To overcome various problems, the practice of shamanism has gained popularity in Javanese society. The belief of the society in this practice is increasing, mainly because of the involvement of the kyai (an honorific title of the Muslim clergy), who serves as a shaman. The kyai, in this regard, uses Qur’anic verses in his mantra. This study aims to reveal how the use of the Qur’anic verses is interpreted and legitimised in the practice of shamanism amongst the Javanese community. This (...) article concluded that what people understand about the heresy practice of shamanism as it is considered contrary to religious law or shirk (idolatry) is not proven. The practice of shamanism carried out by santri or kyai has normative arguments and theological legitimacy from the Qur’an and books of salaf scholars. Contribution: It is prevailing that the practice of shamanism is often considered heresy and un-Islamic. This article however, will give a new insight that the practice of shamanism is not always against Islamic teaching as conducted by kyai because he always refers to the Qur’an as a mantra. (shrink)

This article examines the “urang awak”, a term referring to the Minangnese who trace their origin to Minangkabau in West Sumatera, and their dakwah activism in diaspora. It problematises the relation of Islam activism and ethnic identity of a diasporic community in contemporary West-Java, Indonesia. It further argues that mosque has been central to the activities of dakwah activism of the urang awak in diaspora. As this article demonstrates, the Harakatul Jannah Mosque and Al-Anwar Mosque reserve as important bases for (...) dakwah activism of urang awak in a dominant culture of Sundanese and Javanese. Through these mosques, the urang awak attempt to preserve their ethnic identity, mainly expressed through the mosques’ architecture, language, and religious activities that clearly symbolise the identity of urang awak. (shrink)

This article highlights the role of Majelis Ulama Indonesia in making anti-pluralism discourse and practice which are evident in its fatwa on belief . It begins with the explanation of MUI which in the first three decades of its establishment was a fatwa body that supported pluralism, but since the downfall of the authoritarian Suharto regime in 1998, has changed its position from supporter to detractor of pluralism. This article argues that the institutionalization of anti- pluralism discourse through the MUI (...) fatwa creates complexity especially because Indonesia contains the idea of pluralism in its constitution. The situation becomes more complex when the state and also Muslim organizations strengthen the position of MUI in monopolizing fatwa-making on ‘aqīda issues. The monopolization of fatwa on Islamic belief issues creates such a negative impact for religious freedom in Indonesia due to its fundamental characteristics that allow only a single judgment for the Muslim communities in understanding and interpreting their Islamic belief. Finally this article concludes the importance of Indonesia for protecting pluralism for maintaining the diversity of cultures and religions in this country. (shrink)

This paper investigates the relationship between director independence and firm performance, as well as ownership of firms and firm performance in Malaysia. We find that independent outside directors and foreign directors have a significant positive effect on firm performance after controlling for the influence of other corporate governance variables such as firm ownership and board sizes. The study demonstrates that when a critical mass of outside directors' independence is achieved, this has a significant economic impact on the firm performance. The (...) results have implications for rethinking board composition requirements in the emerging markets. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]. (shrink)

On Islamic ethics and conduct of life as a moslem.

This study aims to explain the form of a traditional house made of bamboo in Makassar culture; the components of the traditional houses made of bamboo and their respective functions; and socio-cultural dimensions of the shape and structure traditional house constructed of bamboo in Makassar culture. To discuss these problems, we used the Saussure’s Structural Linguistics approach and Levi Strauss’ Structural Anthropology. Both are elaborated into cultural semiotics. The data collection methods used were field surveys accompanied by technical documentation, interviews, (...) and records. Data were analyzed qualitatively. Results of the research indicate that the traditional house form made of bamboo in Makassar culture is generally divided into three parts, either vertically or horizontally. Vertically, the upper part is called pammakkang ‘attic’; the middle part is called kale ballak ‘house body’; and the bottom is called siring ‘underneath.’ Horizontally, the front is called paddaserang ri dallekang ‘vestibule’; the middle section is called paddaserang ri tangnga ‘living room’; the backside is called paddaserang ri boko ‘back room.’ The components of the upper, middle, and lower houses show opposition to each other. However, these components are logically related and related to one another so as to form a meaningful social and cultural construction. The shape and structure of traditional houses in Makassar culture is influenced by socioeconomic and socio-cultural factors. (shrink)

