This article aims to present an overall interpretation of a poem by Callimachus that centres on the dead Ptolemaic queen Arsinoe II. Firstly the position of the Ektheosis Arsinoes in Callimachus’ œuvre, the genre to which it belongs and its structure will be investigated. This leads to the analysis of the highly allusive character of the work (above all to Hesiod, Ibycus, Simonides and Pindar as well as to hymnic poetry). In addition, realia (the historical background) and textual difficulties (...) arising from the fragmentary transmisson will also be treated. The appendix discusses a hitherto unnoticed testimony to the poem’s reception in the Roman epicist Ennius. (shrink)

Das Widerspiel von mythischer und historischer Zeit ist ein wesentliches Merkmal der antiken Zeitauffassung, wie sie uns in reinster Form die antike Literatur widerspiegelt. Es stellt auch einen wichtigen Unterschied zu unserer modernen Zeiterfahrung dar, sodass die angelegentliche Untersuchung jeder Spielart dieser παλίντονος ἁρμονίη von Mythischem und Historischem einer Herausforderung gleichkommt, die Eigenart antiker Zeitauffassung verstehen zu lernen. Auf den folgenden Seiten geht es um diese Problematik in einem einzigen Gedicht einer bestimmten Gattung eines begrenzten Zeitalters: Das Zeitalter ist die (...) Hochblüte des Hellenismus, die Gattung die Hymnendichtung, das Gedicht der Hymnos auf Artemis des Kallimachos. (shrink)

The Hellenistic monarchies arose from the collapse of Alexander’s empire, and represented new forms of rule. This study demonstrates how the Hellenistic ruler presented himself and his family in picture, text and on official occasions. In particular the representation of the Hellenistic royal couple and the role of the queen at court are examined on the basis of the Ptolemaic dynasty. Central aspects of the study are the political background to the marriage between Ptolemy II, during his reign that marriage (...) between royal siblings and the deification of the ruling royal couple were introduces, and his sister Arsinoë II, and how the royal couple presented themselves to Greeks, Macedonians, and Egyptians. (shrink)

Arsinoe II was a very powerful Egyptian queen who set the tone for future women in the Ptolemaic dynasty. Her individual agency allowed her to establish an image for herself encompassing militaristic leadership, her own religious cult, and involvement in internal and external affairs which solidified her as a rightful and divine ruler during the tumultuous Hellenistic era. Appealing to three different cultures, the Macedonians, the Greeks, and the Egyptians, Arsinoe II crafted aspects of her image that would (...) legitimize her rule throughout a period of unrest as well as lay the foundation for the Ptolemaic dynasty alongside her brother-husband, Ptolemy II. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Klio Jahrgang: 99 Heft: 2 Seiten: 513-527.

In making the following suggestions I have assumed the chronological possibility of allusions in the Aetia Prologue on the one hand to the quarrel with Apollonius Rhodius, and on the other to Arsinoe II. . That such a combination is possible is maintained by Rostagni in Rivista di Filologia, 1928, pp. 1 sqq. The textual supplements offered here, while intended to support the double hypothesis, differ from his in some points; notably in regard to the question of where the (...) allusion to Arsinoe is to be introduced into the text of Callimachus . It need hardly be said that the supposed allusions to the queen and to the rival poet do not necessarily stand or fall together. In the case of the former it might not be altogether incredible that such an allusion should have been made after her death; whilst the most obvious consequence in regard to Apollonius would be that, if a date before 270 B.C. be accepted for the Prologue, his birth would have to be placed as early as possible—say, 295–290 B.C. However this may be, it is here sought to complete, in the above sense, certain passages in the Prologue with the aid of the British Museum Scholiast . In regard to the latter a fresh study of the original text by the editor has been utilized, to say nothing of his valuable suggestions and criticisms; in the case of P. the facsimile in Ox. Pap. XVII. is depended upon. The silence of S. on some of the supposed points may fairly be adduced in objection to them; but it may be noted that he does not comment on Πυγμαίων , and that his exposition, where it can be checked, seems to be somewhat hasty and unbalanced. Further, we do not know what may have preceded the portion of his work which has survived. (shrink)

Papyrus rolls, hundreds of thousands of rolls, carefully stacked in niches or in precious containers, also men, learned librarians or their erudite hosts, men who read books in order to write others, hardly paying heed to the vile rumblings of Alexandria, the unruly city, dreaming rather of tomorrow's lesson with the crown prince, their pupil, or even admiring from afar, protected by the shade of a portico, the silhouette of some queen, Cleopatra or Arsinoe or a Berenice counting her (...) locks… it is now a little over two thousand years since then, men and books, the Library of Alexandria. It did not even lack a dramatic conflagration in 48 B.C. when it found itself on fire by the wind that blew from the burning fleet set ablaze by the foot soldiers of Julius Caesar, general, scholar and old beau of political love. But probably, the Library soon recovered. (shrink)

Adorjáni Zsolt, « Bemerkungen zur Ektheosis Arsinoes des Kallimachos: Gattung, Struktur und Inhalt », Philologus 165–1 (2021), p. 2–24 [présente une interprétation d’un poème de Callimaque en se concentrant essentiellement sur le thème de la mort de la reine Arsinoé II et de son ascension parmi les divinités]. Agosti Gianfranco, « A Fragment of an Acrostic Hymn (SEG 8.225 = CIIP 711) », ZPE 215 (2020), p. 24–26 [propose de nouvelles lectures de ce texte énigmatique traditionnellement identifi...

