La science de l'homme est selon Hume la science première, ce qui signifie que la nature humaine est l'objet même de la philosophie. Mais comment se caractérise cette nature humaine? Et comment une science dont l'objet - l'homme - est aussi le sujet peut-elle se constituer? C'est une autorégulation qui caractérise chez Hume les principes de la nature humaine, et celle-ci peut être envisagée comme un système autorégulé. C'est aussi une autorégulation qui régit la science de la nature humaine, son (...) corrélat. Telles sont les formulations modernes que ce livre se propose d'appliquer à cette " inventivité " de la nature humaine, qui, aux moments critiques du jeu antagoniste de ses principes, effectue les " changements de direction " destinés à assurer les rééquilibrages indispensables à sa survie, tant du côté du système de l'entendement que du côté du système des passions. Dans le premier domaine on réfléchit sur les ajustements propres à l'imagination, dont la logique vitale préserve des excès de la logique stricte. Dans le domaine des passions, on fait apparaître comment un principe aussi fondamental que l'" amour du gain " au sens humien se réoriente spontanément vers cette construction autorégulée d'artifices et de conventions qui soutiennent finalement l'ensembledu système social. (shrink)

L'insouciance et l'écrasement de la dignité humaine, maintes fois reprochés aux Haïtiens, ont fini par abattre la déontologie des médias et des journalistes. Les propriétaires de médias, les directeurs d'opinions et les journalistes censés être les détenteurs de la mission d'informer ont pu s'arracher à un minimum de conscience professionnelle pour hisser le métier d'informer au pinacle de la vénalité. Les symptômes pathologiques d'une presse vénale sont patents et la banalisation dont ils font l'objet confirme la thèse selon laquelle la (...) presse haïtienne s'englue dans des dérives qui mettent à mal l'éthique et la déontologie professionnelle. Partant de la thèse selon laquelle rien ne peut être fait, en matière d'autorégulation, sans la presse et contre elle, cet ouvrage offre des substrats pour panser les plaies de la sphère médiatique à l'aune de l'agir communicationnel"--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

La crise contemporaine des valeurs crée un vide éthique dans un contexte-mêlé, dénué des valeurs et repères transcendants. Notre ouvrage est une réflexion sur la fondation d'une nouvelle humanité dans ce contexte de mise en demeure. L'humanisme valadiérien atteste que le modelage de la physionomie de nos sociétés modernes et l'avènement d'un monde plus humain se feront par un humanisme nouveau. Cet humanisme se définit par le respect de la personne humaine et de ses droits, l'amour du prochain, la conscience, (...) l'égalité et la prise en compte de la vulnérabilité de l'altérité. Toutefois, l'humanisme valadiérien présente des déficits qui font penser à l'humanisme universaliste progressiste qui cadre avec notre contexte sociétal actuel en affirmant l'égalité de tous les êtres humains au-delà des cultures et des aires géographiques. L'humanisme universaliste progressiste est un héritage du père latino-américain Marsilo Ficino, une grande figure de la Renaissance italienne. L'humanisme universaliste décentre l'homme du cosmos en le plaçant au début et à la fin de toutes les entreprises humaines. Il s'emploie à créer une communauté de destin de l'humanité : cadre pratique des valeurs référentielles, de dialogue interculturel et de solidarité transmondiale. Son intégration holistique dans la mondialisation néo-libérale garantira la valorisation de l'humain universel et la reliance homme/nature. Pour son effectivité, il a recours à la pensée élargie, aux hommes de pensée de tous bords et aux médias. (shrink)