This research aims to reveal the historical roots and elements of the background for the formation of the Orang Rimba's religion. This study is based on field research with a descriptive approach of religious phenomenon. The research derives some conclusions: the Orang Rimba is monotheist, that is, they are not adherents to dynamism, polytheism, or animism as it has been understood. The history of the Orang Rimba's religion is affected by two elements; namely, Rimba culture and Islamic culture. Evidence suggests (...) that Islam is one element of Orang Rimba's religion as the following: Mantra of Getting Honey, such as Basmallah, Allah, Istighfar, Muhammad and Ya Karim; Orang Rimba Faith in God, the Prophet Muhammad, the Angel and Doomsday; the values of the ceremony of Death: Ratib Laa Ilaha Illallah; and the values of the ceremony Berdekir. It has proved the existence of a new theory about the spread of Islam in the Suku Anak Dalam community since the 14th century and at the same time undermined the old theory of the Orang Rimba's religion that has been misunderstood over the years.CONTRIBUTION: Researchers can use this new theory's findings as reference material on the Orang Rimba's religion. They can also use this theory to compare other views about the Orang Rimba's religion. (shrink)

Our life and religion always need history, but how historical experience leaves messages, understood and written, and obtains the status of historical truth is a fairly long discussion. History/historical writing is the relationship between the author (subject) and object (historical events/facts). This relationship is a dialectical relationship that influences the elements of truth because like it or not, humans are historians and the writing of history is directed by the individual of its recorder. It is often said that history is (...) written by the victorious groups. By using a critical approach, structuralism (Michel Foucault), to look at episteme (suppositions and principles that unconsciously influence history and historical writers, as well as systems of thought that direct how to practice science in an era), through structuration (Antony Gidden), which shows how the structure of society and activities including writing are formed, where these conditions play a role in a discourse and determine how a discourse occurs. constructivism (J. Piaget), which directs the human way of thinking from assimilation, accommodation, and equilibrium, as well as the subjective-objective approach (philosophy), and phenomenology from Heidegger and others, to reveal the structure of know and human knowledge, thus revealing the dialectic of neurotic and its neomatic elements, elements as ‘wesen’, essence, of the true history. In conclusion, even though history is written subjectively (the human element with its history) with a subjective-objective approach, you will get history or historical writing that is quite accountable and valid. Furthermore, the hope is to present objective (Islamic) history (Islam that is generally accepted, not just because of faith, but more in a rational-objective direction) with quite valid historical evidence. (shrink)

