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Dieses historische Buch kann zahlreiche Tippfehler und fehlende Textpassagen aufweisen. Kaufer konnen in der Regel eine kostenlose eingescannte Kopie des originalen Buches vom Verleger herunterladen (ohne Tippfehler). Ohne Indizes. Nicht dargestellt. 1898 edition. Auszug:...so viel uber allen Zweifel erhoben zu haben, dass es sich hier um ein einheitliches, planvoll angelegtes, genau durchdachtes und folgerichtig durchgefuhrtes Ganzes, um eine Schopfung aus einem Gusse handelt, kurz ausgedruckt: unsere heutigen Umgangsformen enthalten eine vollstandige Organisation des Umgangs, ein ebenburtiges Seitenstuck zu der Organisation des (...) Verkehrs in Form des Rechts. Eine solche Behauptung lasst sich mit einigen allgemeinen Bemerkungen und einzelnen wenigen Beispielen nicht abthun, sie erfordert einen stringenten Beweis, und derselbe ist nur zu erbringen durch Aufbringung eines reichen Apparates. Auch bei dieser Aufgabe werde ich des Stofflichen eher zu viel als zu wenig bringen, getreu der Maxime, die ich bei diesem Werk unausgesetzt befolgt habe, meinen Abstractionen eine moglichst breite Unterlage an einem reichen Detail zu geben. Wem ich des Guten zu viel zu thun scheine, der moge sich erinnern, dass ich genothigt bin, die Sache erst aus dem Groben herauszuarbeiten--ware ich auf diesem Gebiete mein eigener Nachfolger, ich wurde mich kurzer fassen. 0. Wissenschaftliche Kritik der Umgangsformen--echte und unechte Anstandsregeln. Alle Umgangsformen haben den Zweck, den Umgang zu ermoglichen, zu sichern, zu fordern, angenehm und behaglich zu gestalten, --sie enthalten die durch die Sitte beschaffte und gehandhabte Disciplin des gesellschaftlichen Benehmens, wie sie den Vorstellungen der massgebenden Gesellschaftskreise dieses Volks und dieser Zeit entspricht. Es sind die massgebenden d. h. die relativ hoch oder hochst gestellten Kreise, welche die Formen des geselligen Verkehrs...". (shrink)

"O fim do direito é a paz, e o meio para atingi-lo é a luta. Enquanto o direito precisar estar pronto ante a agressão da injustiça, o que ocorrerá enquanto existir o mundo, não poderá ele poupar se da luta. A vida do direito é luta, uma luta dos povos, do poder do estado, das classes, dos indivíduos." O jurista Rudolf von Ihering expõe neste livro de 1872 sua ideia de que o direito não é cedido ao povo naturalmente, (...) mas sim que deve haver uma luta social para conquistá-lo. O autor expressa que o processo é de fato difícil e doloroso, contudo é justamente essa dor que desenvolve uma ligação mais forte e perene entre o Direito conquistado e o povo que sangrou para conquistá-lo. E vai além: essa luta seria não apenas um dever moral do indivíduo para consigo mesmo como também um dever cívico dele para com a sociedade. A luta pelo Direito tece críticas a todos os que sacrificam seus direitos individuais em nome de uma paz pessoal, e reafirma o poder e o dever de cada um perante a coletividade. Obra fundamental em tempos de mudanças sociais e jurídicas tão profundas. (shrink)

Boston: The Boston Book Company, 1913. lxi, 483 pp. Reprinted 1999 by The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd. LCCN 99-23754. ISBN 1-58477-009-0.

Reúne ensaios sobre filosofia do direito, discorrendo sobre os lucros dos contratos, estipulações de menores, do erro, da ação estimatória e do gozo do arrendamento, do usufruto, da habitação, da aquisição dos frutos e mais aprofundamente da posse.