Şiâ’nın temel inanç ilkelerinden biri olan ricʿat doktrini potansiyel olarak radikal yorumlara olanak sunmaktadır. Ricʿat inanışının arka planında gaybet anlayışı ve ona yüklenen insan üstü özel mana son derece hayati öneme sahiptir. Şiîlik içerisinde günümüze ulaşan ve Şiîlerin büyük çoğunluğunu oluşturan İmamiyye ya da On iki İmam (İsnâ aşeriyye) Şiîliğine göre, on ikinci imam Muhammed b. el-Hasan, 941 yılında büyük gaybete gitmiştir. Bu doktrinle, gizli imamın bir gün geri döneceğine, zulüm ve haksızlıklarla dolu olan tüm dünyayı adaletle hükmedeceğine ve refaha (...) ulaştıracağına inanılır. Esasında ricʿat inanışıyla ilgili ortaya atılan iddiaları daha erken dönemlere götürmek mümkündür. İslam tarihinin erken dönemlerinde, Ali b. Ebi Talib (ö. 40/661) ve oğlu Hüseyin (ö. 61/680) gibi önemli şahsiyetlerin ölümsüzlüğünü iddia eden bazı radikal mezhepler (gulât) ortaya çıkmıştır. Onuncu yüzyıl da yine Şiîler arasında gaybette olduğuna ve tüm insanlığa rehberlik etmek üzere bir gün yeniden ortaya çıkacağına inanılan gizli imam Muhammed b. el-Hasan'ın dönüşüne dair bu tür iddialara sahne olmuştur. Bu çalışmada Şiâ içerisinde ortaya çıkmış üç alt grup olan Nusayrîler, Dürzîler ile Bâbî ve Bahâîler’in ricʿat doktrinine yükledikleri anlam incelenmektedir. İlk ikisi eş zamanlı olarak onuncu yüzyılda, Bâbî ve Bahâîler ise on dokuzuncu yüzyılda ortaya çıkmıştır. Ricʿat doktrinine yaklaşımda bâb kavramının aracılık görevini üstlendiğini ifade etmek gerekir. Nusayrî fırkasının kurucusu Muhammed b. Nusayr en-Nemîrî (ö. 270/883), kendisini on birinci ve on ikinci imama açılan kapı olarak ilan ederek ricʿat doktrinine ezber bozan bir yaklaşım ortaya koymuştur. Buna ilaveten, tanrının ruhunun Hz. Ali’nin bedeninde zuhur ettiği, sonrasında da bu ruhun on ikinci imama gelinceye kadar imamların bedenlerine intikal ettiği inancı yayılmıştır. Dürzîler bâb kavramından ziyade doğrudan Hakim Biemrillah’ın ulûhiyyetine odaklanmışlardır. Bâbî ve Bahâîler ise bâb kavramı temel olmak üzere mehdilik ve yeni bir din olma iddiasıyla ricʿat doktrinini te’vil etmişlerdir. Özellikle Nusayrî ve Dürzîler ricʿat inanışını yorumlayarak bunu hulûl ve tenasühe dönüştürmüşlerdir. Bâbî ve Bahâîler ise nübüvvet vazifesinin Hz. Muhammed ile son bulduğu inanışını reddederek ricʿat anlayışını nübüvvete dönüştürmüşlerdir. Böylece onlar, önceki dinlerin hükümlerini ortadan kaldıran yeni bir din olma iddiasında bulunmaktadırlar. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Şiîlik içerisinden neş’et ederek ortaya çıkmış yukarda adı geçen mezheplerin ricʿat doktrinine nasıl yaklaştıklarını ve bu olguyu ne olarak yorumladıklarını ortaya koymaktır. (shrink)

This w ork starts from a reali t y , that of the immense number of forced mi g rants/ refugees w ho, as victims of forces th e y cannot control resulting from the mass i v e economic, social and political uphe a v als, go to and fro in rapid and ceaseless m o v ement. This fl o w of millions of ind i viduals is not e f fect i v e l y r e (...) gulated b y the states. The l e gal-political inst r uments, w hich in the past confronted on l y v ague l y similar pro b lems, are tod a y complete l y inadequate. The concept of citizenship based on national identity is un a b le to sol v e the di f f iculties arising from a g r o wing demand for justice, for rights, b y a population that w ants to stop being treated as an object but that does not belong to a speci f ic identity nor desires it . Th e solution proposed is the defense of a un i v ersal conception of human rights requiring inte r national cou r ts capa b le of enforcing them. (shrink)

La philosophie du langage s'est développée au XXe siècle comme prima philosophia. L'auteure entend montrer que le vivant humain ne peut se réaliser qu'en forgeant sa faculté philosophique de juger à l'aide du dialogue. Mais il ne peut affirmer ses vérités qu'en jaugeant celles-ci aux effets de bonheur qu'elles transmettent. Cette régulation de l'usage du langage par l'esthétique inhérente à l'usage du jugement de vérité est en effet autant une condition de vie qu'une condition de son bonheur. Le tournant esthétique (...) qu'opère la conception de la philosophie comme esthétique culturelle prétend, quant à elle, que l'usage du langage n'est condition de vie de l'être humain qu'en déployant la dynamique d'harmonisation du monde, de soi-même et d'autrui à l'aide de l'imagination dialogique et du jugement de vérité. Seul l'exercice de ce jugement permet de juger si l'harmonie de vie exprimée dans la pensée et la parole rend aussi heureux les interlocuteurs que celle-ci leur fait partager sa vérité"--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