Although Indonesia is far from where Islam emerged, it is a country with the world’s largest Muslim population. The historical data on Islam’s entry into Indonesia is still very limited, therefore it is not easy to find clear information about it. This met with the historical reconstruction difficulty to the Islamic sciences’ development, especially ḥadīth, when Islam first came to Indonesia. Ḥadīth is not as popular as other sciences such as tafsīr, fiqh, taṣawwuf, and kalām. The ḥadīth’s arrival and the (...) history of prevelance in Indonesia were not as clear as the others sciences. To solve this problem, the Indonesian historians traced the dates when Islamic sciences began to emerge and spread in Indonesia. These also provided clues about ḥadīth science’s emergence and development in Indonesia. Based on tracing early ḥadīth studies in Indonesia, we can speak about two important figures’ names who are widely mentioned and cannot be separated from ḥadīth science history in Indonesia; Mahfudz Tremas (d. 1338/1920) and Hasyim Asy’ari (d. 1366/1947). These two figures colored Islamic teaching in Indonesia because of their mastery Islamic knowledge covering various Islamic sciences. Both of them also had an important role in Indonesian society in the colonialism era. This made it easier for them to spread ḥadīth widely among Indonesian Muslim people. In this research article, data, reports, and information of ḥadīth science emergence in Indonesia, Mahfudz Tremas and Hasyim Asy’ari’s biographies, studies, and contributions were compiled with descriptive analysis method and historical approach. Furthermore, data collection and evaluation methods were used in this research article. This research cites references written in Indonesian, Turkish, Arabic, and other foreign languages. The journal articles and scientific books we used are among the sources used in this study. The early Indonesian scholars are generally experts not only in one of the Islamic sciences but also in others. Moreover, Islamic sciences that they desired, deepened in, and focused on were mixed. The early Indonesian scholars not only wrote several on Islamic science fields, but they also interconnected the early Islamic sciences’ works in Indonesia. Therefore, it can be considered a difficult task to distinguish ḥadīth from others. The subject, we examine here is within the ḥadīth science’s historical framework mixed with other Islamic sciences in Indonesia. This research article focused only on ḥadīth entry history in Indonesia, Mahfudz Tremas, Hasyim Asy’ari, and their role in ḥadīth development. The questions we answered in this article are when ḥadīth science began to emerge, what was and how the role of Mahfudz Tremas and Hasyim Asy’ari were in Indonesia at this subject as the greatest contributors to its early emergence and dissemination, and high authority scholars among Indonesian Muslim society. Our aim in this research is to study, understand, and explain the early ḥadīth science’s history in Indonesia. Mahfudz Tremas and Hasyim Asy’ari, who are Indonesian ḥadīth scholars teaching ḥadīth for Indonesian people, attaching great importance to ḥadīth, making a great contribution, and having the most influence, are discussed. Understanding and explaining ḥadīth studies in Indonesia would be easier by getting to know these two scholars. Apart from these two scholars, it should not be assumed that there was no ḥadīth scholar in Indonesia in the early period. Here, we aim to understand the most influential scholars’ service and contribution in the ḥadīth field. It is important to introduce Indonesian hadith scholars, their works, and contributions to scholars and scientists in Turkey and the world, and then to contribute to the academic and scientific relations among the countries. This research article, as one of the first Turkish sources on ḥadīth’s growth and development in Indonesia, would be useful for ḥadīth academicians in Turkey. Since the research title on the ḥadīth science emergence history in Indonesia, and Mahfudz Tremas and Hasyim Asy’ari’s contribution to its development, as we know, has never been done before. This research article will help to built a network between the Indonesian and Turkish peoples, scholars, and academicians. It also contributes to increasing the scientific benefits of the two sides of academic circles. Through this research, contemporary ḥadīth studies in Indonesia can be traced from the time it emerged and the early development process. Moreover, It is a great contribution to specify the early ḥadīth science history in Indonesia, as the world’s largest Muslim country. (shrink)

Nawawī of Banten and Haji Hasan Mustapa are two important figures of Malay-Indonesian Muslim scholars who have been widely studied. However, personal proximity of these two ‘ulamā’ seems to escape from scholarly discussion. Seen from the light of scholarly commenting tradition, this study on the other hand attempts to show their personal proximity between the senior teacher and young student when they lived in Mecca in the late nineteenth century. The sharh tradition of these two ‘ulamā’ particularly through appear in (...) Nawawī’s al-’Iqd al-Thamīn that aims to comment on Mustapa’s work, Al-Fath al-Mubīn, and Mustapa’s al-Lum’a al-Nūrāniyya, a response to Nawawī’s al-Shadra al-Jummāniyya. These two Arabic books were published in Cairo, Egypt. This article further argues that the sharh tradition situates authority and reputation as the epicenter of scholarly discussion between the two ‘ulamā’ who were influential among the Jawah community. It also argues that these two Sundanese scholars contributed significantly in the transmission of Islamic learning in the early twentieth century Middle East. Their works show a scholarly reputation which delivers insights on exceptionality of Islamic and Malay archipelagic issues and serve as a global contribution of Malay-Indonesian ‘ulamā’ to the triumph of Islamic learning traditions. (shrink)

