The Caliph and the Heretic: Ibn Sabaʾ and the Origins of Shiʿism. By Sean W. Anthony. Islamic History and Civilization, vol. 91. Leiden: Brill, 2012. Pp. xiii + 352. $189, €152.

When, on 4 July 2014, the leader of the Islamic State, Abu Bakr Al Baghdadi, preached in the venerable mosque of Mosul the restoration of the caliphate, his homily ushered in far more than a new phase in jihadist warfare against Western values. His oratory launched on the world scene a new culture that instantly began to shape, solidify, and even sublimate the caliphate as the most arresting rhetorical performance of radical and militant Islam. However, despite this self-proclamation, political commentators (...) failed to accurately size up the emerging culture of the new caliphate, and we find ourselves faced now with an alternative, global culture that draws irresistibly more and more converts and partisans into its orbit. The most perilous form of underestimating adversaries is to reduce their cultural complexity to a few, unreflective clichés, a telling sign of our own cultural illiteracy. (shrink)

Between Christ and Caliph: Law, Marriage, and Christian Community in Early Islam. By Lev E. Weitz. Divinations: Rereading Late Ancient Religion. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018. Pp. viii + 340. $65.

The principle of majority, which is an indispensable tool of election and decision-making in today's democracies, is one of the main indicators of its legitimacy, as well as having a superior position in the establishment and maintenance of political power. The aim of this research is to determine the relationship of the condition of “the caliph’s Quraysh” with this principle by revealing the analysis of the Islamic scholars on the importance of the majority principle in terms of establishing political power (...) and using the authority to order and prohibit. In the grounding of this aim, firstly, the dominant role of the majority in determining the political power was emphasized and the organic relationship between them was tried to be revealed, and the nature of the support provided by the majority to the administration in the use of political power authority and its effect on the possession of the means of coercion that sustain the state apparatus were examined in the light of the views of Fiqh and Kalam scholars. Then, the condition that the caliph should be from the Quraysh lineage, which has been the subject of debate since the 9th century, when the influence of non-Arab elements on the political administration became evident, was examined within the framework of the majority principle, and the evaluations of Islamic scholars about the widespread rumor that formed the basis of this were briefly examined. At the end of the study, it was concluded that Islamic scholars adopted the principle of “majority” in the establishment and maintenance of political power, and that they accepted the requirement that the caliph be Quraysh as a qualification condition, and that the narration, which is the basis of this, shows a historical and socio-political reality brought about by the conditions that emerged in a certain time period. (shrink)

