen insan, her ölümden az veya çok etkilenir. Fakat sevilen veya kendisine sevgiden daha fazla değer yüklenen kişilerin ölümü, daha acı ve derin bir sürecin yaşanmasına sebep olur. Yas süreci denen bu evre genel olarak şok, özleme, yeniden yapılanıp kendine gelme ve kimliği yeniden kurma gibi aşamalardan oluşur. Böyle değer verilen kişilerin ardından yaşanan ölüm acısının en karakteristik örneklerinden biri Hz. Peygamber’in vefatı üzerine sahâbede görülür. Bütün sahâbe içinde (...) Hz. Ömer’in ortaya koyduğu tavır ise çok daha farklı bir yere sahiptir. Zira o Allah Rasûlü’nün öldüğünü kesin bir dille reddetmiş, bayılmış olabileceğini söylemiş veya vahiy aldığı anlarda yaşadığı hale büründüğünü savunmuştur. Ona göre Hz. Peygamber ölmüş olsa bile Allah Teâlâ O’nu yeniden diriltecektir. Bu tavır, ilk bakışta, İslâm’ın yaşam ve ölüm olaylarına bakışı ve ayrıca İslâm tarihinde Hz. Ömer ile özdeşleşmiş ideal Müslüman tipi ile çelişiyor görünmektedir. Makalede öncelikle, bazı kitaplarda Hz. Ömer’e nispetle nakledilen bu sözlerin Hadis Usûlü kurallarına göre sahih olup olmadığına dair değerlendirmeler yapılmıştır. (shrink)

Hz. Peygamber’in Medine’ye hicretinden sonra henüz bir yıl geçmeden Mescid-i Nebevî inşa edilmiş ve bu esnada Bakī’ Mezarlığı da teessüs etmiştir. Bakīu’l-Garkad, Cennetü’l-Bakī’ gibi adlarla da anılan Bakī’ Mezarlığı’na ilk defnedilen kişinin kim olduğu mevzuunda birbirinden farklı rivayetler bulunmaktadır. Bu hususta, ilk defnedilen sahâbînin Ensar’dan Es’ad b. Zürâre veya Muhacirlerden Osman b. Maz’ûn olduğu şeklindeki rivayetler ön plâna çıkmaktadır. Bu makalede, Osman b. Maz’ûn’un vefat tarihi ile ilgili rivayetler bağlamında onun Bakī’ Mezarlığı’na ilk defnedilen kişi olup olmadığı konusu ele alınmaktadır. (...) Bu makalede ele alınacak rivayetler çerçevesinde ortaya konulacak bilgiler, Bakī’ Mezarlığı’nın teşekkül tarihine ışık tutmuş olacaktır. Bakī’ Mezarlığı’nın teessüsü ve ilk defnedilenlerle ilgili rivayetlerin müstakil olarak analiz edilmemiş olması bakımından konu önem arz etmektedir. Makalede geniş bir literatür taraması yapılmak suretiyle elde edilen malzeme analiz edilmiş ve rivayetlerle ilgili sorunlara işaret edilmiştir. Ayrıca rivayetlerde karşılaşılan farklılıkların, nesî usulüne göre düzenlenmiş veya düzenlenmemiş takvimlerden kaynaklanmış olup olamayacağı ortaya konulmaya çalışıl-mıştır. (shrink)

Muâviye b. Ebû Süfyân’ın yönetimi ele geçirmesiyle başlayan Emevîler dönemi, hilâfetin saltanata dönüştüğü bir dönem olmuştur. Bu dönemde idarecilik yapan kişiler her ne kadar halife ünvanıyla anılsalar da yaptıkları icraatlar göz önüne alındığı zaman saltanat özelliği kendini bâriz şekilde hissettirmiştir. Bununla birlikte sekizinci Emevî Halifesi Ömer b. Abdülaâziz, yaklaşık iki yıl süren idareciliğiyle, Râşit halifelerin beşincisi ünvanını alacak şekilde diğer Emevî idarecilerinden ayrılmıştır. Ömer b. Abdulazîz’i diğer Emevî idarecilerinden ayıran en karakteristik özelliği ise, olaylara yeniden vahiy eksenli bir bakışla Râşit (...) halifeler dönemini andıran siyaset tarzını geri getirmesi ve sorunları, Hz. Peygamber’in öğrettiği ilkeler doğrultusunda çözmeye çalışmasıdır. Bu çerçevede Ömer b. Abdülazîz, şiddet ve baskı yolunu benimseyen kendisinden önceki ve sonraki Emevî idarecilerinin aksine, ırk bağlamında Arap olmayan unsurları, fikir bağlamında da Emevî perspektifinden farklı düşünceleri benimseyen muhâlif unsurları sindirme yerine, onları dinleme, onlarla diyalog kurma ve barışçıl çözümler bulma gayretine girmiştir. Bunda da gayet başarılı olmuş ve Emevî tarihinde bütün tebeânın beyʻatını almayı başaran tek idareci olarak gerçek anlamda halife olmuştur. Bu çalışmada, istibdat yöntemini seçen idareci profiliyle; müsamaha, ilim ve diyalog yolunu seçen idareci profilini bünyesinde barındıran Emevîler özelinde Ömer b. Abdülazîz’in yaklaşımı ve bu yaklaşımın olumlu sonuçları ele alınmaktadır. Zira bu, toplum içi barışın ve kaosun sebeplerini ortaya koyması bakımından idareci sınıf için iyi bir ibret tablosu olacaktır. (shrink)

It is possible to say that there have been ambivalent approaches regarding Omar's practices arising from the irregularities in the last two centuries. He is sometimes portrayed as a reformist acting differently from the way in the Quran and practices of the Prophet. Indeed, it is desired to establish a basis for legitimacy that such an attitude can be exhibited against the Quran and the Prophet. Moreover, it can be said that through this approach, it is aimed to make some (...) people’s conception of religion based on the Islamic ground through Omar. The most common examples given claiming the changes in time and circumstances are that Omar did not apply hand cutting punishment for the crime of theft despite the apparent related verse and not distribute the Sevâd land. On the other hand, it is asserted that it is obligatory to be contingent up on the practice of the Prophet, claiming that Omar behaved unlike in the case of three talaq divorces. In both approaches, it is pre-accepted that, Omar adopted different practices from Prophet’s. Studies conducted in the area related to Omar practices are the studies carried out according to their own perspectives in order to prove the suitability of Omar applications to the Qur'an. In addition to these valuable works, the echo of the Omar practices in the sects from the first period is an important step that needs to be addressed in the first place. This study investigates how the sects dealt with Omar practices and how they comment these practices. (shrink)

Isma‘īl b. ‘Ali, who is referred to as Abū Sa‘d as-Sammān, was born in Ray, Iran, between 981 and 983 and he devoted most of his life to educational travels, especially for hadith and he returned to his city of birth towards the end of his life and died there in 1053. Isma‘īl b. ‘Ali is well-known with the name of as- Sammān, meaning butter trader, because of he was grew up in a family of butter traders. The movables and (...) real estates in his inheretence show that he belongs to a wealthy family. As-Sammān, who seems to be in the twelfth generation of Muʻtazilite tradition, approve the thoughts of Abū Hāshim al-Jubbā’ī (ö. 321/933) and Abu'l-Ḥusayn al-Baṣrī (ö. 436/1044) and he was accepted as the leader of the Muʻtazila in his own period. He had education from scholars such as Abū Tāhir al-Muḫallis, Ibn Abū Nasr at-Tamīmī and Abkasī (ö. 405/1014-15) in the discipline of hadith. As-Sammān, was an authoritative figure both in the fiqh of Hanafi and disagreements between thoughts of Hanafism and Shafi'ism as well as in the fiqh of Zaydism. In addition, he educated himself in the topic of Qur’anic recitation, scholars of narrators, genealogy, law of inheritence and arithmetic. Among the works of as-Sammān, who are stated as many, only one record seem to be extant until today: “Kitāb al-Muvāfaqa bayn ahl al-bayt wa's-sahāba wa mā ravāhu kullu farīqin fī haqq al-āḫar”, which was written to point out the fondness and respect between the first three caliphs and ‘Ali. Thus, it is not possible for us to have a detailed knowledge about his thoughts in kalam and fiqh. However, Ibn al-‘Adīm (ö. 660/1262) gives us some ideas about thoughts of al-Sammān through his will narrates in his “Bughyat aṭ-Ṭalab fī tārīḫi Ḥalab”. As-Sammān states that his thoughts of kalam and fiqh are formed on the school of Ahl al-‘adl wa't-tawḥīd, in particular parallel with Muʻtazila-Zaydiyya and he designed his will, which he gave about two years before his death, according to the Muʻtazilite theological paradigm. In this context, according to as-Sammān, Allah is one and eternal. Attributes of Allah such as Power, Knowledge, Life, Hearing, Sight and Wealth are by virtue of His essence. Allah does not resemble anything, nor a body or an accident. All actions of Allah are good, and He never do evil. Allah does not wish for a sin nor have any consent to sin. Allah does not test people with what they cannot afford. Allah does not oppress people nor punish anyone with no justice. Allah is faithful to his promise that he will reward people who are good and will punish people who do evil. Voluntarily actions are created by people themselves. Revelation regarding the doomsday and the hereafter are true. Also, worships performed by the living on behalf of the dead such as hajj, ‘umrah, charity, reciting the the Qur'an and visiting the graves of them are useful for the dead. Repentance which is the forgiveness of sins is the decisiveness of not to commit it again with regret. As-Sammān has been criticized because of his Muʻtazilite thoughts, but his credibility, his intellectual effort and his abilities have been appreciated even by his opponents. The combative and dynamic nature of his life was reflected in his will are analysed in this work and it is concluded that he expressed his thoughts on belief and deeds in his will as a true Mu‘tazilite manifesto. (shrink)