Penelitian ini dilatarbelakangi oleh pemikiran Immanuel Kant terkait usahanya untuk mendamaikan konflik berkepanjangan rasionalisme dan kelompok empirisme, yang dimana dikemudian hari pemikiran Kant menjadi cikal bakal pijakan awal dari para pemikir setelahnya. Metode penelitian yang penulis lakukan ialah kualitatif dengan pendekatan library research. Teknik pengumpulan data pada penelitian ini adalah teknik dokumentasi, yaitu dengan cara mengumpulkan data-data berkas penting yang menunjang penelitian baik sumber primer seperti buku Tokoh Filsuf dan Era Keemasan Filsafat karya Nurnaningsih Nawawi maupun sumber skunder lainnya yang (...) menunjang terkait topik bahasan. Hasil penelitian ini bahwa kritisisme Immanuel Kant, filsafat kritisisme merupakan penggabungan antara rasionalisme dan empirisme. Aliran kritisisme ini dikenal pula sebagai kritisisme Kant, karena Kant sebagai penggagas pertama kali yang mengkritik dan menganalisis kedua macam sumber pengetahuan itu dan menggabungkan keduanya. Kemudian, Immanuel Kant, Kilasan Hidup dan Karya-karya utamanya, Immanuel Kant lahir di Konigsberg, Prussia Timur, pada tanggal 22 April 1724. Lahir sebagai anak keempat dari enam bersaudara Ayahnya, berdarah Skotlandia. Ibunya, berdarah Jerman. Orang tua Kant adalah seorang pembuat pelana kuda dan penganut setia gerakan Pietisme. Selama 80 tahun hidup, Kant banyak melahirkan karya-karya di antaranya yaitu: 1781 karangannya tentang kritik atas rasio murni. 1788 karangannya tentang kritik atas rasio praktik. 1790 karangannya tentang kritik atas rasio daya pertimbangan/putusan, dan Epistemologi kritisisme Immanuel Kant, pemikiran Immanuel Kant dalam bidang epistemologi sepenuhnya tercurah dalam karyanya yang berjudul Critique of Pure Reason. Pemikiran Kant tersebut menginspirasi banyak filsuf setelahnya untuk menyajikan gagasan tentang pengetahuan manusia. (shrink)

In the ḥadīth sources it is being conveyed that the companions (ṣaḥāba) refrained from asking questions to the Prophet. This situation is generally associated with the verse of sūrat al-Māʾida 5:101. An-Navvās b. Samʿān (d. 50/670), Abū Umāma al-Bāhilī (d. 86/705) and Anas b. Mālik (d. 93/711-12) are among the companions who consider this situation as the ban on the asking questions. The concern that asking questions may cause additional obligations that were not presumed to be obligatory also attracts attention (...) in these records. Keeping all numerous questions addressed to the Prophet in mind we may ask if there is a Prophetic prohibition on asking questions. We will seek an answer to this question, which constitutes the main axis of this article, especially in the framework of the narrations mentioned among the reasons of the al-Māʾida 101. We will evaluate the information concerned in their historical context and internal coherence inductively. Our investigation differs in this respect from the investigations, which dealt with the disapproval of excessive and unnecessary questions. As a result of our research, we think that it is possible to talk about a ban on asking questions about religious issues in the last three years of the Medina period. We will first discuss the dating and nature of this ban, from which only Bedouin and visitors who come to Madina were excluded. Then, we especially will evaluate the theological consequences of answer of the Prophet, which mentioned in the same context, of whether the pilgrimage is religious duty for every year. In the last part of the article, the prohibition of asking questions will be discussed in the light of Hans-Georg Gadamer’s principle “Der hermeneutische Vorrang der Frage”, which deals with the effect of the questions on the direction and nature of the answer.Summary: It is reported in Qurʾān and Ḥadīth that the Prophet Muḥammad (PBUH) was asked a lot of questions and he responded based on the revealed knowledge or his own. He did not like the questions which remain outside of the daily religious life like the questions whether he is able to know the end of the world or to show miracle. There are some reports which covey that the Prophet frowned upon some questions because they could cause new assignments or lead to complicate the existing ones. The Companions like an-Nawwās b- Samʿān (d. 50/670), Abū Umāma al-Bāhilī (d. 86/705) and Anas b. Mālik (d. 93/711-12) have been describing this situation as the ban of asking of religious implications.This issue which companions formulated exactly as the ban of the asking questions was regarded in research until now just as the depreciation of the Prophet upon the unnecessary questions. In this interpretation