The Hanf number for a set S of sentences in \ is the least infinite cardinal \ such that for all \, if \ has models in all infinite cardinalities less than \, then it has models of all infinite cardinalities. Friedman asked what is the Hanf number for Scott sentences of computable structures. We show that the value is \. The same argument proves that \ is the Hanf number for Scott sentences of (...) hyperarithmetical structures. (shrink)

This paper contains portions of Baldwin’s talk at the Set Theory and Model Theory Conference and a detailed proof that in a suitable extension of ZFC, there is a complete sentence of \ that has maximal models in cardinals cofinal in the first measurable cardinal and, of course, never again.

We associate Hanf numbers to triples where T and T1 are theories and p is a type. We show that the Hanf number for the property: “there is a model M1 of which omits p, but is saturated” is larger than the Hanf number of but smaller than the Hanf number of when T is stable with. In fact, surprisingly, we even characterise the Hanf number of when we fix where T (...) is a first order complete (and stable), and demand. (shrink)

We prove, among other things, that the number mentioned above cannot be shown to exist without using some $\Pi_1(\mathscr{P})$ instance of the axiom of replacement.

Let T be a complete countable first-order theory such that every ultrapower of a model of T is saturated. If T has a model omitting a type p in every cardinality $ then T has a model omitting p in every cardinality. There is also a related theorem, and an example showing the $\beth_\omega$ cannot be improved.

We show it is consistent with ZFC that the Hanf number of Ellentuck's Souslin logic should be exactly $\beth_{\omega_2}$.

Associated with each first-order theory is a Boolean algebra of sentences and a Boolean space of models. Homomorphisms between the sentence algebras correspond to continuous maps between the model spaces. To what do recursive homomorphisms correspond? We introduce axiomatizable maps as the appropriate dual. For these maps we prove a Cantor-Bernstein theorem. Duality and the Cantor-Bernstein theorem are used to show that the Boolean sentence algebras of any two undecidable languages or of any two functional languages are recursively isomorphic where (...) a language is undecidable iff it has at least one operation or relation symbol of two or more places or at least two unary operation symbols, and a language is functional iff it has exactly one unary operation symbol and all other symbols are for unary relations, constants, or propositions. (shrink)

As the crusade to outlaw the teaching of evolution changed to a battle for equal time for creationism, the ideological defenses of that doctrine also shifted from primarily biblical to more scientific grounds. This essay describes the historical development of “scientific creationism” from a variety of late–nineteenth– and early–twentieth–century creationist reactions to Charles Darwin's theory of evolution, through the Scopes trial and the 1960s revival of creationism, to the current spread of strict creationism around the world.

Belief in the divine origin of the universe began to wane most markedly in the nineteenth century, when scientific accounts of creation by natural law arose to challenge traditional religious doctrines. Most of the credit - or blame - for the victory of naturalism has generally gone to Charles Darwin and the biologists who formulated theories of organic evolution. Darwinism undoubtedly played the major role, but the supporting parts played by naturalistic cosmogonies should also be acknowledged. Chief among these was (...) the nebular hypothesis proposed by Pierre Simon Laplace in 1796, which explained the origin of the solar system as a natural development over extended periods of time. Ronald Numbers focuses on Laplace's theory as it affected American scientific thought. he first traces the history of Laplace's cosmogony chronologically, from its European inception to its demise about 1900. the last three chapters explore some of the theological and scientific consequences resulting from the acceptance of this cosmogony. Most significant was the change in the status of supernatural doctrine. When the nebular hypothesis lost credence at the end of the nineteenth century, those who had before tried to accommodate natural theory with supernatural doctrine no longer felt compelled to do so when faced with succeeding theories. The nebular hypothesis, it seems, had established natural law in the heavens. (shrink)

Over the course of human history, the sciences, and biology in particular, have often been manipulated to cause immense human suffering. For example, biology has been used to justify eugenic programs, forced sterilization, human experimentation, and death camps—all in an attempt to support notions of racial superiority. By investigating the past, the contributors to _Biology and Ideology from Descartes to Dawkins_ hope to better prepare us to discern ideological abuse of science when it occurs in the future. Denis R. Alexander (...) and Ronald L. Numbers bring together fourteen experts to examine the varied ways science has been used and abused for nonscientific purposes from the fifteenth century to the present day. Featuring an essay on eugenics from Edward J. Larson and an examination of the progress of evolution by Michael J. Ruse, _Biology and Ideology_ examines uses both benign and sinister, ultimately reminding us that ideological extrapolation continues today. An accessible survey, this collection will enlighten historians of science, their students, practicing scientists, and anyone interested in the relationship between science and culture. (shrink)

As past president of both the History of Science Society and the American Society of Church History, Ronald L. Numbers is uniquely qualified to assess the historical relations between science and Christianity. In this collection of his most recent essays, he moves beyond the clichés of conflict and harmony to explore the tangled web of historical interactions involving scientific and religious beliefs. In his lead essay he offers an unprecedented overview of the history of science and Christianity from the perspective (...) of the ordinary people who filled the pews of churchesor loitered around outside. Unlike the elite scientists and theologians on whom most historians have focused, these vulgar Christians cared little about the discoveries of Copernicus, Newton, and Einstein. Instead, they worried about the causes of the diseases and disasters that directly affected their lives and about scientists preposterous attempts to trace human ancestry back to apes. Far from dismissing opinion-makers in the pulpit, Numbers closely looks at two the most influential Protestant theologians in nineteenth-century America: Charles Hodge and William Henry Green. Hodge, after decades of struggling to harmonize Gods two revelationsin nature and in the Biblein the end famously described Darwinism as atheism. Green, on the basis of his careful biblical studies, concluded that Ussher's chronology was unreliable, thus opening the door for Christian anthropologists to accommodate the subsequent discovery of human antiquity. In Science without God Numbers traces the millennia-long history of so-called methodological naturalism, the commitment to explaining the natural world without appeals to the supernatural. By the early nineteenth century this practice was becoming the defining characteristic of science; in the late twentieth century it became the central point of attack in the audacious attempt of intelligent designers to redefine science. Numbers ends his reassessment by arguing that although science has markedly changed the world we live in, it has contributed less to secularizing it than many have claimed. Taken together, these accessible and authoritative essays form a perfect introduction to Christian attitudes towards science since the 17th century. (shrink)