It is commonly said that some standards, such as morality, are ‘normatively authoritative’ in a way that other standards, such as etiquette, are not; standards like etiquette are said to be ‘not really normative’. Skeptics deny the very possibility of normative authority, and take claims like ‘etiquette is not really normative’ to be either empty or confused. I offer a different route to defeat skeptics about authority: instead of focusing on what makes standards like morality special, we should focus on (...) what makes standards like etiquette ‘not really normative’. I defend a fictionalist theory on which etiquette is ‘not really normative’ in roughly the same way that Sherlock is ‘not really a detective’, and show that fictionalism about some normative standards helps us explain the possibility of normative authority. (shrink)

Jeremy Bentham is usually seen as an anti-realist political thinker, or a proponent of what Bernard Williams has termed ‘political moralism’. This article questions that prevalent view and suggests instead that there are good grounds for considering Bentham a political realist. Bentham’s political thought has considerable commonalities with that of the sociologist and political realist Max Weber: both agree that politics is a unique domain of human activity defined by its association with power; that consequently, ethical conduct is unavoidably inflected (...) by power in politics; that a commitment to truth in politics can only ever be contingent; and that politics has a set of basic conditions that it would be not only misguided but dangerous to attempt to transcend. Whilst it is often held that Bentham advanced a reductive framework for understanding politics, in fact, his utilitarianism was a far more realistic approach to political ends and means than has generally been acknowledged, and one that contemporary political theory realists would benefit from taking seriously. (shrink)

Jeremy Bentham is usually seen as an anti-realist political thinker, or a proponent of what Bernard Williams has termed ‘political moralism’. This article questions that prevalent view and suggests instead that there are good grounds for considering Bentham a political realist. Bentham’s political thought has considerable commonalities with that of the sociologist and political realist Max Weber: both agree that politics is a unique domain of human activity defined by its association with power; that consequently, ethical conduct is unavoidably inflected (...) by power in politics; that a commitment to truth in politics can only ever be contingent; and that politics has a set of basic conditions that it would be not only misguided but dangerous to attempt to transcend. Whilst it is often held that Bentham advanced a reductive framework for understanding politics, in fact, his utilitarianism was a far more realistic approach to political ends and means than has generally been acknowledged, and one that contemporary political theory realists would benefit from taking seriously. (shrink)

Bentham, a founder of political science based on the calculation of interest, has been misread as a crass materialist. I argue, instead, that Bentham's interest is a specific product of the imagination, and the pleasures and pains of which it is composed are also products of the imagination. On my reading, interests and imaginations are always governed and the role of Bentham's political science is to help govern them more effectively and efficiently. Political science is a mode of what he (...) calls. Various interest-based modes of analysis have been attacked by constructivist critics, but I argue that the arch-theorist of interest himself relies on constructivist modes of analysis. What lessons can we learn from this? We should pay less attention to methodological and foundational conflicts, and pay more attention to the practices of government that social science may or may not indirectly legislate. (shrink)

Ratio Juris, Volume 34, Issue 4, Page 386-414, December 2021.

In this paper, I sketch out and assess two readings of Bentham's theory of meaning, one reductive (Section 2), the other quasi‐pragmatist (Section 3)—both implicating Bentham's ontological and epistemological views. I focus on the way these readings would understand Bentham's analyses of claims in moral and political discourse that rely on putatively normative notions such as obligations and rights, good and bad, and what ought to be the case. I conclude the paper by suggesting tentatively that the independent merits of (...) both readings could signal an irreconcilable tension at the heart of Bentham's thought (Section 4). (shrink)

En 1814, Jeremy Bentham entreprend la rédaction de Chrestomathia, qui expose le savoir qu'il est utile d'apprendre. Mais ce texte est plus généralement une organisation entière du savoir de son temps à partir d'une «théorie des fictions », qui est à la fois une réflexion sur les concepts et une critique des nomenclatures. L'article qui suit s'intéresse particulièrement à la cinquantaine de pages consacrées aux mathématiques dans un ouvrage qui porte sur toutes les sciences du début du XIXe siècle et (...) critique l' Encyclopédie de Diderot et D'Alembert. L'une des idées les plus originales développées par l'auteur et dont on trouvera un écho lointain chez Gaston Bachelard est celle d'un conflit entre les concepts et la façon dont ils sont désignés par les mots. Signifiés, signifiants et concepts dérivent les uns par rapport aux autres en des sens que nul ne peut contrôler, pas même les savants; ce qui rend l'éducation durablement difficile. (shrink)

Les travaux récents ont permis de rendre justice à la théorie du langage qu’a élaborée Bentham et d’expliquer les enjeux théoriques de son attachement aux mots. Il est donc désormais possible de s’attacher à comprendre les enjeux langagiers à l’oeuvre dans les différents champs de la pensée benthamienne, et plus particulièrement au sein de sa théorie générale du droit. Dès lors, son projet de Nomographie semble aller de soi. Nous nous attacherons à montrer dans quelle mesure ce texte entend tirer (...) les conséquences de l’ensemble des acquis théoriques de la philosophie benthamienne et plus précisément comment il permet de penser les relations entre langage et droit pour aboutir à la constitution du droit comme système de contrôle social. (shrink)

In this entry I will offer a survey of the contemporary debate on fic- tionalism, which is a distinctive anti-realist view about certain regions of discourse that are valued for their usefulness rather than their truth.