the idea played a role that the ban of the asking may not conform to the religious pedagogic of the Prophet and the real existence of a lot of asked questions contradict that. Therefore the imperative “do not ask” in al-Māʾida 5:101 (O believers, do not ask about things which, if made known to you, may vex you) were interpreted not as the prohibition of the asking questions in real sense, but as just the depreciation of the unnecessary questions.We argue that it is possible to talk about a prohibition of the asking questions in real sense. We are of the view that the asking to religious matters was prohibited in the last years of the Medina period. In a time of Madina period when the fundamental principles of Islam emerged the questions of companions let the Prophet think that they may lead to additional religious obligations. Therefore the Prophet warned his companions in these words: “Do not ask me about the details of the things which I do not mention to you” and “Allāh Taʿālā has remained silent about some things, out of compassion for you, not forgetfulness so do not seek after them.”The imperative “do not ask” in al-Māʾida 5:101 has to been understood in the light of the Prophet’s advice as quoted above. According to the expressions of the companions reported in hadith collections, it is obvious that the imperative “do not ask” signifies not only “do not ask unnecessary questions”, but “do not ask questions related to theology matters in general”.Anas b. Mālik served the Prophet nine or ten years and was not criticised by the Prophet anytime. A companion like Anas cannot have refrained from the asking questions because they may be unnecessary. Anas interpreted “ do not ask” in al-Māʾida 5:101 in words: “We were forbidden in the Qurʾān that we ask the Prophet anything". Anas’s observation reveals that the companions considered the “do not ask” in al-Māʾida 5:101 as a general prohibition for the questions to religious issue.According to our research it seems this ban was promulgated in last three years of Medina Period, and Bedouin and visitors were excluded. Al-Nawwās b. Samʿān noticed that the ban of the asking questions was only for the residents in Medina: “I was in Medina one year. The reason why I did not stay in Medina was my wish to ask the Prophet a religious issue. So, whoever stayed in Medina was not permitted to ask the Prophet questions.” Abū Umāma al-Bāhilī interpreted the ban of the asking in al-Māʾida 5:101 as a general ban. He reported that the companions give a garment (burda) as gift to a Bedouin in order to let him ask the Prophet questions. The ban on asking questions in Medina was not related to unnecessary questions. It was indeed related to the questions that might have caused addition to already well-defined obligatory rulings in Islam. Accordingly, the questions became unnecessary because they were asked in the time of revelation. With the ban of the asking the Prophet questions accentuated that God and his Messenger are aware what necessary and what was not. It means that God can intervene if it is necessary. For that they do not need ask the Prophet. Aṭ-Ṭabarī, al-Qurṭubī, en-Nawawī, Ibn RaJab el-Ḥanbalī and Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī are the scholars who interpreted the ban of asking in this general sense.We especially will evaluate the theological consequences of the Prophet’s response, as reported in the sources: “ If I said yes, the pilgrimage will be a religious duty for every year.” Here one may not misconstrue that the Prophet could determine the religious obligations arbitrarily. He meant that the believers have to practice only that which were revealed to them. The Prophet wanted to teach his followers the principle that became essential rule of Islamic jurisprudence: “What is not forbidden is permitted”.The Prophet did not perform tarāwīḥ-prayer in congregation in the month of fasting due to the apprehension that it might become obligatory for the believers and they would not be able to follow it. In this human reaction of the Prophet we see that the Prophet did not consider himself as the founder of the Islamic norms. In this context the following questions are important: Does God consider the human questions when making something obligatory? Is God influenceable in terms of His orders? Ibn Ḥajar observes: The scholars of Ahl al-Sunnah accept the causality in terms of the Islamic norms. Accordingly something can become a religious norm because the humans asked about that. But God’s decision does not depend on the humans. God can consider human questions, if He so wills. (shrink)