After the death of Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h), one of the most significant debated topics of Muslims was the institution of caliphate. This institution caused crucial argumentations through the ages from Abu Bakr to Abd-al-Majid who was the hundreth khalifa. Some prominent issues in that regard as follows: How khalifa comes to power, who becomes khalifa, whether he is descended from Quraysh or not, which kind of traits khalifa should have, and how khalifa should behave in certain circumstances. While these arguments (...) were going on, caliphate was maintained based on the reign under some certain dynasties’ responsibilities after the Rashidun (rightly guided) Caliphs. Umayyads, Abbasids and Ottoman Dynasties were the most well-known ones of these dynasties. Throughout history, even though caliphate passed in one another’s hands among aforementioned dynasties, none of them did attempt to abolish this position. However, Turkish Muslims who became defeated with European occupation of non-western territories decided to abolish caliphate for the sake of modernization activities within the period of transition from imperialism to nation state. This decision brought about a trauma, which was much more critical than former argumentation around the position in Muslim world. Many congresses were organized in Islamic world in order to recover from this trauma. While this kind of quests were continuing, Muhammad Hamīdullah proposed “High Caliphate Council” in relation to rearrangement of caliphate in accordance with the conditions of Islamic countries. This proposal offers an applicable model to today’s modern nation states by establishing unity among them and leaving aside their conflicts and differences. This proposal offers a resolution of much-discussed matters of the position within the limits of principals. It also draws attention by showing a possibility of Islamic union in contemporary Islamic thought. Summary: The matters of who undertakes the management of societies, how rulers come to power and in what manners the rulers maintain the management have been discussed throughout history. It is seen that rulers adopted kingdom as regime before the period of the Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h). There was also two-person management. The discussions about this matter were also seen around khalifas who were the rulers of Muslims after the death of Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h). Some debated issues in that regards as follows: Who becomes khalifa, how he is elected, which traits he should possess, and so on. Caliphate continued its existence despite the discussions until the first quarter of the 14th Hijra era. Abolition of caliphate was a trauma for Muslims undoubtedly. From Anatolia to Egypt and from India to the Balkans, many attempts were carried out to recover from this trauma. However, this matter was oversimplified in the conditions of that period since it became a topic which was hushed over in just congresses and conventions. One of the people who wrote on this topic, which maintains its vitality even today was Muhammad Hamīdullah. He was an important Islamic scholar, a lawyer and a historian in Indian geography. Hamīdullah did deal caliphate by indicating its history broadly. The distinctive feature of Hamīdullah from others who wrote on this topic is that he also presented a considerable offer to solve the matter. In this sense, Hamīdullah experienced the trauma in his own life as all muslims did it with the abolition of caliphate. Hence he mentioned this matter in his writings in the mood of care and dignity of a scientist and also in feeling of a heartbroken muslim. Hamīdullah made clear that the method of election of the ruler differed throughout history. Indeed, the verses of Holy Qur’ān, the applications of the Prophet Muhammad (p.b.u.h) and the differences of Four Great Chaliphs on coming to power testified this claim. According to Hamīdullah, it is quite normal that the method of regime can vary according to the conditions of societies. He recommended acting based on timeless rules rather than the changes that vary according to conditions and places. He also stated that the regime which Islam approves is a combination of kingdom and democracy in his lines dealing with methods of regime. To him, kingdom is the method of regime of empire. Empire is the regime in which various nationalities live together with all their differences and interact with one another intensely and in which the rulers rule over wide borders. On the other hand, Islamic world lost its edges of empire, changed its regime and divided to nation states after the decline of the Ottoman Empire and Mughal Empire which were established by Muslims. On the contrary, westerners attempted to establish a head empire several times after building nation states in Europe. Some of them are UN, NATO, EU, to name but a few. In our opinion, in the transition process of Muslim rulers from empire to nation state, Hamīdullah made an offer to accomodate Islamic law in state law, Islamic politic and administrative principles in politics and administration practices, Islamic education system in education system, and principles of Islamic economics in economic decisions of government using the Prophet Muhammed’s life as a base. He also explained to Muslims that the method of regime can be changed and the essential matter is to apply Islamic management principles in such a new situation. He played a role in clearing the way for Muslims by indicating that the method of Islamic regime can be changed according to conditions but the principles of Islam are unalterable. To the writer of these lines, Hamīdullah intimates that it is not so true to stick to the form of the process in Muslim territories in which a compulsory transition from the empires or multinational social structures to the nation state structures have been experienced for the last two ages. However, the first matter to dwell on should be whether the ruler of the government behaves in accoradance with the principles of Islam or not. To Hamīdullah, the second matter is that even though Muslim countries had to enter in the process of becoming nation states, Muslims should make an effort to establish supra-state associations as required by Islam. In this respect, Hamīdullah’s proposal is “High Caliphate Council”. This council is a considerable offer presented to Muslim countries in the age when a universal caliphate is not possible and Muslims head towards a unified state form all over the world. Today, this offer recommends countries of which great majority is Muslims and in which Muslims are minority to meet on a common ground rather than conflict because of differences among them. The High Caliphate Council is an institute consists of presidents or hereditary administrators as leading and regular members and so it avoids regional competition. It is established by Muslim presidents who shares the chair alternately. Based on this, all Muslim presidents play a role altogether in this council without need to be Sunni, Shia, or from Quraysh. The High Caliphate Council is a reflection of a dream, which started a century and half a century ago but is required more today. It is also a reflection of the discourse of “Islamic Union” in Contemporary Islamic Thought. The Caliphate Council and International Islamic Legists’ Association, which is the first practical step of the council can be seen as the theory of a new world order based on the unity principle of Islam. Hamīdullah does not consider this order not only in the range of belief but also with the aim of institutionalizing ‘ijmā (consensus of Islamic legists) and qiyās(legal analogy). He stated that International Islamic Legists’ Association, which is a scientific institution could not be established beforetime by Muslims spread on three continents due to lacking of communication among them. However, thanks to today’s possibilities, the establishment of such association is easier today. Hamīdullah found dynamic solutions such these two institutions for the realization of caliphate, which is a religious necessity. He marked an era for Muslims in the period of time when they are on a quest. (shrink)