This examination of three early Islamic theological texts will show that the discursive practices within their respective genera of writing in its nascent stages were scripturally hermeneutical in character. Primary focus was on arguing for the proper understanding of Quranic statements rather than offering extensive arguments based on purely rational grounds. Formal analysis of early writings on divine determinism such as we have selected suggests that Quranic content not only made up the substantive matter of these discourses but even influenced (...) their structure of argumentation and their modes of reasoning. What this study ultimately shows is that the development of Islamic theological thinking and the discursive practices associated with it may have had their impetus in the internal sources of the religion itself and had not merely evolved under foreign influences. (shrink)

The jurists, taking as reference the texts and the experiential studies of the period, preached various provisions regarding the issues such as fetal development, full birth or birth and death in this process. The majority made evaluations on the basis of the hadith about the fetal development process -mentioned in three separate periods of forty days-, but it was observed that this did not overlap with some medical guidance. Because the development period expressed by the jurists could not be prolonged, (...) it was determined that this process was completed before according to modern medicine. Jurists stated that he did not have any law regarding the fetus born before this period, since it was based on this period, and evaluated and evaluated whether those born later were alive or not. It has been presented in different jurisprudence in terms of various branches in fiqh, which is called “frequency” of the previous abortion effect after/during the full birth, and which is considered to be soul-blowing at the end of four months. These conflicts affected sons' abilities such as bathing, shrouding, burial and burial of the miscarriage. The mother also created many provisions such as her legal status such as nifas, talaq and ummu'l-veled, punishment lessons such as abortion and gurra, financial concepts such as heir and inheritance, and its effects on conditional contracts. In our study, in the event that the fetus dies due to the cell in the womb where the study medical information is located, the protections against it and the judgment it gives birth to in relation to it are discussed. (shrink)

Akademik yayın hayatının 20. yılına ulaşan Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, son yıllarda ulusal ve uluslararası akademik yayıncılık alanında önemli mesafeler kat etti. 15 Aralık 2016 tarihinde yayımladığımız 19. cilt 2. sayımızdan itibaren sağlanan ilerlemeleri, siz değerli okuyucularımızla paylaşmak istiyoruz. 1996 yılından itibaren Cumhuriyet Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi [Cumhuriyet University Journal of Faculty of Theology] adıyla yayınlanan dergimizin adının çok uzun olması ve atıf tespitinde yaşanan zorluklar sebebi ile Cumhuriyet ilahiyat dergisi [Cumhuriyet theology journal] olarak değiştirilmesi kararlaştırılmıştır. Dergimiz, 20. cilt, (...) 1. sayıdan itibaren bu adla yayın hayatına devam edecektir. Dergimiz, TÜBİTAK - ULAKBİM’in sunduğu elektronik dergi yönetim sistemi DergiPark Akademik’ın yeni versiyonunun güçlü açık erişim ve online akademik yayıncılık alt yapısını kullanabilmek amacıyla gerekli teknik çalışmaları tamamladı. Bu kapsamda 01 Haziran 2016 tarihi itibariyle yeni web sayfamız hizmete girdi. (shrink)

In the period of the Saḥāba (Companions), Tābiʿīn (Successors), and Atbāʿ al-Tābiʿīn (Followers of the Successors), those who had the capacity to do ijtihād on religious issues would act according to their ijtihād without being tied to any a particular person or school. Those who did not have the capacity to perform ijtihād could obtain a fatwā from any muftī whom they consulted, without any school-sectarian affiliation. However, with the emergence of the schools of jurisprudence (madhhab) in II-IV centuries AH, (...) the issues of ijtihād, taqlīd and madhhab have been discussed and different opinions have emerged on the subject. Some scholars argue that those who do not have the capacity to do ijtihād should do taqlīd, while others argue that every legal person (mukallaf) should do ijtihād in their religious affairs according to their own capabilities and act according to the conclusions reached. While those who argue that taqlīd is necessary for a Muslim who does not have the proficiency in ijtihad claim that a Muslim should adhere to a madhhab in his religious-practical life, another group argues -based on the legal maxim “Ammī does not have a madhhab. His sect is that of the mufti he consults”- that a Muslim may act upon the consultation of the scholar he wants to follow. In this study, the issue related to the situation of the Muslim who does not have competence to do ijtihād has been examined. In this context, the nature of taqlīd is emphasized and scholars’ opinions regarding opinions about the taqlīd of the layperson (ʿāmmī) are addressed. (shrink)

Interiority and Law presents a groundbreaking reassessment of a medieval Jewish classic, Baḥya ibn Paquda's Guide to the Duties of the Hearts. Michaelis reads this work anew as a revolutionary intervention in Jewish law, or halakha. Overturning perceptions of Baḥya as the shaper of an ethical-religious form of life that exceeds halakha, Michaelis offers a pioneering historical and conceptual analysis of the category of "inner commandments" developed by Baḥya. Interiority and Law reveals that Baḥya's main effort revolved around establishing a (...) new legal formation - namely, the "duties of the hearts" - which would deal entirely with human interiority. Michaelis takes up the implications of Baḥya's radical innovation, examining his unique mystical model of proximity to God, which he based on an increasingly growing fulfillment of the inner commandments. With an integrative approach that puts Baḥya in dialogue with other medieval Muslim and Jewish religious thinkers, this work offers a fresh perspective on our understanding of the interconnectedness of the dynamic, neighboring religious traditions of Judaism and Islam. Contributing to conversations in the history of religion, Jewish studies, and medieval studies on interiority and mysticism, this book reveals Baḥya as a revolutionary and demanding thinker of Jewish law. (shrink)

This study aims to focus on the eight chapter of first article of Avicenna al-Shifā: Metaphysics. The necessity of the study on the sophists in the aforementioned chapter in terms of metaphysics, the mental background, the method used here and the reasons for this preferred method formed the general scope of the study. In the history of philosophy, leading philosophers such as Plato, Arsitotle and Avicenna had to answer the claims of the sophists by examining them, and especially the last (...) two philosophers' examination of these claims in the most advanced field of philosophy, such as metaphysics, shows the importance given to the subject. I have also made some references to the contact between the views in Aristotle’s Metaphysics book which deal with similar problems with the problems Avicenna examines here. In the article, I tried to highlight the connection that Ibn Sînâ established between the mind and the mind in order to make the analysis and analysis required by the method followed. I aimed to show that the mind is in a contradictory position to the claims of the sophists, by stating that the main determinant in the propositions about existence is not the mind but the external. I aims to explain that outside manifests itself in the mind by actualizing it, and there for, the rules known as basic proportions of the mind or logic are actually and primarily the principle of the existence. (shrink)

Politics is among the most important concepts of al-Fārābī’s philosophy. For him, real happiness can only be achieved in a virtuous society and a virtuous society appears only in a regime led by the first chief. The most important feature of the first chief is that he communicates with the Active Mind. Religion is considered by al-Fārābī as the regime and life style implemented by the first chief in a virtuous society. This study tries to present how al-Fārābī perceives religion (...) philosophically and what is the need for religion in terms of making the laws required in the social life. From this point of view, we tried to reach the aspects of the relationship between religion and law. Furthermore, metaphysical foundation of laws and the role of the philosopher and prophet at the point of law-making were the other issues addressed. The features of the laws which will lead to this supreme goal and by whom they should be made as well as how they can be implemented and changed within the historical process were addressed. The place of Islamic law (fiqh) in the virtuous society was another aspect of the subject that was investigated. (shrink)