al-Zarkashī, an ethnic Turk, is an important hadith, fiqh and commentary scholar who lived during the Mamlūks period. He was taught by some of the leading scholars of his era, such as Alā al-Dīn Mughultay (d. 762/1360), Imād al-Dīn Ibn Kashīr (d. 774/1372) ve Jamal al-Dīn al-Asnawī (d. 772/1370), and he grew up under their mentorship. Nevertheless, his only well-known student is Birmāvī (d. 831/1428). Almost half of his works have been related to fiqh and methodology of fiqh, and he (...) has also written some important works in the field of hadith. Among these, especially al-Tadhkira, al-Nukat alā Ibn al-Salāh, al-Nukat alā al-Umda fī al-Ahkām ve al-Icāba are worthy of mention. The work named al-Tadhkira, which we built our work upon, is the first known work to have been preserved in the field. Due to his being a first in his field, he was vastly studied as to how he evaluated the narrations and what kind of procedure he followed. In this work of his, not only the criticism but also the application of the text criticism adds to the importance of the work. Then, on the basis of this work, scholars such as al-Sakhāwī and al-Aclūnī made complementary works on the same subject. Summary: It is inevitable for a person to be shaped by the society he lives in. During the time when al-Zarkashī lived, Egypt was under the rule of the Mamlūks. The history of Mamlūks is examined under two periods: 1. Bahrī or Turkish Mamlūks (745 / 1344 - 794-1391) 2. Burjī or Circassian Mamlūks (784 / 1382 - 923 / 1517) period. Our author lives in both periods. About forty years of his life was in the period of Bahrī and the rest was in the period of Burjī. In both periods, the state did not have a full political authority in the country, but this was not the case in education and training. In fact, on the contrary to the political situation, scientific activities have accelerated by the arrival of many scholars to the land of Mamlūk because of the Mongol invasions coming from the east and the Crusades from the west. The increase of scientific activity was caused not only by the coming of the scholars but also by the support given by the Mamlūk sultans. In fact, they built many new madrasas in addition to the resurrection of the old ones. In addition to madrasas during the Mamlūks period, mosque, hāngāh, ribat and zāwiya are also among the educational places.Hadith, fiqh and Tafsir scholar al-Zarkashī is originally Turkish. He was born in Cairo at 745 under the conditions mentioned above. His family learned of gold and silverworking because of their subsequent settlement to Egypt, and they made their living with this craft. A person who performs this is called Zarkash in Arabic. Muhammad ibn Bahādır, who learned and did this job, was known as al-Zarkashī. al-Zarkashī, known for his love of science since childhood, was trained hadith by Alā al-Dīn Mughultay (d. 762/1360) and Imād al-Dīn Ibn Kashīr (d. 774/1372) in Damascus, and fiqh by al-Asnawī (d. 772/1370). Among his beneficiaries are distinguished personalities such as al-Subkī (d. 756/1355), al-Azraī (d. 783/1381) and al-Bulqīnī (d. 824/1421). The most remarkable of his student is al-Birmāvī (d. 831/1428).It is known that he wrote about fifty works in hadith, tafsir, fiqh, methodology of fiqh and other fields. Especially among these works al-Burhān fī ʻUlūm al-Qur’ān, al-Tadhkira, al-Ijāba, al-Bahr al-Muhīt fî Usūl al-Fiqh ve al-Mansūr fī al-Qawāid is worth mentioning. Studies on al-Burhān and al-Bahr were carried out at the level of Master and PhD.al-Zarkashī did not hesitate to criticize any person for whom he had found his mistake. For example, even though he has a great love for him, and even because of this love, he has been given the name of al-Minhāj, the criticism of al-Nawawī is the clearest indication of the value given to science. Not just him, critics of scholars such as al-Hākim al-Naysābūrī and Ibn ʻAbd al-Barr who are recognized as authority in hadith can also be considered in this framework.The work named al-Tadhkira which we have studied in our work is of importance in that it shows the accumulation of knowledge in the field of hadith. In order to compose this work, it is necessary to have enough information in this field since the riwāyas must be criticized in terms of isnād and text. To compose his work, al-Zarkashī has benefited from about a hundred and forty works related to hadith, tafsir, al-siyar, history, tabakāt, commentary, jarh - taʻdīl, ilal and maghāzī. The use of such works is an effort to reach all sources and right information as much as possible. Some of these sources are basic hadith books such as al-Bukhārī (d. 256/870) al-Sahīh, Muslim (d. 261/875) al- Sahīh, Abū Dāʾūd (d. 275/889) al-Sunan, al-Tirmidhī (d. 279/892) al-Sunan, al-Nasā’ī (d. 303/915) al-Sunan, Ibn Mādja (d. 273/887) al-Sunan, Mālik ibn Anas (d. 179/795) al-Muwatta, Ahmad ibn Hanbal (d. 241/855) al-Musnad, al-Dārimī (d. 255/869) al-Sunan, ʻAbd al-Razzāq al-Sanʻānī (d. 211/826-27) al-Musannaf, Ibn Abī Shayba (d. 235/849) al-Musannaf, Ibn Rāhwayh (d. 238/853) al-Musnad, al- Bazzār (d. 292/905) al-Musnad, Abu Yaʻlā el-Mawsilī (d. 307/919) al-Musnad, Ibn Hibbān (d. 354/965) al-Sahīh, al-Tabarānī (d. 360/971) al-Muʻjam al-Awsat and al-Muʻjam al-Kabīr, al-Hākim al-Naysābūrī (d. 405/1014) al-Mustadrak.al-Zarkashī divided the riwāyas he had studied into eight subjects. These are judgments, wisdom, zuhd, medicine, virtue, prayer, story, words and riwāyas circulating in language. He shares the information he obtains from sources about him after mentioning the riwāyas he will examine. For example, it is mentioned that there is not a hadith which is transmitted as a hadith, it is a word of a sahāba, tābiun or a person. He transferred on the riwāyas the sources mentioned in the sources, but also stated that he did not participate in some information as the place came.The author has evaluated the narrators of the riwāyas from the point of jarh and taʻdīl. He did not only evaluate riwāyas in terms of isnād, but also text criticism. This activity is a distinctive feature of his work.al-Zarkashī gave information about the misrepresentation of the name of the narrators. He also explained the strange words that are difficult to understand in the text. It is a manifestation of his knowledge in the fiqh area that some of the riwāyas that are considered weak are expressed in some sects. The author described some errors about the riwāyas. For example, he stated that a riwāya that is said to be marfūʻ is a mavkūf. al-Zarkashī also included verses, hadiths and poems about the riwāya that he had studied while writing his work or he defended it by saying that it is not the case of a riwāya that is said to be fictitious.Perhaps it is the weakest point of al-Zarkashī’s work not to give any information about some riwāya, only to mention their isnāds. He also found some riwāyas that did not have a reliable isnāds and stated that their meanings are correct. This knowledge has become an enlightening characteristic for later generations.This work has a great significance in showing that the majority of the riwāyas that spread among the people are not hadiths. As a matter of fact, 73% of the riwāyas examined in the work are weak or irrelevant riwāyas. This work of al-Zarkashī is unique. The existence of such a work has not been determined before him. This work constituted the basis of the works written by scholars such as al-Sakhāwī and al-Aclūnī in the same subject after him. (shrink)