What was the relationship between government and religion in Middle Eastern history? In a world of caliphs, sultans, and judges, who exercised political and religious authority? In this book, Ali Humayun Akhtar investigates debates about leadership that involved ruling circles and scholars of jurisprudence and theology. At the heart of this story is a medieval rivalry between three caliphates: the Umayyads of Cordoba, the Fatimids of Cairo, and the Abbasids of Baghdad. In a fascinating revival of Late Antique Hellenism, Aristotelian (...) and Platonic notions of wisdom became a key component of how these caliphs debated their authority as political leaders. By tracing how these political debates impacted the theological scholars and their own conception of communal guidance, Akhtar offers a new picture of premodern political authority and the connections between Western and Islamic civilizations. It will be of use to students and specialists of the premodern and modern Middle East. (shrink)

As one of the most important concepts in Islamic political history and thought, the caliphate has received ample attention in recent years. Thanks to Hugh Kenne.

Orations of the Fatimid Caliphs: Festival Sermons of the Ismaili Imams. Ed. and tr. Paul E. Walker. Ismaili Texts and Translations Series, vol. 10. London: I. B. Tauris, with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2009. Pp. xvii + 162 + 58. £29.50, $51.29.

The Abbasid Caliphate: A History. By Tayeb El-HiBri. Cambridge: CamBridge University Press, 2021. Pp. xxxii + 330, illus. $89.99 (cloth); $29.99 (paper); $24 (ebook).

While universalism is rooted in the very ideology of Islam and is grounded in the Qur’an, especially through the concepts of fiṭra, amr and rūḥ, cosmopolitanism is an essential characteristic of classical Muslim empires: both the Caliphate-Imamate and empires, like the Ottoman or the Mughal ones, were a melting pot of races, languages and customs. The Caliphate-Imamate was by nature supranational and for centuries there was no idea of the nation in Islam. Contemporary nationalism, local or global, have represented a (...) disrupting more than a unifying force and have produced many failed states. In the present situation of crisis of the Muslim world, Puritanism and blind adherence to past tradition have paved the way for the revival of intolerance. Conservative or even extremist Islamist movements have assumed the deformed perspective of retrospective utopia, convinced that it is sufficient to reproduce the conditions of the Prophet’s time to solve all problems of Muslim societies. Hence, the Islamic state and Caliphate’s issues must be re-discussed from new perspectives, by recovering the potentials of universalism and cosmopolitanism in the tradition. It is central today the role of civil society, wherein Islamic universalism and cosmopolitanism could find their natural space, and the same goes for the role of citizenship. Reform requires a re-consideration of classical Islamic juridical and political thought patterns, which this chapter aims to do by, first, focalizing certain paradigms and concepts, and by, second, problematizing the modern meanings given to these paradigms and concepts. At the closure, I contend that it is in civil society that traditional meanings of universalism and cosmopolitanism can flourish again for functional political thought and praxis. (shrink)

In 1909 in the Russian city of Kazan a Tatar printing house published a small verse hagiography titled Manaqib-i piran-i ʿazizan, devoted to the Sufi saints of.