Moral behaviour, based on social norms, is commonly regarded as a hallmark of humans. Hitherto, humans are perceived to be the only species possessing social norms and to engage in moral behaviour. There is anecdotal evidence suggesting their presence in chimpanzees, but systematic studies are lacking. Here, we examine the evolution of human social norms and their underlying psychological mechanisms. For this, we distinguish between conventions, cultural social norms and universal social norms. We aim at exploring whether chimpanzees possess evolutionary (...) precursors of universal social norms seen in humans. Chimpanzees exhibit important preconditions for their presence and enforcement: tolerant societies, well-developed social-cognitive skills and empathetic competence. Here, we develop a theoretical framework for recognizing different functional levels of social norms and distinguish them from mere statistical behavioural regularities. Quasi social norms are found where animals behave functionally moral without having moral emotions. In proto social norms, moral emotions might be present but cannot be collectivized due to the absence of a uniquely human psychological trait, i.e. shared intentionality. Human social norms, whether they are universal or cultural, involve moral emotions and are collectivized. We will discuss behaviours in chimpanzees that represent potential evolutionary precursors of human universal social norms, with special focus on social interactions involving infants. We argue that chimpanzee infants occupy a special status within their communities and propose that tolerance towards them might represent a proto social norm. Finally, we discuss possible ways to test this theoretical framework. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 61.2 (2000) 241-261 [Access article in PDF] Should We All Be More English? Liang Qichao, Rudolf von Jhering, and Rights Stephen C. Angle [T]he Celestial Empire, with its bamboo, the rod for its adult children, and its hundreds of millions of inhabitants, will never attain, in the eyes of foreign nations, the respected position of little Switzerland. The natural disposition of (...) the Swiss in the matter of art and poetry is anything but ideal. It is sober and practical, like that of the Romans. But, in the sense in which I have thus far used the expression "ideal," in its relation to rights, it is just as applicable to the Swiss as to the Englishman. 1Rudolf von Jhering (1818-92) published Der Kampf ums Recht (The Struggle for Law) in 1872. He was already regarded as one of Germany's most important legal philosophers, and Der Kampf helped to ensure a world-wide reputation. His argument that people should be less like the "adult children" of China and more like the English found audiences everywhere, including China, where Der Kampf was translated between 1900 and 1901. Jhering's doctrines stimulated Liang Qichao (1873-1929), one of China's leading thinkers, to publish "Lun Quanli Sixiang (On Rights Consciousness)," in 1902 as part of his manifesto On the New People. Liang tells us that the "essential points" of his essay, which is among the earliest and most sustained treatments of the concept of rights to appear in Chinese, are mostly taken from Der Kampf. 2 We will see that there are indeed certain similarities that make Liang's "quanli" 3 (the standard Chinese translation of "rights") resonate with Jhering's notion of "Recht," and these similarities--chief among which is a kind of individual assertiveness--help to explain [End Page 241] Liang's interest in Jhering. My discussion of the two thinkers will offer at least the beginnings of an explanation of why German conceptions of law and rights were so attractive to Chinese intellectuals.As is often the case with cross-cultural comparisons, we will also see that these similarities mask some less obvious but deeply important differences. For Jhering the relation between following the procedures of the law and exercising one's Recht is crucial; for Liang, in contrast, quanli are deeply related to ethical concerns. This difference in turn colors their respective notions of assertiveness, which thus turn out not to resemble one another as closely as first appeared. When we see Recht and quanli as separate concepts emerging from separate discourse contexts, these differences will make sense.In "On Quanli Consciousness" Liang regularly quotes Jhering, often at some length. One important passage reads as follows: In ancient times, Lin Xiangru scolded the King of Qin saying: "Smash both my head and the jade disk!" 4 Now given the size of the state of Zhao, how could such love be expressed for a tiny thing like a jade disk? He was saying that Qin could smash the disk, kill him, invade his territory, endanger his state, and still he would not surrender. Ah! This was nothing other than "quanli"! Jhering has also said: "If an Englishman traveling to the European continent is one day asked to pay an irrational charge by the hotel's carriage driver, in every case he will resolutely scold [the driver]. If the driver won't heed his scolding, the Englishman will struggle for justice without tiring, always preferring to extend his stay; even if his traveling expenses were to increase as much as ten-fold, he would not cease. Unknowing people all laugh at this great fool, but none of them understand that this person's struggle over a few shillings is in fact a vital part of what allows the nation of England to stand tall by itself in the world. This abundance of quanli consciousness and sharpness of feelings of quanli are the great reasons behind the ability of the English to establish their state. Now let... (shrink)