This article examines the stance held by a Meccan-Indonesian exegete in the 13 AH or 19 AD century, Muḥammad Nawawī al-Bantānī (d. 1230–1314 H/1813–1897 AD), in dealing with Ṣifāt verses in his exegetical work, Marāḥ Labīd li Kashf Ma’nā al-Qur’ān al-Majīd. As an established term, Ṣifāt verses refer to Quranic expressions that ostensibly ascribe anthropomorphic dimensions to God. Interpretation of such ambiguous verses has been bitterly contended since the 2/8th century and remains one of the most debated topics in the (...) pre- and postmodern era. This study applies literature and document analysis focused on many of al-Bantānī’s works. The results show that al-Bantānī actively applied ta’wīl [figurative interpretation] in dealing with Ṣifāt verses without totally discarding amodality position [tafwīḍ].Contribution: Although al-Bantānī never mentioned Wahhabism in any of his works, his interpretation of Ṣifat verses alludes to his indirect response to the Wahhabi’s literalism and anti-ta’wīl approach. In addition, by accepting both of ta’wīl and tafwīḍ solutions, al-Bantānī underpinned the wasaṭī [moderate] stand, which later became the most distinctive tradition in Malay–Islamic discourse. (shrink)

This paper discusses the character education in Kitab Adab al-‘Alimwa al-Muta’allim, written by one of the founders of largest Muslim organization in Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama, Kyai Hasyim Asy’ari as a form of social piety. This book has provided a comprehensive and constructive way of character education which integrates Islamic values with various religious texts. Character education which includes and complements a broad range of educational approaches such as social-emotional learning and civic education shares a commitment to help people become (...) responsible and contributive citizens. Meanwhile, pesantren have taught and built strong characters of the santri in the forms of rabbaniyah, insaniyah, wasathiyyah and waqi’iyyah characters. Therefore, pesantren -based character education the book described is a key element to nurture Muslims’ good habits. This paper shows that the book can be an answer for Indonesia’s contemporary multi-dimensional crises, such as radicalism and terrorism. (shrink)

This paper examines character education as discussed through Kitab Adab al-‘Alim wa al-Muta’allim by the founder of the largest Muslim organization in Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama, Kiai Hasyim Asy’ari. It tries to locates character education as the transformation of Muslim subjects as the foundation of social piety. The article further argues that Kiai Hasyim Asy’ari through his work had laid a comprehensive Islamic values that are parallel to principles of character education. The core values of Islamic character education centers (...) on the notions of rabbaniyah, insaniyah, wasathiyyah and waqi’iyyah. Therefore, Kitab Adab al-‘Alim wa al-Muta’allim reserves as a pesantren-based character education with a particular reference of creating a Muslim subject with social-piety element. (shrink)