One of the issues of humanity has emphasized throughout history is transmission of words to future generations. Humanity has tried to find solutions and to prepare conditions to protect traditions, lyrics, and texts most accurately. Islamic civilization has been more advanced in terms of the transmission of words such as hadiths and other Islamic narratives compared to the civilizations of its time. The West developed several methods of criticism on the texts of the Bible after the ancient texts, reform, and (...) enlightenment. These advanced methods, which are seen as the next step of content criticism, are called “historical criticism methods”. In this study, the author deals with historical criticism methods, critiques made to these methods, and the problem of applying them to Islamic narratives in various aspects. (shrink)

On the one hand, al-Khansā, who made a name for himself in the Jahiliyyah and Islamic period with his laments, on the other hand Antigone, who appears in the famous tragedy of Sophocles; The life stories of these two women and the tragic events that shaped their characters have interesting similarities as well as worth examining. Both have tragically lost their siblings and have become the epitome of sadness and tragedy due to the hardships they have endured. While al-Khansā was (...) mentioned as one of the greatest female Arab poets in her own time and later periods; Antigone, on the other hand, drew a strong female figure with her firm stance, determination and the king's discourses against the king of Thebes. Antigone is a tragic hero, and Khansā is a reflection of her in real life. In addition to this coincidental resemblance in their stories, their effects on the people after them also made them worth examining. Antigone has gained a place in world literature as a symbol with her strong character and has inspired some movements, especially feminism. al-Khansā, on the other hand, has an important place in Arabic literature with her female poet identity and laments. Such a study was deemed necessary in order to fully determine the contributions of these two women, who have made history, in the world literature, social and cultural fields. The life stories of these two women, which constitute the main subject of our article, were discussed in general terms, their similar and different aspects were pointed out under separate titles, and finally, the study was concluded by comparing the two characters. (shrink)

Kitap, Aron Zysow’un Harvard Üniversitesinde 1984 yılında sunmuş olduğu doktora tezinin geliştirilerek yayımlanmış halidir. Sunumunun üzerinden yaklaşık otuz yıl gibi uzunca bir süre geçtikten sonra yayımlanmıştır. Ancak yayımlanmasının bu kadar gecikmiş olması, tezin, fıkıh usûlü ve kelâm alanlarında batıda yapılan akademik çalışmalar üzerindeki katkısını ve etkisini azaltmış değildir. Kitap hakkında alan indekslerinde taranan dergilerde pek çok kitap kritiği yazılmış olması da bu etkinin göstergelerindendir.

The political turmoil at the end of the period of Righteous Caliphs and in the early periods of the Umayyads had left the Islamic community facing factionalism and civil war. Accordingly, people have witnessed that the acts considered among the great sins such as assassination may be committed even by companions of the Prophet (pbuh). This situation brought the question on the status of believers who committed great sins in this World and in the Hereafter, to the agenda of scholars. (...) The Kharijis and the Mu’tazila did not consider the person who committed A great sin among the believers. According to the Ahl al-Sunna and Al-Jaṣṣās, to commit a great sin does not cause the exclusion of the person from religion. Al-Jaṣṣās has taken into account the issue of great sin, when dealing with the issues of general term, specialization of the cause and infallibilism in diligence (al-ijtihād), since it constitutes the theological (Kalāmī) side of the subject. Although al-Jaṣṣās’ followed a line close to Mu’tazila in the aforementioned matters concerning the jurisprudence, he defended the view of Abū Ḥanīfah in his approach to the person who committed a great sin. His approach to the matter of great sin also clarifies the relationship between islamic law and Islamic thought. (shrink)

The Abbasid caliphate covers about five centuries; It represents a period when fiqh/theological sects were formed, classical works on Islamic sciences were compiled, and important historical, scientific, and cultural centers such as Baghdad were established. The influence of this period on Muslim societies continues to this day. Based on this, the Abbasids; It is the subject of research in terms of religion, history, and politics. Tayep al-Hibri's work named "The Abbasid Caliphate -A History-" which has gained a well-deserved reputation with (...) the research he published on this subject is one of the most important among them. The author, who examines the caliphate as an institution, also shows its effects in the modern world. According to him, the leadership, whose absence was felt with the death of the prophet in the period of caliphates, was tried to be replaced by considering the religious and political spheres together. The author describes the Umayyad period as a reign in which religious sensitivities remained in the background. A religious comparison between this period and the Abbasids constitutes one of the main goals of the author in the book. According to the author's assumption, the Umayyads adopted a spruce management style. The Abbasids, on the other hand, appealed to the religious understanding of the society they ruled by ascribing a religious meaning to their politics. Recent studies on the religious policies of the Umayyads and Abbasids do not prevent us from rejecting the author's hypothesis. (shrink)

Nazariyat, Journal for the History of Islamic Philosophy and Sciences, issued twice a year in English and Turkish (Nazariyat İslam Felsefe ve Bilim Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi), is a refereed international journal. It publishes original studies, critical editions of classical texts and book reviews on Islamic philosophy, kalām, theoretical aspects of Sufism and the history of sciences. The goal of Nazariyat is to contribute to the discovery, examination and reinterpretation of the theoretical traditions in the history of Islamic thought, by (...) giving special attention to the post-classical period of it. **ISSN: 2148-8088 E-ISBN: 2547-9415**. (shrink)

İslam düşünce ekolleri olan mezheplerin tarihsel serüvenleri çok yönlü bir güzergâha sahiptir. Mezheplerin tarihsel gelişimlerini etkileyen farklı unsurlar bulunmaktadır. Bu bağlamda mezhep-siyaset ilişkisi bilindik bir öncül olarak öne çıkmaktadır. Bu araştırma, Büyük Selçukluların yıkılış sürecinden Moğol İstilasına kadarki sürede Eş‛arîliğin tarihsel gelişimini irdelemektedir. Bilindiği üzere Büyük Selçukluların kuruluş döneminde Horasan’dan uzaklaştırılan Eş‛arîler, yükselme devriyle tekrar bölgeye çağırıldılar. Sünnîliği merkeze alan siyasetin neticesinde Eş‛arîlik ön plana çıktı. Dolayısıyla Büyük Selçuklular ve Nizâmiye medreselerini merkeze alarak Eş‛arî düşüncenin ilerleyişini açıklamaya çalışmak yaygın (...) bir kabul olarak ortaya çıktı. Selçuklu devletinin yıkılışından sonra Horasan ve Mâverâünnehir coğrafyasındaki çatışmalarla artan kaos ve istikrarsızlık dönemi yaşandı. Ardından Gurlular ve Harizmşahlar Selçuklu bakiyesi bu toprakları da kontrol eden iki büyük güç olarak ortaya çıktılar. Eş‛arîlik geleneğinin hem Gur bölgesine hem de Harizm şehirlerine taşınması mezhep-siyaset bağının bir neticesiydi. Kerrâmîliğin yaygın olduğu Gur bölgesinde siyasetin etkisiyle Eş‛arîlik kendisine alan buldu. Mu‛tezilî ve Hanefî düşüncenin güçlü olduğu Harizm bölgesinde de benzer tecrübelerin sonucunda Eş‛arîlik temsil edilmeye başlandı. Bir yandan Kerrâmîlerle öte taraftan Mu‛tezilîlerle fikri çatışmaların yaşanması ise Eş‛arî geleneğine dinamizm kazandırdı. Bu süreçte Fahreddîn er-Râzî, Eş‛arîliğin temsilini yüklenerek ilim meclislerindeki münazaralara katıldı. Ayrıca idarecilerle olan diyalogları onun hareket alanını genişletti. The historical adventures of the sects, which are Islamic schools of thought, have a complex plane that includes different orientations rather than simple and one-way directions. Understanding and correctly interpreting this multi-layered factual dimension requires multiple perspectives, like the variable leg of the compass. As of their historical processes, sects determine their positions depending on political, economic, social, etc. This position draws a route according to its positive or negative relations with its interlocutors. Intellectual debates and works of rejection are the outward manifestations of the interlocutor. It is a common acceptance to try to explain the progress of Ash‛arī thought by centering on the Great Seljuks and Nizamiyyāh madrasahs. This research examines the historical development of Ash‛arism by focusing on the period after the collapse of the Great Seljuks. As it is known, in the Great Seljuk period, the relationship of Ash‛arism with the state did not have a linear progression, but with the support of the state, it had a position that paved the way for it. After the collapse of the Great Seljuks, political conflicts, wars, invasions and plunders increased in the region, causing a great chaos in the region. In this process, it is understood that the chaotic environment continues until the state authority is re-stored. (shrink)