Parable and Politics in Early Islamic History: The Rashidun Caliphs. By Tayeb el-Hibri. New York: Columbia University Press, 2011. Pp. xiii + 466. $60.

The reign of the Abbasid caliph al-Muqtafī was one of great historical significance. Despite his having been chosen and elevated to the caliphate by the Seljuq sultans during the nadir of Abbasid power, after they had murdered one caliph and deposed another, it was al-Muqtafī who finally succeeded in reestablishing Abbasid political rule over Iraq. This article traces the course of al-Muqtafī’s relations with the Seljuq sultans, analyzes how and why he succeeded in reviving Abbasid political rule, and considers the (...) import of the events that transpired during his reign. (shrink)

Al-Maʾmūn, the Inquisition, and the Quest for Caliphal Authority. By John Abdallah Nawas. Resources in Arabic and Islamic Studies, vol. 4. Atlanta: Lockwood Press, 2015. Pp. xvi + 340. $45.

Caliphs and Merchants: Cities and Economies of Power in the Near East (700–950). By Fanny Bessard. Oxford Studies in Byzantium. New York: Oxford University Press, 2020. Pp. xxviii + 360. $115, £90.

This article studies how the ʿUthmānī position endorsing the first three caliphs, which was embraced by the majority of the ahl al-ḥadīth in the first two centuries of Islam, came to be replaced by the four-caliph thesis. It examines variations in the narrations of different chains of transmission of Ibn ʿUmar’s tradition in relation to the geographical affiliation and movements of the transmitters active in the late eighth and early ninth centuries. The analysis suggests that Ibn ʿUmar’s tradition was present (...) in two versions at the turn of the ninth century, circulated in Iraqi cities and non-Iraqi cities respectively. Through its investigation, this study substantiates the current narrative on early ahl al-ḥadīth attitudes toward the first four caliphs and offers more insights that help explain why the ʿUthmānī hadith narrators failed to perpetuate their ideas. (shrink)

A History of Ottoman Political Thought up to the Early Nineteenth Century. By Marinos Sariyannis, with a chapter by E. Ekin Tuşalp Atiyas. Handbook of Oriental Studies, sect. 1, vol. 125. Leiden: Brill, 2019. Pp. xi + 596. $179. Caliphate Redefined: The Mystical Turn in Ottoman Political Thought. By Hüseyin Yilmaz. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2018. Pp. xiii + 370. $39.95 ; $27.95.

This article revisits a widely accepted yet unsubstantiated trajectory of early Kufan Zaydi history, namely, that with ʿAlī recognized as the fourth rightly guided caliph by the proto-Sunni traditionists, represented by Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, the Batri traditionists were Sunnified. Analysis of Safīna’s hadith transmission and the transmitters of the first four caliphs’ virtues suggests that the four-caliphs thesis was likely circulated in Kufa by the late eighth century and that Kufan traditionists of various sectarian persuasions played an important role in (...) its formation. This paper argues that the Kufan Shiʿi traditionists came to identify with their tradition- ist townspeople as a result of shared qualities and mutual enemies. By revisiting a narrative that is often taken for granted, this study proffers new insights into the formation of a defining Sunni doctrine—the four-caliphs thesis—as well as the transformation of the Kufan Shiʿis. (shrink)

Studies in the sociology of religion in Turkey have always kept the concern of examining the objective with an impartial perspective. The fact that researches in Turkey have focused on the religion of Islam and different religious groups with Islamic origins has kept the problem of the objectivity of the sociology of religion on the agenda methodologically. However, it should not be forgotten that understanding Turkish society and other societies where Islam is the dominant religion will be possible by going (...) down to the first sources sociologically as well as religiously, and interpreting the behavior of the first believers of the revelation. In particular, the ijtihads of the "Rashid Caliphs Period", which is a special period in the history of Islam, have been referred to as a religious and rational source both in the formation of Islamic fiqh and in the social structures of Muslim nations. In this context, the question of what are the effects and sociological aspects of the ijtihads of the first four caliphs on the development of Islamic culture and civilization, the govarnance and social formation of Muslim societies will be examined. What social reasons did the Rashid caliphs take into account in their ijtihads, what social events they led to, and how they had an impact on institutions. This study, which will be an essay on "Sociology of Ijtihad", also aims to question the possibilities of a common study field for Sociology and Fiqh. (shrink)