ZusammenfassungUnter den nichtlogischen Konstanten der Wissenschaftssprache werden zwei Arten unterschieden, die Beobachtungsterme und die theoretischen Terme . Die letzteren werden nicht durch Definitionen eingeführt, sondern durch Postulate zweier Arten, nämlich theoretische Postulate, zum Beispiel Grundgesetze der Physik, und Korrespondenzpostulate, die die theoretischen Terme mit Beobachtungstermen verbinden. Wie schon Hilbert gezeigt hat, können in dieser Weise sowohl die Mathematik als auch die theoretische Physik als ungedeutete Kalküle aufgestellt werden. Es wird hier kurz erklärt, dass durch diesen Aufbau auch den mathematischen Termen (...) eine Bedeutung beigelegt wird. Die theoretischen Terme erhalten durch die Korrespondenzpostulate wenigstens eine unvollständige Deutung. Es wird gezeigt, wie die Unterscheidung von analytischen und synthetischen Sätzen auch für die theoretische Sprache definiert werden kann.Among the non‐logical constants of the language of science two kinds are distinguished, the observation terms and the theoretical terms . The latter terms are introduced, not by definitions, but by postulates of two kinds, theoretical postulates, e.g., basic laws of physics, and correspondence postulates which connect the theoretical terms with observation terms. As Hilbert has explained, both mathematics and theoretical physics can in this way be constructed in the form of uninterpreted calculi. It is here briefly indicated that by this method of construction also the mathematical terms have meanings assigned to them. The theoretical terms obtain at least an incomplete interpretation by means of the correspondence postulates. It is shown how the distinction between analytic and synthetic sentences can be defined also for the theoretical language. (shrink)

Moral behaviour, based on social norms, is commonly regarded as a hallmark of humans. Hitherto, humans are perceived to be the only species possessing social norms and to engage in moral behaviour. There is anecdotal evidence suggesting their presence in chimpanzees, but systematic studies are lacking. Here, we examine the evolution of human social norms and their underlying psychological mechanisms. For this, we distinguish between conventions, cultural social norms and universal social norms. We aim at exploring whether chimpanzees possess evolutionary (...) precursors of universal social norms seen in humans. Chimpanzees exhibit important preconditions for their presence and enforcement: tolerant societies, well-developed social-cognitive skills and empathetic competence. Here, we develop a theoretical framework for recognizing different functional levels of social norms and distinguish them from mere statistical behavioural regularities. Quasi social norms are found where animals behave functionally moral without having moral emotions. In proto social norms, moral emotions might be present but cannot be collectivized due to the absence of a uniquely human psychological trait, i.e. shared intentionality. Human social norms, whether they are universal or cultural, involve moral emotions and are collectivized. We will discuss behaviours in chimpanzees that represent potential evolutionary precursors of human universal social norms, with special focus on social interactions involving infants. We argue that chimpanzee infants occupy a special status within their communities and propose that tolerance towards them might represent a proto social norm. Finally, we discuss possible ways to test this theoretical framework. (shrink)

The ethical problem in the present time.--The ethical principle.--A defence of the ethical principle.--Evolution of the ethical principle.--Morality and religion.--The present status of morality.

ZusammenfassungIn der Antike wie in der zeitgenassischen Philosophie wird die Frage diskutiert, ob sprachli‐che Bedeutungen auf Übereinkunft beruhen. In unserer Zeit heisst die Frage, inwieweit sprachliche Verständigung durch Konventionen bestimmt ist. Ich versuche zu zeigen, dass in den Regelbrauch, der sprachliches Verhalten teitet, zwar übereinkünfte eingehen können, ihn aber nicht wesentlich auszeichnen. Von da her erhält auch die Behandlung der Frage im Kratylos neue Aspekte: Der Regelbrauch, in den die ursprüngliche Übereinkunft zwar einge‐gangen ist, garantiert den Bezug der Narnen, aber (...) nicht auch die Bedeutung der Wörter.SummaryIn Antiquity, just as in contemporary philosophy, it was asked whether linguistic meaning is a matter of convention. Nowadays the question takes the following form: “to what extent is linguistic communication determined by convention?” I attempt to show that although there may be conventions among the rules governing linguistic behavior, they are not in any essential way distinctive of those rules. As a result of this view there are also new aspects to be considered in the treatment of the question in the Cratylus: the rules, which the initial convention indeed concerns, guarantee the reference of names but not the meaning of other kinds of words.RésuméDans ľAntiquité tout comme dans la philosophie contemporaine, on s'est demandé si Ies significations linguistiques reposent sur une convention. Aujourd'hui, la question se pose sous la forme suivante: dans quelle mesure la communication linguistique est‐elle déterminée par convention? J'essaye de montrer que, parmi les régies qui gouvernent le comportement linguistique, il peut y avoir des conventions, mais que le caractère conventionnel n'en est pas un critère distinctif. De ce point de vue, le traitement de la question dans le Cratyle révèle de nouveaux aspects: les règies, qui tiennent certes compte de la convention primitive, garantissent la référence des noms mais ne garantis‐sent pas celle des autres mots. (shrink)