In his book, the Author establishes a connection between al-Juwayni's thought system and the period in which he lived by dealing in detail with the political and legal environment of al-Juwayni's time. This connection is valuable as it helps to clarify his thoughts in many fields. It allows us to understand the intellectual project in the mind of al-Juwayni. This academic project also requires that he not treat his al-Juwayni's works as separate units. The Author's approach was in this direction. (...) According to him, al-Juwayni has an intellectual project seen in his books. The Author, aware that this idea, which shaped al-Juwaynî's academic concerns, was not formulated in a vacuum, examines the sociopolitical environment that left an indelible mark on him. In this context, the Author emphasizes that al-Juwayni witnessed the debates between the Ashʿarīs and the Muʿtazila on the intellectual stage. According to him, the tension produced by the contradictory epistemologies of these two schools in al-Juwayni was influential in his search for certainty in knowledge. While the Author cares about the influence of al-Juwayni's intellectual environment on him, he also states that this is not the only influence on al-Juwayni. According to him, the fact that al-Juwayni lived in a politically turbulent period should also be considered, especially in the search for the certainty of knowledge and continuity of Islamic society. al-Juwayni lived at a time when the rise of powerful dynastic families forced the ʿAbbasid Caliphate into a position of only nominal power and, in a short period, saw contradictory policies implemented against the Ashʿarī/Shāfiʿīs. It led him to preserve and maintain religious thought apart from politics. As a result, al-Juwayni started to think about the role of the leader in maintaining the social order and the role of the scholars in protecting the religion. In an environment where the political elites are constantly changing, his focus has been on enabling the Muslim community to continue its existence in any case. (shrink)

The editors of the JRE collected short essays from scholars of religion in response to a recent incident at Hamline University that made national headlines. Last fall, Hamline University administrators refused to extend a contract to an adjunct professor of art history after a Muslim student accused her of Islamophobia for showing a 14th‐century image of Mohammad in an online class. The event provoked intense conversations about issues of academic freedom, religious diversity, the status of contingent faculty, and race. These (...) essays bring together scholarly and personal reflections about the incident at Hamline and what it means for the pedagogy of religious studies. (shrink)

Çocuk evliliği, tarih boyunca farklı toplumlarda bilinen ve uygulanan sosyal bir olgu olsa da son zamanlarda, modern duyarlılıkları giderek daha fazla rahatsız eden bir hal almıştır. Son iki asır öncesine kadar, Avrupa hukuki düşüncesinde çocuklar yargı önünde farklı bir muamele görmelerine imkan veren istisnai bir statüye sahip değildi. Diğer taraftan, İslam hukukunun çocuklara, özel bir hukuki statü kazandırma konusunda bazı öncü adımlar attığını söyleyebiliriz. Nitekim, en eski İslam hukuku kitaplarının bile, insanın fiziksel ve zihinsel gelişim aşamalarına ve her (...) bir aşamada ortaya çıkan hukuki hükümlere dair son derece teknik ayrıntılarla dolu olduğunu görebiliriz. Ancak çocuk hakları konusundaki bu erken farkındalığa rağmen, çocuk evliliği olgusu hem İslam toplumlarında hem de İslam hukukunda kendini gösterebilmiştir. Çünkü, İslam çocuk hukuku, ilk ortaya çıktığı dönemin kültürel şartlarından ciddi şekilde etkilenmiştir. Üstelik bu kültürel şartlar, İslam dünyası boyunca İslam çocuk hukukunun temel zemini olma işlevini sürdüre gelmiştir. Bu çalışma, alimlerin çocuk evliliğini delillendirmek üzere yapageldikleri bazı aşırı yorumları ortaya koymaya ve konuyla ilgili âyetleri metinsel bağlamıyla daha uyumlu bir şekilde okumaya çalışmaktadır.Özet: Her bağlam için geçerli olabilecek, standart bir çocuk tanımı yapmak göründüğünden daha güçtür. Bu nedenle çocuk araştırmaları sahasında çalışan akademisyenlerin, muhtelif sosyal disiplinler tarafından yapılacak herhangi bir çocuk tarifi konusunda memnuniyetsizlik içinde olması doğaldır. Diğer yandan, İslam hukukunda baştan beri ayrıntılı bir çocuk hukuku teorisi mevcuttur. İslam hukuk düşüncesinde, insanlar doğum ile yetişkinlik arasındaki gelişim döneminde üç aşamadan geçerler: Çocukluk (küçüklük), buluğ ve rüşt. Bütün fıkıh mezhepleri, insanın doğumu ile ergenliği arasındaki dönemde küçük çocuk sayılacağı kanaatindedirler. Bu çocukların mallarının en iyi şekilde idare edilebilmesi için yasal temsilcileri bulunmak zorundadır. Fakîhler çocuğun velisinin, özellikle de baba veya baba tarafından dedenin, velâyeti altındaki küçük çocuklar üzerinde mücbir bir yetkisi olduğu (velâyet-i mücbire) konusunda geniş bir fikir birliğine sahiptirler. Buna göre veliler, velâyetleri altında bulunan çocukları uygun gördükleri kişilerle evlendirme yetkisine de sahiptirler. Fakat zaman zaman beşik kertmesi olarak da anılan bu uygulama bir ön sözleşmeden ibarettir. Yani bu sözleşme doğrudan doğruya fiziksel boyutları da olan müşterek bir evlilik hayatını meşru kılmamaktadır. Çünkü cinsel hayatın ancak buluğdan sonra gerçekleşmesi ön görülmektedir. Modernite öncesi İslam tarihi boyunca, İbn Şubrume (ö. 144/761), Ebû Bekr el-Esamm (ö. 200/816) ve Osman el-Bettî (ö. 143/760) gibi bir kaç fakih dışında küçük çocukların evlenmesine kategorik olarak karşı çıkan kimselere pek rast gelinmemektedir.Hanefi mezhebinde, herhangi bir zihinsel özrü olmaksızın buluğa eren erkek ve kız çocuklar evlilik konusunda mücbir velâyetin kapsamı dışına çıkarlar. Bu, evlilik sözleşmelerini bizzat gerçekleştirebilecekleri anlamına gelmektedir. Fakat veli, uygunsuz bulduğu evliliğe karşı dava açarak bunu yargı yoluyla geçersiz kılma yoluna gidebilir. Diğer üç Sunnî mezhep ise erkek ve kız çocuklar arasında bir ayrım yapar: Buluğa eren erkek kendi evlilik akdini yapabilme hakkını elde ederken aynı durumdaki kız çocuklar velâyet altında kalmaya devam ederler. Şâfiʿî mezhebine göre, velâyeti gerekli kılan illet (bekaret) hâlâ geçerliliğini korumaktadır. Dolayısıyla veli, kızları evlendirme konusundaki icbâri yetkisini elinde tutmaya devam etmektedir. Bu durumda kızın rızasının alınması, akdin geçerliliği için şart olmaktan ziyade sadece nezaket gereğidir. Rüşte ulaşmak veya fizyolojik olgunlaşma sürecini tamamlamak ise İslam hukukunda evlilik için şart görülmemiştir.Modern zamanlara kadar geleneksel İslam hukukunun erken evlilik lehinde gösterdiği bu yaklaşımda herhangi bir değişiklik olmamıştır. 1917 yılında çıkan Hukuk-ı Aile Kararnamesi daha önce benzeri görülmemiş bir dizi düzenleme getirmiştir: İlk olarak, evlilik yaşı erkek için on sekiz kız için ise on yedi olarak belirlenmiştir. On sekiz yaşın altındaki erkeklerin hakimden evlenme izni alması; on yedi yaşından küçük kızların ise hem veli onayı hem de hakim iznine sahip olması zorunlu hale getirilmiştir. On iki yaşın altındaki erkekler ile dokuz yaşından küçük kızların ise asla evlendirilemeyeceği kararlaştırılmıştır.Mantıkî bağlam ve sentaktik yapı elverişli olmamasına rağmen fakihler çocuk evliliğini desteklemek üzere bazı Kur’ân âyetlerine (Nisâ 4/3-6, Nisâ 4/127, Talâk 65/4) referansta bulunmuşlardır. Makale içeriğinde detaylı şekilde açıklandığı üzere zorlama yorumlamalarda bulunmuşlardır. Bu makale, söz konusu âyetlere daha tutarlı bir yorum getirmeye çalışmaktadır. Aynı şekilde, Kur’an’ın çocuk evliliğini kolaylaştırıcı bir tavır içerisinde olmadığını, çocukların evlendirilebilmesi yönündeki yaklaşımların tarihsel ve kültürel şartlara bağlı olarak yapılan bazı zorlama yorumlara dayandığını ileri sürmektedir.Hz. ʿÂişe’nin Hz. Peygamber ile oldukça erken bir yaşta evlendiğine dair nakledilen rivâyet de konuyla ilgili olarak ileri sürülen başka bir argümandır. Bu rivâyetin sahih olduğuna inanılmaktadır. Buna rağmen ilginç bir şekilde bu rivâyet çok az fakih tarafından kullanılmıştır. Bunun sebebi, fakîhlerin Hz. Peygamberin mahremiyetinden bahsetmek istememeleri olabilir. Rivâyetin hücciyeti konusuna kuşkuya kapılmış olmaları da mümkündür. Söz konusu rivâyete daha yakından bakıldığında, ifadedeki menfi üslup hemen dikkat çekmektedir. Çünkü rivâyette Hz. ʿÂişe, Hz. Peygamberle evlendiği günü anlatırken sürekli olarak fizyolojik ve psikolojik açıdan olumsuz koşullardan bahsetmektedir. Nitekim Hz. ʿÂişe birden bire oynamakta olduğu salıncaktan alınmakta ve kendisinin de bilmediği bir yere doğru götürülmektedir. Rivâyet, sadece çocuk evliliğinin cevazını ortaya koymakla yetinmemekte, sanki aynı zamanda çocukların uygunsuz koşullardaki evlilik taleplerine bile itaatkar olmaları gerektiğini salık vermektedir. İçerik yanında teknik olarak bakıldığında bu rivâyet, haber-i vâhiddir. Çünkü rivâyet, sadece Hz. ʿÂişe tarafından bilinebilecek detayları içermektedir. Tarihî açıdan bir öneme sahip olmasına rağmen dinî hükümlere kanıt olma niteliğinden yoksundur. Çünkü bu rivâyette, râvi konuyla ilgili Hz. Peygamber’e ait resmi bir açıklamayı nakletmemekte; sadece kendi zaviyesinden maruz kaldığı bir durumdan bahsetmektedir. (shrink)