Ibn al-Sāʿī, Consorts of the Caliphs: Women and the Court of Baghdad. Edited by Shawkat M. Toorawa, translated by Editors of LAL. Library of Arabic Literature. New York: New York University Press, 2015. Pp. xlv + 226. $30.

This research examines the descriptive and textual contexts of the Rashidun caliphs Hazrat Abu Bakr (d. 13/634), Hazrat Omar (d. 23/644), Hazrat Othman (35/656) and Hazrat Ali (d. 40/661) in the examples of signatures. However, it examines the general contexts of these signatures and aims to relate these detachment examples with their senders who have the qualifications of authority, eloquence and justice. These signature texts must be handled with full grace, awareness, forethought and responsibility, without any additions or reductions to (...) the text by the recipient. The research deals with the production area of signature and examines the forms of expression in terms of the interpretation and testify (istishad) included in these texts. In addition to these features, the research has applied to the texts of signature, which express a certain treatise, in order to express their expressions and to reveal the rhetorical aspects and textual differences they contain. As a result of the research, it has been seen that the Rashidun caliphs wrote the texts of signature with such qualities as wisdom, persuasion, lacotical (îcâz), suggestion, concentration, open-mindedness and avoidance of closedness, and in accordance with a goal. As a result of the research, it was seen that the signatures revolved around a pattern of focusing and concentrating on the meaning, combining the filtered beautiful words and the clarity of the wording and the literary aspect of the meaning. Finally, the caliphs used these signatures in line with a certain goal to solve many political and social issues. (shrink)

Religious Scholars and the Umayyads: Piety-Minded Supporters of the Marwanid Caliphate. By Steven C. Judd. Culture and Civilization in the Middle East. Abingdon, UK: Routledge, 2013. Pp. x + 197. $145.

The idea of transferring and even imposing individual thoughts on others is as old as human history. Quran states that the first people were deceived by being influenced by the words of the devil. It is a known fact that the Prophet conveyed the message to guide people to the right path and was assigned to fulfill this duty. In fact, it is quite natural for this situation to happen wherever there are people. However, advances in the cultural and technological (...) fields throughout history have changed the tools used in the mentioned activities. For instance, with the ease of supply of writing materials and the developments in the field of printing, ideas were conveyed more in writing. When it comes to the modern era, visual programs have gained speed with the digital changes and transformations experienced by television, computers and the internet as their supporter. In this direction, television and subsequently digital broadcasting platforms became widespread, and with the increase in demand for digital platforms, a mandatory change was required in the media sector. Anticipating this change, Netflix is the largest digital broadcasting platform, which entered the digital broadcasting industry quickly and reached millions of subscribers. As it is known, the most important purpose of visual media civilization, if not the only one, is to obtain financial benefits. However, it is also certain that Netflix and similar companies deliberately or unintentionally impose their world of thought, ways of making sense of life, and even ideologies through their content. In this direction, TV programs, series and movies that carry religious images are given a great deal of places on digital platforms, because they attract the watchers and they have high potential to influence on them. Although, these programs sometimes lead people to reach the right information, they often cause false religious teaching to be conveyed. the Caliphate series, which is one of the most watched content on the mentioned platform in recent days and tells the drama-filled story of a family who went to Raqqa from Sweden within the borders of the so-called Islamic State, directs its viewers about Islamic teachings in various ways. In our study, Islamic images in this series will be analyzed through topics such as religious abuse and Islamophobia, and it will be focused on how digital platforms shape the perception of religion. In addition, the transformation of media and digital platforms, the compatibility of the series with its aims and objectives, and how the minds of ISIS militants overlap with the main teachings of Islam will also be touched upon. After all these, the creation of perception will be emphasized in the media sector in general, and digital platforms in particular. (shrink)