After the seminal works of Putnam (1975), Burge (1979), and Kripke (1982), the next important contribution to externalism is certainly Davidson’s (mainly 1987, 1988, 1989, 2001). By criticizing the posi-tions of these philosophers, Davidson elaborated his own brand of exter-nalism. We shall first present some features of Davidson’s externalism (the importance of historical-causal connections for the foundation of language and thought, for the explanation of how language can be learned, and how attitudes can be identified by the interpreter, and fi-nally (...) how mental content is determined by appealing to the idea of trian-gulation), to prepare the discussion of a few problems. We then discuss two questions in Davidson’s externalism. First, how to reconcile the fact that external factors determine mental content, as Putnam, Burge and Davidson himself argued convincingly, with token-physicalism, the thesis that mental events are identical with physical events occurring “in the head” (or the thesis that mental events supervenes locally on brain ac-tivities)? The second main problem is how to reconcile the first person authority with some prima facie consequences of externalism, mainly that we should know the relevant parts of our (natural and social) envi-ronment in order to know the content of our own thoughts? We argue that Davidson’s answer to the first question is not successful, while his answer to the second was a breakthrough. (shrink)

This article analyzes the position of Ibn Hilāl, who is regarded as nāsıbī and ghālī, in the science of Shia rijāl, his reports and the validity of the accusations against him. It is found that narrators are criticized for various reasons in the science of Shiʻa rijāl. Some of them are the Shiite followers that the imams cursed and wanted to be kept away from their adherence. It is seen that the narrations reported by some of the narrators are included (...) in the main sources of Shiite hadith, albeit these narrators were cursed by the innocent imams. Ahmed Ibn Hilāl (d. 267/880) is one of these narrators cursed by the imams and his name is found in the report (the isnād) of many early narrations. Ibn Hilāl, one of the close companions of Shia's 10th imam Ali b. Muḥammed al-Hādī (d. 254/868) and 11th imam Ḥasan al-ʻAskarī (d. 260/874), was first cursed by the letter of al-Askarī allegedly sent, and the Shiite followers were ordered to move away from him. Ibn Hilāl refused to accept the ambassadoriality of Muḥammed b. Osman (d. 305/918), the ambassador of the 12th Imam. Thus, he was cursed by Muḥammad al-Mahdī as well. In later periods, Ibn Hilāl was accused of being nāsıbī and ghālī. However, there are also some Shiite scholars who supported (tavthîk) Ibn Hilāl. In the Shi'a tradition, Nāsibism indicated the meaning of hating ʻAli and Ahl al-bayt or feeling anger towards them. Later on, this meaning has been changed into a meaning including the haters of ʻAli and then the Shiʻa Nāsibism is regarded as a position towards Shiʻa outside of Shiʻa. Ghulāt is a form of a belief generally found in the Shi'a tradition. In the belief of Ghulāt, holiness is attributed to the imams. When the Shiite sources are examined, it can be seeb that Ibn Hilāl represents neither a ghālī nor a nāsıbī position. In the Shiʻa, when the narrator leaves his sect, his narrations are evaluated differently. Therefore, among Ibn Hilāl's narrations only those which narrated before he left can be accepted. The likely reason for this attitude can be those narrators such as Ibn Hilāl brought in many narrations to the Shiite hadith literature. Ibn Bābeveyh and Sheikh Sadūk reported many narrations that includes Ibn Hilāl in their report chain (the isnad). Among these narrations, they criticized only one. Again, in the 4th century of Hijrī, Numānī, al-Hazzāz, Ibn Qavlaveyh and Mufīd reported many narrations transmitted by Ibn Hilāl. However, none of them mentioned about the negative perception on Ibn Hilāl in any of these narrations. This shows that Ibn Hilāl was not regarded as nāsıbī or ghālī in the eyes of the these scholars. As regards to, Tūsī, in the 5th century after Hijra, claimed that Ibn Hilāl was a ghālī and he was accused of being an adherent to this religion. He narrated in sum fifty narrations that included Ibn Hilāl in the report chain, but Tūsī criticized only three of them because of including Ibn Hilāl. The reason why Ibn Hilāl was accused of being nāsıbī and ghālī, which Shiʻa deemed the worst, was probably related to the political conditions of that period. On the other hand, there is no report that Ibn Hilāl shared a nāsıbī and ghālī thought or had a tendency towards them. It is obvious that if Ibn Hilâl, who has an important place in the eyes of the Shiite community, does not accept the second ambassador of al-Mahdī, and that this would cause discord among the followers. This complex situation was tried to be remedied by letters alleged to have been written by the imams, cursing Ibn Hilâl and ordering them to stay away from him. Later, Ibn Hilāl was accused of being a nāsıbî or ghālī who expressed the attitudes and thoughts that Shiʻa saw the most distant from him. Sadūk first reported the narration that Ibn Hilāl was Nāsıbî. Tūsī, on the other hand, described Ibn Hilāl as ghālī in the 5th century (after hijra). This study tries to reveal that there is no explicit evidence that proves Ibn Hilāl’s nāsıbī or ghālī position. (shrink)