According to the consencus of Muslim world, al-Aqsā Mosque is located in the land of al-Quds (Jerusalem). In this matter, especially the old Sunnite sources are in agreement with each other. However, there are recently some different views regarding the location of al-Aqsā Mosque. It has been argued that al-Aqsā Mosque most likley was built in a location differnet from Jerusalem. One of the defenders of this opinion is Muhammad Hamīdullah, who is a prominent scholar of Islamic studies and considered (...) to be a reliable authority among contemporary Islāmic historians. He claims that al-Aqsā Mosque, which was also mentioned in the Qur’ān, cannot be the Mosque that is present in Jerusalem. Rather, it must be searched in heavens. If this claim is accepted, then numerous reports informing that the mosque is located in Jerusalem and many interpretations based on these reports, will become problematic and controversial. Therefore, it is necessary to examine those claims and the relevant evidence in detail. Following this pueporse, we aim to examine and evaluate those views with a critical approach in this study. In this regard, we will argue that the comments and approaches that have been argued so far, are not consistent. Rather, relevant claims do not rely on strong evidence but only unsatisfactory interpretations. Summary: Muhammad Hamīdullah who is a prominent researcher and well-known for his studies on History of Islām, has individual opinions on some issues, different from classical scholars of Ahlu’s-Sunnah (branch of Islām that accepts the first four caliphs as rightful successors to Muhammad). One of his distinctive views is the original place of Masjid al-Aqsā (al-Aqsā Mosque). He claims that al-Aqsā Mosque was likely located, not in al-Quds (Jerusalem), but in heavens. In this article, our purpose is to examine this matter by evaluating his arguments regarding the place of al-Aqsā Mosque. Hamīdullah’s argument is based on several reasons which are as follows:Miʻrāc (The Ascension) is a journey from the earth to beyond the heavens. According to Hamīdullah, it is illogical to say that, in relation to such a magnificient occurrence, the Holy Qur’ān only mentions the journey from Mecca to Bayt al-Maqdis/al-Quds.Hamīdullah maintains that the expression “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” in the first verse of Sūrah al-Isrā means “the remotest Mosque.” However, the Palestinian lands are described as “Adna’l-Arḍ/Nearest Country” in the third verse of Sūrah ar-Rūm. Thus, “the remotest Mosque” should not be “the nearest country”; rather it should be a Mosque in heavens.He also argues that in some Hadith texts, the mosque in question is mentioned as “Masjid al-Aqsā”, but there is a grammatical difference between the phrases of “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” and “Masjid al-Aqsā”, which means that the mosque mentioned as “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” in the Qur’ānic verse does not have a connection with al-Quds (Jerusalem). In his opinion, the expression of “Masjid al-Aqsā” which appears in some Hadith texts is in the form of a noun clause, while the quranic expression “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” is in the form of an adjective clause. Accordingly, “Masjid al-Aqsā” and “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” refer to different places. The noun clause -as in the Hadith texts- of “Masjid al-Aqsā” must be in al-Quds, whereas the Qur’ānic expression in the form of an adjective clause of “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” must be a mosque in the heavens.According to his other claim, Abu’l-Yemān, the teacher of the teacher of Bukhārī, when narrating the hadith about mosques, he mentions this mosque, not as “al-Masjid al-Aqsā”, but as Īliyā’. That is, according to him, early sources of hadith do not mention the phrase of “al-Masjid al-Aqsā”, but instead, the phrase of Īliyā’ was used. Hamīdullah also states “... while narrating this hadith, Muslim does not use the phrases “Masjid al-Aqsā” or “al-Masjid al-Aqsā.” Instead, he uses the phrase Īliyā’.”He also states that the term al-masjid (the mosque) which appears in the seventh verse of Sūrah al-Isrā, was used to refer to that Īliyā’, not to refer to “al-Masjid al-Aqsā”. Likewise, the Umayyad Caliph Abdulmelik (26-86 h.c./646-705 g.c.) built the Dome of the Rock (Masjid al-Saḥra) in al-Quds and named it “Masjid al-Aqsā”. This name became so widespread at the times of Imam al-Bukhārī (194-256 h.c./810/870 g.c.) so that the old name Īliyā’ had been totally forgotten. Because of this reason, some hadith narrators were using this more common name “Masjid al-Aqsā” to express and describe this forgotten name.When we critically evaluate the information and approaches explained above, we come to the conclusion that they are not consistent. First of all, the claim that Masjid al-Aqsā is in the heavens, is in disagreement with the Qur’ānic verses implying that “Masjid al-Aqsā” is in al-Quds, and with many authentic hadith texts that indicate its existence on those lands. Also, the sources of Qur’ānic interpretations (exegeses) and historical narrations refute this claim. On the other hand, there is no Qur’ānic verse or tradition (hadith) that state that Masjid al-Aqsā is in the heavens.We argue that Hamīdullah’s claim “...It is illogical to say that, in relation to such a magnificient occurrence, the Holy Qur’ān only mentions the journey from Mecca to al-Aqsā Mosque in al-Quds” is not very appropriate. Because, it is beyond the human judgment to decide which part of this magnificient journey is more important or which part of it should take place in the Holy Qur’ān. Only Allah has the authority to decide for this. Moreover, we should remember that-as mentioned in the conveyed knowledge- the incident mentioned in the first verse of Sūrah al-Isrā is merely the magnificient journey from Mecca to Masjid al-Aqsā, which was clearly stated in the authentic hadith sources. As for the third verse of Sūrah al-Rūm, it is not correct to claim that Masjid al-Aqsā is not in al-Quds but in the heavens, by reading the text of the verse. Because, the phrase al-arḍ (the earth) has several meanings. Moreover, the phrase al-aqsā (the remotest) in the first verse of Sūrah al-Isrā, refers to distance between the two mosques, not between two countries.In some hadith texts, Masjid al-Aqsā was mentioned as “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” in the form of a noun clause, but this does not require that the masjid in question should be in the heavens. Because, many hadith texts mention it in the form of an adjective clause. Besides, some hadith texts mention Masjid al-Harām (Great Mosque of Mecca) in the form of a noun clause (Masjid al-Harām), not in the form of an adjective clause (al-Masjid al-Harām). If we consider Hamīdullah’s claim, we should look for the Masjid al-Harām in the heavens, but not on earth. So far, neither he nor anybody else made such a claim.Hamīdullah argues that Abu’l Yemān mentioned this mosque as Īliyā’, but not as al-Masjid al-Aqsā, and claimed that early religious sources do not use the term al-Masjid al-Aqsā. However, this is not a sound argument. Because, the authorities of hadith and history, who lived both before Abu’l Yemān and also at the same era, used the term “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” in their works and narrated that this term refers to al-Quds or Bayt al-Maqdis (Masjid al-Aqsā). Moreover, Hamīdullah’s claim that Muslim (a senior hadith scholar) did not use the terms “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” or “Masjid al-Aqsā” but instead he used the name “Īliyā’” is incorrect. Because, while narrating this hadith, the hadith scholar (Muslim) used all three names. As for the term “al-Masjid (the Mosque)” mentioned in Q 17.7, it is a groundless comment to claim that it does not refer to “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” in Q 17.1. Because the context of the verses and grammatical rules of Arabic language explicitly prove that the mosque mentioned in the seventh verse refers to “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” which is also mentioned in the first verse.His claim that “the Umayyads named the temple that they built in Jerusalem as “Masjid al-Aqsā” and following the era of Umayyads, in the period of Bukhārī, this naming became widespread” is highly vulnerable and disputable. Because in those times, the temple used to be named as “al-Masjid al-Jami (the Gathering Mosque)”, not as “al-Masjid al-Aqsā”. Nearly three centuries after the Umayyads reign, the naming of the said temple was first introduced to be as “al-Masjid al-Aqsā”. As for the expression of “al-Masjid al-Aqsā” appearing in the early sources of hadith, it was not used for the mosque built by the Umayyads, but was used to mean the entire haram (sacred, respected) region taking place in the south east corner of Jerusalem. In the light of arguments and explanations critically analysed above, we are in a position to argue that Muhammad Hamīdullah’s argument that “Masjid al-Aqsā is in the heavens”, does not rely on sound evidence, but rather, they are only some unsatisfactory interpretations. (shrink)