Статья посвящена рассмотрению социокультурных и исторических условий, в которых происходило усвоение древнегреческого научного и философского наследия в Арабском Халифате в VIII–IX вв. Актуальность статьи связана с тем, что на Западе и в России принято объяснять рост исламского фундаментализма в последние десятилетия невосприимчивостью мусульман к достижениям западной цивилизации. В статье подчёркивается, что следует учитывать политические, идеологические и культурные предпочтения той среды Аббасидского Халифата VIII–IX вв., которая инициировала деятельность по масштабному переводу античных источников на арабский язык. Приводятся доводы, согласно которым доминирование в (...) правящих слоях общества имперского типа мировоззрения и господство теоцентристского понимания человека затрудняли полноценное восприятие на исламском Востоке философских идей древнегреческих философов. Показано, что тем не менее античная наука и философия сыграли важнейшую роль в формировании мусульманской культуры и дальнейшем её расцвете. Анализ влияния социально-политических условий на процесс усвоения античности мусульманами в VIII–IX вв. должен помочь преодолению распространённого предрассудка, что исламский Восток послужил лишь передатчиком античного наследия Европе. (shrink)

The Lost Archive: Traces of a Caliphate in a Cairo Synagogue. By Marina Rustow. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2020. Pp. xi + 597, illus. $45, £35.

The Abbasid caliphate covers about five centuries; It represents a period when fiqh/theological sects were formed, classical works on Islamic sciences were compiled, and important historical, scientific, and cultural centers such as Baghdad were established. The influence of this period on Muslim societies continues to this day. Based on this, the Abbasids; It is the subject of research in terms of religion, history, and politics. Tayep al-Hibri's work named "The Abbasid Caliphate -A History-" which has gained a well-deserved reputation with (...) the research he published on this subject is one of the most important among them. The author, who examines the caliphate as an institution, also shows its effects in the modern world. According to him, the leadership, whose absence was felt with the death of the prophet in the period of caliphates, was tried to be replaced by considering the religious and political spheres together. The author describes the Umayyad period as a reign in which religious sensitivities remained in the background. A religious comparison between this period and the Abbasids constitutes one of the main goals of the author in the book. According to the author's assumption, the Umayyads adopted a spruce management style. The Abbasids, on the other hand, appealed to the religious understanding of the society they ruled by ascribing a religious meaning to their politics. Recent studies on the religious policies of the Umayyads and Abbasids do not prevent us from rejecting the author's hypothesis. (shrink)

When advanced technologies of globalization that are closely associated with secular cosmopolitics are opportunistically employed by fundamentalist politico-theologies for their own particular purposes, an essential irresolution of territory, jurisdiction and programmatic projection is revealed. Where some may wish to identify an ideal correspondence between a global political sphere into which multiple differences might be adjudicated and the visual, geographic representation of a single planetary space, this conjunction is dubious and highly conditional. Instead multiple territorial projections and competing claims on space (...) are also generative of the very qualities of the spatial as a political medium altogether. For example, the well-publicized use of satellite-based mapping and telecommunications tools, such as Google Earth, by the terrorist group that attacked Mumbai in November 2008, raises several knotty and important questions about how contrary comprehensive images of the world can make use of one another in ways that undermine the ‘unitotality’ of global territory. It is not that Google and Jihad are ‘equivalent’ or even ‘translatable’, but rather because they are not, they are in practice interoperable. Instead links between urbanism, cosmography, and the socialization of planetary software networks demonstrate the centrality of design to the ongoing fashioning of the territory of territories, the geoscape. (shrink)