In recent years, misogyny has become a central concept in philosophy as well as an established concept in public discourse and political policy. But where is misogyny’s supposed counterpart, namely, misandry? In this paper I argue for an ameliorative analysis of "misandry", arguing that it can be reformulated in an effort to reclaim it from its misogynistic weaponisation. The term "misandry" is used almost exclusively as a misogynistic rhetorical device for attributing unjust anger, hatred, or other similar (...) emotions to a speaker, thereby undermining their epistemic authority. Rather than dismissing the term as conceptually flawed and politically problematic, I argue that we ought to ameliorate misandry to instead refer to a felt anger, hostility, or fear toward the patriarchal social order and its valorisation and/or expression in misogynistic and machismo behaviour. To support these claims, I begin with a discussion of Kate Manne's analysis of misogyny before reflecting on how this can inform our understanding of misandry. I then demonstrate the various ways in which misandry is rhetorically deployed as a means of silencing speakers that express dissent against the patriarchy. Following this, I argue that we should ameliorate the term, not only to undermine these misogynistic practices, but also to articulate a legitimate affective and reactive attitude against the patriarchal imposition of a hierarchical gender binary. (shrink)

In the wake of contemporary controversies in France over feminist misandry, this article reflects on claimed hatred of men as a feminist discursive resource. I use the reception of Valerie Solanas’ SCUM Manifesto by some radical French feminists of the 1970s as a privileged case study, along with historian Colette Pipon’s study on misandry within French second-wave feminist movements and Judith Butler’s works on stigma reversal. I contend that in a seemingly paradoxical way, misandry is both an (...) anti-feminist stigma and a feminist discursive strategy: the inhibiting effects of such injurious term on feminist politics – the aggressive, castrating and hateful feminist you should at all cost avoid to become – can be managed, if not neutralized, by means of feminist misandry. From that point, I argue that claimed hatred of men can open fruitful political venues in challenging the stifling effects of respectability politics. (shrink)

« Si l’on peut envoyer un homme sur la lune, pourquoi ne pas tous les y envoyer? » C’est cette boutade de la romancière états-unienne Rona Jaffe que Colette Pipon a choisie pour exergue. La suggestion trouve d’ailleurs son illustration sur la couverture de l’ouvrage : une jeune femme s’apprête à envoyer un homme sur la lune au moyen d’une catapulte géante, tandis que d’autres représentants du genre masculin attendent leur tour avec anxiété. Le titre lui-même, Et on tuera tous (...) les affreux, es... (shrink)

After her curriculum proposal is presented, Noddings' feminine ethics is submitted to a critique through an interpretation of her three books. Her distortion of Gilligan and Chodorow is explained. Indebtedness to male sources is noted. The over-emphasis upon good and upon first-person experience is criticised and traced to feminist rage, which is interpreted as the result of the oppression of women. Noddings' suppressed 'Kantianism' is explicated to maintain the dialectic between so-called male and female voices. Main strengths of her curriculum (...) proposal are interpreted more broadly than her perspective allows to indicate a promising return to normative, macro-theory of education. (shrink)

Black males have been characterized as violent, misogynist, predatory rapists by gender theorists dating back to mid-nineteenth–century ethnologists to contemporary intersectional feminists. These caricatures of Black men and boys are not rooted in any actual studies or empirical findings, but the stereotypes found throughout various racist social scientific literatures that held Black males to be effeminate while nonetheless hyper-masculine and delinquent. This paper argues that contemporary gender theories not only deny the peculiar sexual oppression of racialized outgroup males under patriarchy, (...) but theories like intersectional invisibility actually perpetuates the idea that racialized males are disposable. To remedy the imperceptibility of sexual oppression and violence under the male category, the author gives an historical account of the development of racist (anti-Black) misandry throughout the centuries and proposes a theory of phallicism to describe the seemingly contradictory constructions of Black men as sexually predatory as in the case of the rapist, but nonetheless sexually vulnerable and raped under patriarchy. (shrink)

S’inscrivant dans le champ des Black Male Studies, cet article montre comment les hommes non blancs sont souvent les grands oubliés des luttes abolitionnistes, et ce alors mêmes qu’ils représentent l’écrasante majorité des personnes incarcérées. Détaillant les raccourcis ou les omissions qui grèvent certains textes de la justice transformatrice, ce texte rappelle ainsi que l’abolition requiert un changement radical d’imaginaire, et qu’elle ne peut se faire sans se confronter à la misandrie raciale.

Intersectionality has utilized various feminist theories that continue subculture of violence thinking about Black men and boys. While intersectional feminists often claim that intersectionality leads to a clearer social analysis of power and hierarchies throughout society and within groups, the categories and claims of intersectionality fail to distinguish themselves from previously racist theories that sought to explain race, class, and gender, based on subcultural values. This article is the first to interrogate the theories used to construct the gendered categories and (...) the assumptions behind Black male positionality under intersectional analyses. Contrary to its promises for more liberated Black identities, intersectionality merely replicates the pseudo-science of racist criminology and presents decades old theories as cutting-edge gender analyses. In short, while intersectionality has allowed Black women to create nuanced experiences and epistemological accounts of Black womanhood, the very same theory has confined Black male experience to the perpetration of violence and defined Black manhood as lesser—merely the exemplification of white masculinity’s pathological excess. (shrink)

필자는 본 논문에서 미소지니의 어원학적 정의방식과 이 개념의 철학적, 형이상학적 함의를 고찰할 것이다. 나아가 이것의 사회, 문화적 개념화 작업을 현 사회의 맥락 안에서 재정의해 나가며 이것이 여성멸시와 여성비하로 번역되는 것이 왜 부적합한가를 논증할 것이다.BR 두 번째로 여성들이 어떠한 감각판 위에서 고질화된 폭력의 지반으로서의 일상을 경험하고 있는가를 살펴보기 위해 폭력의 현상학을 도입해 볼 것이다. 이를 통해 남성혐오가 아닌 남성공포를 기반으로 작동하는 여성의 일상 재편방식을 폭로함과 동시에 사회적 죽음과 생물학적 죽음의 두 죽음 사이에 가로놓인 여성의 경험을 통감의 윤리학을 통해 조망해 낼 것이다. (...) 여기서 필자는 공감(empathy)과는 다른 “통감”에 대한 개념화 작업을 심화하며 이 개념이 어떻게 통찰과 저항, 연대의 경로가 될 수 있는가를 분석해 낼 것이다.BR 세 번째로 혐오라는 감정의 광활한 스펙트럼을 횡단하며 이것이 의식적, 무의식적 억압기제이자 비대칭적 힘의 구조로부터 기인된 권력 감정임을 논증하고자 혐오와 분노라는 두 가지 감정역학의 차이를 세밀하게 개념화할 것이다. 나아가 여성혐오살해의 메커니즘의 작동방식에 대한 분석과 더불어 남성혐오의 불가능성을 철저히 논증할 것이다. (shrink)