Abū Lahab (d. 2/624), one of the notables of Mecca, was one of the Prophet’s four uncles who reached the Islamic period. Abū Lahab who had generally good relations with the Prophet before the Islamic period developed bad attitudes towards his nephew when his prophethood was proclaimed and maintained these until his death. He, known for loyalty to his ancestor’s religion, did not believe in his nephew’s prophecy and was one of the chief antagonist and enemy of the Prophet in (...) Mecca. In addition to the fact that Abū Lahab had an identity devoted to his ancestor, by force of emphasis of social justice, the Prophet’s new religion defending equality among people and ordering to the faith of afterlife caused to have a strong opposition to his nephew. In the development of Abū Lahab’s opposing attitude his wife Umm Jamīl (d.?/?) plays a crucial role. In this article, Abū Lahab and the reasons which prompted to oppose to the Prophet and his religion were examined in detail. In addition, his life and relations with the Prophet before and after nubuwwa were detailed.Summary: bū Lahab is one of the four uncles of the Prophet Muḥammad, who reached the time of his prophethood. There is no information in the sources related to his birth, childhood and youth. His real name is known as ‘Abd al-‘Uzzā, and his nickname is Abū ‘Utba or, according to a weak opinion, Abū ‘Utayba. In most of the sources, it is noted that the (second) nickname of Abū Lahab was given by his father because he was so handsome, that he was shining like a fire or his cheeks were reddish as if they were fevering. Detailed information about Abū Lahab belongs to the post-prophetic period; information about his life before prophethood is less. Among these rare information there are findings that he was among the richest and most respected people of Mecca; saved by paying his diet a Meccan aristocrat who was held hostage by a caravan he met on the road to Mecca- al-Ṭāʾif; was involved with his friends in the theft incident against the golden gazelle statue in the Kaaba to supply his drinking money. The sources record that he was delighted with the birth of the Prophet and allowed his concubine to breastfeed the Prophet. Relations with the Prophet during this period, except for the anger of the Prophet because the supported Abū Ṭālib (d. 619) in a fight with Abū Ṭālib, generally followed a positive course. So much that he asked the two daughters of the Prophet to marry his two sons. However, these positive relations were broken and replaced by hostility after the Prophet was given the duty of prophethood and the Messenger of Allāh started to serve this duty.Abū Lahab, who can be regarded as a filiopietist, made every attempt to eliminate this new belief, which he saw as contrary to his ancestors' beliefs. He watched his nephew, did everything he could to deny what he was saying and prevent him from getting a response. He would grind him by throwing feces, carrion, animal droppings and stinking things to the door of his house to disturb him. He did not hesitate to increase the severity of this hostility. So much that he was among those who sentenced him to hunger by applying a socio-economic boycott to Muḥammad and his close relatives, Banū Hāshim and Banū Muṭṭalib, who supported him. However, in the pre-Islamic period, a sense of tribalism was dominant in Mecca and its nearby basin. This understanding was also dominant in the lower arms of the Quraysh tribe, who was a resident of Mecca. These communities, especially Banū Umayya and Banū Makhzūm, who represent the Mecca aristocracy, strongly opposed the prophecy of one of the Banū Hāshim. On the other hand, the Banū Hāshim adopted the Prophet with the same understanding. However, there was only one person who acted against this understanding among all Banū Hāshim, and this was Abū Lahab. He treated his nephew so much in hostility that he became the only person among the Mecca polytheists who was condemned by the Qur'ān. Perhaps the most important and influential factor in his persistence in a stubborn and systematic opposition to the Prophet, was his ancestral identity. In addition, in the pre-Islamic Mecca, the people were divided into social strata, inequality among people, and the aristocratic segment was the highest level of society. Islam advocated equality among people due to its vision of social justice. The Mecca aristocrats, including Abū Lahab, considered themselves superior to other people and thought that they were in no way equal to those who were lower in terms of property, position and nobility. This understanding was one of the most important factors that enabled Abū Lahab to take place in the block against this new belief system communicated by the Prophet. Again, one of the important factors in his displaying a stubborn and systematic opposition to the Prophet is that Islam accepts the belief in the hereafter as one of the basic principles of religion. Like the other polytheist Meccans, Abū Lahab did not believe in the resurrection. His wife Umm Jamīl was another factor of his opposition stance. The traditional rivalries between Umm Jamīl’s family Banū Umayya and Abū Lahab’s family Banū Hāshim, lead to a sense of competition against. This feeling prompted her to oppose the prophecy of one of the Banū Hāshim. So she always provoked her husband and Abū Lahab’s hatred toward his nephew never stopped to such an extent that it was mentioned in the surah Tabbat/al-Masad by a metaphor of carrying wood to feed the fire of hatred. Actually it was only Abū Lahab who was hostile to Muḥammad's prophethood among all the Banū Hāshim. With the prophethood of Muḥammad, beginning to display a stubborn and systematic opposition to Islam, Abū Lahab continued this opposition intensely in the following periods and died in the second year of the hijra with this attitude. His wife, Umm Jamīl, died with the same understanding and shared the same contractual fate with him. However, all her children -except for ‘Utayba (d.? /?) - were honored with Islam and were among the Prophet's distinguished companions. (shrink)