This paper presents a historical reinterpretation of the Cairo papyrus n. 65445 which includes an elegant epigram concerning the creation of a γέρας intended for Lagids sovereigns. Starting from the editions of the text proposed by the philologists and from insights advanced by the archaeologists, the paper focuses on the elements that offer valuable economic and political data; these allow us to corroborate the identification of the excellent characters mentioned in the papyrus (a Ptolemy and an Arsinoe). The origin (...) of the marble, the function and the location of the original structure are interpreted as indicators of a historical and economic context of the Ptolemaic kingdom in the second quarter of the third century B. C. (shrink)

Comment une nouvelle divinité, munie de ses attributs spécifiques, ses timai et ses épiphanies, peut-elle être créée? Par qui? Et à quelles fins? Qui seront ses prêtres et ses fidèles? La documentation hellénistique confère une perspective historique aux aspects cultuels, sociaux et idéologiques de ces phénomènes religieux et les cultes des souverains sont un cas particulier de l’établissement et de l’acceptation de nouveaux dieux. Les cultes de souveraines n’ont que très récemment reçu l’attention qu’ils méritent. L’article étudie les cas de (...) Bérénice Ire, Arsinoé II et Laodice V afin de fournir de nouvelles interprétations de quelques fêtes dynastiques et d’étudier la relation entre les cultes de souverains et la légitima­tion du pouvoir féminin. La discussion repose surtout sur des papyrus et des inscriptions, mais l’analyse conclusive de l’Idylle XVII de Théocrite montre que la logique poétique de la légitimation du pouvoir entre en résonance avec celle qu’attestent les sources non littéraires. (shrink)

L'article propose une nouvelle interprétation de deux documents : un coffre de Pompéi orné de bustes divins en bronze, qui représentent en fait trois couples de souverains lagides en divinités, des Philadephes aux Philopatores, et une plaquette provenant de la décoration d'un coffre similaire, trouvée à Délos, où le buste d'Hermès est le portrait de Ptolémée II. Le coffre de Pompéi est le seul document conservé qui présente une galerie de portraits lagides : l'iconographie d'Arsinoè III est ainsi précisée.

The article discusses the metapoetic import of Idyll 15. The tapestries and the Adonis song evidence a metapoetic significance, as well as the votive offerings described in this song. In addition, throughout the poem, the association of cloths and poetry is encouraged. The poem functions as a “metapoetic manifesto” designed to indicate the poetic qualities defended by Theocritus. At the same time, it promotes itself as an example of the refined literature and art promoted by the Ptolemaic court and by (...) Arsinoe, and introduces a recognition and appraisal of Arsinoe as responsible for the patronage and promotion of these forms of art. (shrink)

Comme suite à de précédentes recherches sur des inscriptions Cretoises (BCH 1979 et 1983) on donne d'abord ici (VI) une nouvelle étude de l'inscription de Knossos dite des Epilykoi, publiée en 1948 par N. Platon (vocabulaire et anthroponymie). Ensuite examen des noms crétois de la série Taskos (VII) ; du nom Pratalidas à Lykastos (VIII) et du nom de Matala, canéphore d'Arsinoé à Alexandrie (IX).

Acerbo Stefano, « Mito e storia nella mitografia di età imperiale: Lico πολέμαρχος (Apollod., Bibl. III 41) », Emerita 87–2 (2019), p. 285–304 [la référence à la polémarchie dans le récit de la conquête du pouvoir à Thèbes contribue au plan de composition du Ps.-Apollodore. Cette allusion anachronique peut être vue comme un choix d’auteur, qui montre le rôle joué par les mythographes dans l’interaction entre le temps mythique et le passé historique]. Ameling Walter, « Zum Kult der Arsinoe (...) Phi... (shrink)

Summary The main function of Hellenistic queenship is increasingly understood as contributing to the definition of the basileus. The early Ptolemies produced the most peculiar version of the ‘sister queen’, known throughout the Near East as an ideological construct, but taken literally in Egypt from the time of Ptolemy II Philadelphos and Arsinoe II Philadelphos, the ‘Sibling-Lovers’. The most famous example of a ‘virgin queen’ is Berenike, the daughter of Ptolemy III Euergetes and Berenike II, best known from the (...) Kanopos Decree, which regulated her posthumous cult. Often understood as a merely honorary title for some or potentially all princesses in Alexandria, the basilissa title of unmarried girls has found little scholarly attention so far. Altogether, there are surprisingly few royal daughters for whom we have clear evidence: besides the aforesaid Berenike, her sister Arsinoe III and previously Berenike, the daughter of the Philadelphoi. Claims that Arsinoe II or her sister Philotera had enjoyed the same status at the court of Ptolemy I Soter cannot be substantiated, so that their basilissa titles should be explained by marriage with a king. The phenomenon of virgin queenship was thus of limited duration. It is best interpreted as a ramification of an emphatically endogamous royal dynasty: Ptolemy II and Ptolemy III pledged their most distinguished daughter to the future successor even before he had been chosen from among his brothers. (shrink)

Reports from antiquity — two factual and another based on myth — claim that Ptolemy I was a son of the Macedonian king Philip II. If so, Ptolemy was a half-brother of Alexander the Great. Scholars suppose that this rumour was promoted by Ptolemy I. But this cannot be confirmed. It seems rather that Arsinoë, the mother of Ptolemy I, was a concubine at the court of Philip II and that a rumour existed that Ptolemy I was illegitimately born. This (...) rumour developed in two separate ways. In Macedon, probably in the late 280's BCE, it was claimed that the father of Ptolemy was Philip II. The story may have been inspired by Ptolemy Keraunos in the course of his quest for the Macedonian throne. In Egypt, however, in spite of an apparent reluctance of Ptolemy I to link Lagos with his name, it was officially proclaimed in the reign of his son that Lagos was the father of Ptolemy I. It is possible thereby that Ptolemy II removed the stigma of bastardy from the first Ptolemaic king. (shrink)