In an anecdote in the Holy Bible, there is a rumor that because the Prophet David wanted to marry a woman named Bathsheba, whom he saw, he commissioned her soldier husband Uriah the Hittite to cause him to die in the most critical places of the army. In Islamic sources, some narrations originating from Isrāʾīliyyāt have been conveyed in many different ways. Likewise, in some Islamic sources, this incident, which is attributed to the Prophet David, was unfortunately also linked to (...) the marriage of the Prophet Muḥammad and Zaynab b. Jaḥsh. In addition, there is a claim that the Prophet Muḥammad sent Zayd b. Ḥāritha, who was Zaynab b. Jaḥsh’s ex-husband, to many wars and eventually caused his death in Muʾta war. First, the so-called incident between Prophet David and Uriah the Hittite will be discussed, and thereafter, Prophet Muḥammad and Zaynab b. Jaḥsh’s marriage will be thoroughly addressed in the study. In addition, it will be revealed that the incident that was attributed to the Prophet David was in no way similar to the incident of assigning Zayd b. Ḥāritha as a commander.Summary: According to a parable in the Bible, Prophet David sees a woman bathing while he was walking around the roof of his palace one night and he is impressed by her. Prophet David sends someone to investigate who this woman is, and as a result of the research, it is revealed that this woman is Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah the Hittite, one of the commanders of Prophet David. Prophet David sends someone to bring this woman and when the woman is brought to him, he commits adultery with her. The woman becomes pregnant after this affair and informs Prophet David about this situation. After receiving this news of pregnancy, Prophet David sends a message to the commander-in-chief, Joab, who is at war with his army, and asks him to send Uriah the Hittite to him. After hosting Uriah the Hittite in the palace for a few days, Prophet David sends him back to the front with a letter to be given to the commander-in-chief, Joab. In this letter, Prophet David asks the commander-in-chief, Joab, to send Uriah the Hittite to the most dangerous place in the war and to ensure that he is killed. Fulfilling the order stated in the letter of Prophet Davud, Joab sends Uriah the Hittite to a region where the war will be the harshest and causes him to be killed there. After the mourning of Bathsheba for her husband ends, Prophet David marries her. According to the Islamic belief, it is not possible for this incident to occur as it was mentioned in the Bible since the prophets were protected by Allah. It is because the parable states Prophet David committed adultery. In the Qur’ān, which is the source where we can get the clearest information about the incident, it is narrated inverses 21-25 of sûra Ṣād. Although there is a partial resemblance between the verses and the Bible, the verses do not mention either the woman or Prophet David’s sending that woman’s husband to the war because he wanted to marry her.In other Islamic sources, some relevant narrations originating in Isrāʾīliyyāt are narrated in many different ways. Our tafsīr scholars did not approve these narrations originating in Isrāʾīliyyāt. Also, they stated that the narrations expressing that Prophet David sent Uriah the Hittite to the war for his killing were not true and that such a situation would not be suitable for a prophet or even for a Muslim.In the same sources, many different possibilities were voiced in order to resolve the situation and this incident, which was attributed to Prophet David, was tried to be placed on a more reasonable ground. As a result of these efforts, the marriage of the Prophet Muḥammad and Zaynab b. Jaḥsh has been linked to this incident in various ways.Although it is not possible to give a certain date of the marriage of Zaynab and Zayd b. Ḥāritha, it is seen that this marriage occurred with the help of the Prophet Muḥammad in the first year of the emigration to Madinah. The marriage of the Prophet Muḥammad’s aunt’s daughter and Zayd, a freed slave, was for eliminating the discrimination between free individuals and slaves that existed in the society.There is not any serious problem about the marriage of Zayd and Zaynab at this point. However, at the point of ending this marriage, there are some narrations in our sources, and these leave the Prophet Muḥammad under suspicion. According to these narrations, the Prophet Muḥammad went to Zayd’s house to meet him and the Prophet Muḥammad called out to Zayd from outside the house. For not keeping the Prophet Muḥammad outside, Zaynab opened the door and invited the Prophet Muḥammad in by stating that Zayd was not at home although the clothes on her were not suitable. As soon as the Prophet Muḥammad saw her, he immediately turned his head and because he liked Zaynab, “I exonerate almighty Allah. I exonerate Allah that has turned the hearts.” he grumbled. After a while, Zayd came home and learned what the Prophet Muḥammad said. He immediately went to the Prophet Muḥammad and said “Messenger of Allah! May my mother and father be sacrificed for you. If you liked Zaynab, let me divorce her for you.” However, the Prophet Muḥammad advised him not to divorce his wife. As far as we can find in our sources, there are two other similar narrations.These narrations contain many problems in terms of both isnād and logical consistency. When we examine at the narrations in terms of isnād, we see that all three narrations are mursal. We can say that this is the first factor that reduces the reliability of narrations. Secondly, all narrations have at least one narrator accused of weakness or even dishonesty. Therefore, it is not appropriate to base a serious claim about the Prophet Muḥammad on such weak narrations. In addition, the rumor that the Prophet Muḥammad liked Zaynab, his aunt’s daughter and a married woman, and wished that she would divorce her husband has no reasonable logic. The fact that the marriage of Zayd and Zaynab ended quickly was mostly caused by Zaynab’s harsh temperament. Moreover, although Zaynab did not want this marriage, she could not oppose the order of the Prophet Muḥammad due to the verse about her. For these reasons, Zaynab could not get along with her husband and she was constantly reflecting her dissatisfaction with this marriage on Zayd. Therefore, Zayd constantly complained about Zaynab, but the Prophet Muḥammad gave Zayd the same advice every time, commanding “Keep your spouse with you, do not leave her!” Although the Prophet Muḥammad constantly banned Zayd, he could not stand Zaynab anymore and divorced her. After he divorced Zaynab, verse 37 of sûra al-Aḥzāb was sent down. Thus, the marriage of the Prophet Muḥammad and Zaynab took place as a result of a divine will.There is also a claim that the Prophet Muḥammad sent Zayd, the ex-husband of Zaynab, to many wars and consequently caused him to be killed in Muʾta war. When we examine the dates of the nine military expeditions, in which the Prophet Muḥammad appointed Zayd as a commander, it is seen that the first expedition was held on 3/624 while the others were held after 6/627. Therefore, at least eight of the nine expeditions in which Zayd served as a commander were taken place after the marriage of the Prophet Muḥammad and Zaynab. Consequently, in the light of this information, it is clear that the fact that Zayd was appointed as a commander is not similar to the situation in narrations about Prophet David. (shrink)

Antalya, which is today’s attraction center with its historical and natural beauties, was described as “a city like heaven” since ancient times. This city hosted many civilisations and states until the 13th century and became an important seaport after The Seljuks took over the region. The Seljuks applied civilization and urbanization policy also in Antalya, like other regions they ruled. The mosques, madrasahs (Islamıc theology institutions), schools, baths, caravansearis (hostels), hospices, and water cisterns in this period changed the structure of (...) the city and paved the way for improvements of public life. During the Ottomans some of these social institutions were kept active while the others no longer served to the public. However, with the construction of new social institutions, urbanization was resumed. The madrasas were generally built near or adjacent to the mosques, and had a significant role in developing the society and cultural structure. Although the madrasas in Antalya were mainly the institutions that maintain the education system, the research on these madrasas mostly focuses on their architectural features. The majority of these madrasas that are not comprehensively studied. Therefore, the functioning structures and the problems of Antalya Madrasas (Antalya, Korkuteli and Elmalı), which are reflected in the archive documents between the 17th and 20th centuries and also both individuals and institutions that had influence on these madrasas are going to be investigated in this study. Thus, this paper will shed more light on Antalya Madrasas.Summary: Antalya city, which was completely under the Seljuk sovereignty during the reign of Sultan Alaeddin Keykubat I (1219-1236), was named as Alâiyye dedicated to the Sultan's name and became an important port city of the Seljuk State after then. In the process of the fall of the Seljuk State and the beginning of the Emirates (Beylikler) period, the city became a land of Teke-Oğulları, a part of a Hamid-oğulları, and in 1390 the city became an Ottoman city after the struggle of Yıldırım Bayazid with Teke-oğuları. Antalya was home to the madrasahs, one of the formal education institutions during both the Seljuk and the Ottoman Empire. The madrasahs were built next to the mosque or in a detached area built by sometimes administrators or statesmen, sometimes by members of the dynasty or by the citizens who were wealthy. In Antalya, both single floor and second floor madrasahs were built. This study based on the documents from Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive, the travel books of İbn Bibi and Evliya Çelebi, the works on Antalya Madrasahs to be determine the madrasah in the districts of Antalya as Korkuteli and Elmalı. In addition to the Seljuk madrasahs such as Imaret Madrasah, Atabey Armagan Madrasah and Karatay Madrasah, there are also some madrasahs belonging to the Ottoman period, in Antalya. As a matter of fact, the madrasahs increased in number in the period of the Ottoman. Antalya madrasahs which are reflected in archival documents for any reason are as follows: “Süleyman Madrasah” located in Hatip Süleyman Street, “Madrasah built by Haci Mahmed” located in Elmali Street, “Hacı Abbaszâde Hacı Süleyman Madrasah” in Süleyman Street, “İsmail Efendi Madrasah” in Tahtapazarı Kızılsaray Street, Kasab Hacı Ahmed Madrasah, Hacı Cafer Ağa Madrasah, Murad Ağa Madrasah, Esir Hacı Ali Madrasah, Hacı Hasan Madrasah,“Madrasah built by Hasan Efendi” in Keçiyalar Street, in the Kadılar Street of Gediz County “Madrasah built by Yusuf Efendi”, “Madrasah built by Hızır Efendi” in Cami-i atik Street, Murat Pasha Madrasah, “Sefer Ağa Madrasah” located outside the city wall, “Büyülü Minaret Madrasah, Hatuniye Madrasah, Sheik Sinan Camii Madrasah located outside the city Wall, In addition to these madrasahs mentioned in some studies in Antalya, it is also stated that there are madrasahs such as Müsellim Madrasah, Kesik Minaret Madrasah, Karakas Madrasah, Varsakli Mehmet Efendi Madrasah, Meydan Madrasah, Surmeli Madrasah, Canmülk Madrasah, Ahi Kız Madrasah, Hacı Naim Efendi Madrasah, Susam Madrasah, Çömlekçi Madrasah, Değirmenönü Madrasah, Ak Mescid Madrasah, Âşık Doğan Madrasah and Çukur Madrasah.According to archive documents, in the sub-district of Antalya, which is used as a plateau or plateau area, some madrasahs were recorded as follows: Pınarbaşı Madrasah, Hızır Efendi Madrasah, Mustafa Efendi Madrasah, Emir Sinaneddin Madrasah, Hacı Menlü (Mevlüt) oğlu Ömer Medrese, Abu Bakr Agha Madrasah, Koca Hafız Medrese, Hacı Mollaoğlu El-Hac Ömer Madrasah, Sheikh İsmail Efendi Madrasah. However, Süleyman Fikri Erten, who works on Antalya, stated that the number of madrasahs is eight as: Haci Ahmet Madrasah of Kalkanlı, Sultan Hatun Madrasah, Koparanzade Hacı Hüseyin Madrasah, Karabayırlı Hacı Hüseyin Madrasah, Kaşlı Ali Efendi Madrasah, Hacı Hüseyin Madrasah, Şalaka Ahmet Madrasah and Oyunyeri Madrasah.The madrasahs built in Elmalı, another distict of Antalya, were as follows: Ketenci Ömer Paşa Madrasah, Esbak Mir-i Ahur Hacı Mehmet Bey Madrasah, Haydar Baba Madrasah, Arifî Ahmed Paşa Madrasah, Hüseyin Efendi Madrasah, Debbağ Baba Madrasah, Şeyh Ümmi Sinan Madrasah, Babazade Hacı Abdurrahman Madrasah, Hacı Şeyh Efendi Madrasah, Mustafa Efendi Madrasah, Hasan Efendi Madrasah, Salih Efendi Madrasah, Halil Efendi Madrasah, Çankırlı Madrasah, Osman Efendi Madrasah and “Mehmet Efendi Madrasah in Örtekiz village”. In addition, two madrasahs, except from these, were also found in the archive documents.A madrasah was built almost at every Street of Antalya and the madrasahs were usually named by the name of their builders. Madrasah students were provided with a certain amount of scholarship to continue their education according to the level of the education in the madrasahs and the level of the courses taught, salaries of the scholars, the status of the builder of the madrasah. The scholars who worked in the madrasahs worked with a document called berat-i sharif and in the case of the disappearance of this document a new berat-i sharif would be prepared by the Shaykh al-Islami. Scholars working without this document were also determined. In the scholar appointments foundation, board of trustees, müfti, and the city regents were very influential. There were also some appointments resulted from death, promotion besides leaving job with their own will. There were some problems with the appointments in Antalya and the foundation revenues to which the madrasah was attached were delivered to certain individuals until these problems were resolved.In madrasahs of Antalya, science was given a great importance and all kinds of monetary issues were tired to be eliminated with donations given to both scholars and students. However, it is observed that madrasahs were involved in some events in Antalya. As a matter of fact, among those who participated in the Şah Kulu Rebellion that took place in 1510-1511, there were also madrasah students and education training had therefore been disrupted for a long time. it is known that the state sent orders to the judges (qadi) in the region consecutively in order to prevent the rebellion. Also during this period some madrasahs were used as the activity center of armed students or people who disguised them.One of the issues that negates the education and training in the madrasahs in Antalya is that in 1890 the immigrants started to be hosted in Antalya and the guests visiting were accommodated in madrasahs as there were no other available places. This situation had been continued for a long time and even telegrams have been sent about the students living on the sidewalks.Another important issue that disrupts education was epidemic diseases. It was reported that too many people died in the district of Istanoz because of smallpox, there was no doctor and the health personnel should go to the region urgently. Despite all the problems experienced in madrasahs, they continued their activities in Antalya and while continuing their activities under the control of foundations in 1826, with the establishment of the Ministry of Foundations, they were connected to this institution. (shrink)

The subject of this article is a person named Muattib b. Kushayr, who li-ved in the time of the Prophet. Allegations about this person, who was clai-med to be a hypocrite (munafiq) because he exhibited some problematic behavior, have been discussed. The fact that Kushayr took part in many historical events and was cited as the reason for the revelation of more than one verse (āyah) made it necessary to evaluate the opinions about him. The study has been conducted with (...) a multidisciplinary approach. By consulting Islamic history, ansāb, tabaqāt, tafsir and hadith sources, narrations providing information about Muattib b. Kushayr were put forward. These (narrations) were analyzed taking into account chronology. In the paper, first, his words and attitudes were analyzed within the framework of the events in which he took part and the verses revealed about him, under the title of "Events That Show That Muattib b. Kushayr was a Hypocrite". Thus, after obtaining holistic information about his personality, the opinion that Muattib was not a hypocrite was evaluated. After that, the conclusion was reached by examining the claim that Muattib was first a hypocrite and then repented. (shrink)

Hudaybiyyah Peace is one of the important turning points in the history of Islam. As a matter of fact, the Muslims, who were in a position of defense against the polytheists before, started to gain the upper hand after this treaty. In addition, with this peace, the polytheists recognized Muslims as a force for the first time. The process from before to the end of this treaty also includes many successful sociological and psychological moves in the policy of the Prophet. (...) Because the Prophet forced the polytheists to make a treaty, especially thanks to his peaceful attitude and successful policy. Other sociological and psychological issues that the Prophet paid attention to are grouped under the following headings: To analyze the sociology of society well and to gain the support of the public, to emphasize determination, to be cautious, to give importance to consultation, to give an appearance of unity, to know the value judgments of the enemy and to act principled. Finally, the long-term and principled moves of the Prophet prevailed over the narrow and personal moves of the polytheists. This article focuses on the elements of psychological warfare mutually practiced by the Prophet and the polytheists in the period from the beginning to the en of the Hudaybiyya Expedition. As a matter of fact, these important data set an example for Muslims in every period. In the study, descriptive, didactic and analytical methods were used in accordance with the nature of the subject. (shrink)

Undoubtedly, religion is the most important element in the life of nations. Arab, Persian and Turkish nations have experience dvery important changes and developments in the socialfield with the acceptance of Islam. Inordertomaketheirlives in accordance with the supreme principles of religion, they gradually gave up their ancient traditions, which did not comply with the orders and prohibitions of the religion of Islam, The Change That Took Place in social life was also reflected in the works produced in the field of (...) literature and art. It is possibletoseethatwiththe acceptance of Islam, newliterarygenresemergedaroundthe life of the Prophet and in this context, literary genres such as Hundred Hadith, Forty Hadith, Regâibiyye, Şefaat-nâme, Esmâ-ı Nebî were written. One of these species is the hilyes that deal with the life and physical characteristics of the Prophet and enable him to reach then extgenerations. They contain important information about the external features of the Hz. prophet at a time when the description was not appropriate, and present them in a visual richness for those who did not see the prophet in later periods. According To Sources, the poet's real name is Bedreddin Ömer Vanî, his birthdate is 1074/1664 and his death date is 1126/1714. Although There is noin form ation about his education life in the sources, he was known as a scholar and a virtuous person during his lifetime. As a person who knows enough Arabic, Persian and Turkish to write poem in these languages, it is mentioned in the sources that he has Works belonging to different disciplines outside the field of literature. In This Study, firstly, general information about the literary genre of hilye is given. Thenamesand Poets of the hilye worksortextswritten in verse whichareseparateorincluded in different works in Turkish Literature Mentioned. Information about the life and works of Bedreddin Ömer, the poet of the work, is given. Detailed Information in terms of form andcontentaboutthis hilye-typeworkwrittenbythepoet is given. Inthelastpart, the hilye text in Arabic wastranscribedan translated into Turkish. (shrink)

Üç bölümden oluşan bu çalışmanın birinci bölümünde İslam dini ile Hint kıtası dinleri arasında Tanrı, evren, insan tasavvurları ve ölümsüzlük doktrinleri ekseninde genel bir karşılaştırma yapılacak, böylelikle tenâsüh ve âhiret inancının ait olduğu dinî gelenek içindeki yeri gösterilmeye çalışılacaktır. İkinci bölümde İslam düşünce tarihinde tenâsüh inancıyla ilişkilendirilen gruplar ve bunlara gösterilen tepkiler ortaya koyulacaktır. Üçüncü bölümde ise kadîm tenâsüh inancının günümüzdeki şekli olan reenkarnasyon düşüncesi ele alınacak; bu bağlamda ülkemizde çeşitli dernek ve vakıflar vasıtasıyla faaliyetlerini yürüten ruhçu akımların, (...) reenkarnasyonun bilimsel olarak kanıtlandığı, kötülük problemine çözüm getirdiği ve başta Kur’ân olmak üzere ilâhî dinlerin kutsal kitaplarının da bu inancı desteklediği gibi iddiaları değerlendirilecektir. Makalenin genel amacı ise din ve düşünce sistemlerinin ölümsüzlük doktrinlerini varlık anlayışları, dünya görüşleri ve bilgi nazariyeleriyle bütünleşik bir sistem dâhilinde ortaya koydukları, bu doğrultuda reenkarnasyon inancının da İslam dininin en temelde Tanrı, evren ve insan tasavvuruyla uyuşmadığını ortaya koymaktır. (shrink)