Quan shu fen "Zengzi shi pian", "Zengzi quan shu", "Zengzi bu yi" he fu lu si bu fen. qi zhong, "Zengzi shi pian" wei Han dai Dai De suo ji, shou lu yu "Da dai li ji" ; "Zengzi quan shu" wei nan Song Wang Zhuoji lu, shou wen fen wei nei pian he wai pian, nei pian shou wen liang pian,wai pian shou wen shi pian, gong shou wen shi er pian; "Zengzi bu (...) yi" ze wei zheng li zhe xin ji, cai liao lai yuan zhu yao shi li dai jing, shi, zi xiang guan wen xian; fu lu bu fen zhu yao shou lu xiang guan xu ba, kao zheng deng, gong fen liu pian. (shrink)

本书以志体为主, 兼用述、记、传、图、表、录诸体, 力求客观、科学地记述曾子的生平、贡献及影响。设《家世生平》、《著作》、《思想学说》、《影响与研究》、《历代崇颂》、《曾子后裔》及《遗址遗迹与纪念性建筑》七篇.

本书介绍曾子的身世背景、曾子的生平、曾子的著作、曾子的思想、曾子与《孝经》的关系、《孝经》的思想内容、《孝经》的影响、历代对曾子的推崇。.

The different meanings of “courage” in The Analects were expressed in Confucius’ remark on Zilu’s bravery. The typological analysis of courage in Mencius and Xunzi focused on the shaping of the personalities of brave persons. “Great courage” and “superior courage”, as the virtues of “great men” or “shi junzi 士君子 ”, exhibit not only the uprightness of the “internal sagacity”, but also the rich implications of the “external kingship”. The prototype of these brave persons could be said to be between (...) Zengzi’s courage and King Wen’s courage. The discussion entered a new stage of Neo-Confucianism in the Song and Ming dynasties, when admiration for “Yanzi’s great valor” became the key of various arguments. The order of “the three cardinal virtues” was also discussed because it concerned the relationship between “finished virtue” and “novice virtue”; hence, the virtue of courage became internalized as an essence of the internal virtuous life. At the turn of the 20th century, when China was trembling under the threat of foreign powers, intellectuals remodeled the tradition of courage by redefining “Confucius’ great valor”, as Liang Qichao did in representative fashion in his book Chinese Bushido. Hu Shi’s Lun Ru 论儒 was no more than a repetition of Liang’s opinion. In the theoretical structures of the modern Confucians, courage is hardly given a place. As one of the three cardinal virtues, bravery is but a concept. In a contemporary society where heroes and sages exist only in history books, do we need to talk about courage? How should it be discussed? These are questions which deserve our consideration. (shrink)

The different meanings of “courage” in The Analects were expressed in Confucius’ remark on Zilu’s bravery. The typological analysis of courage in Mencius and Xunzi focused on the shaping of the personalities of brave persons. “Great courage” and “superior courage”, as the virtues of “great men” or “ shi junzi 士君子 (intellectuals with noble characters)”, exhibit not only the uprightness of the “internal sagacity”, but also the rich implications of the “external kingship”. The prototype of these brave persons could be (...) said to be between Zengzi’s courage and King Wen’s courage. The discussion entered a new stage of Neo-Confucianism in the Song and Ming dynasties, when admiration for “Yanzi’s great valor” became the key of various arguments. The order of “the three cardinal virtues” was also discussed because it concerned the relationship between “finished virtue” and “novice virtue”; hence, the virtue of courage became internalized as an essence of the internal virtuous life. At the turn of the 20 th century, when China was trembling under the threat of foreign powers, intellectuals remodeled the tradition of courage by redefining “Confucius’ great valor”, as Liang Qichao did in representative fashion in his book Chinese Bushido . Hu Shi’s Lun Ru 论儒 (On Ru ) was no more than a repetition of Liang’s opinion. In the theoretical structures of the modern Confucians, courage is hardly given a place. As one of the three cardinal virtues, bravery is but a concept. In a contemporary society where heroes and sages exist only in history books, do we need to talk about courage? How should it be discussed? These are questions which deserve our consideration. (shrink)

When originally independent pragmatic texts were included in larger early Chinese compilations, this entailed a recontextualization that potentially transformed the meaning of those texts significantly. Focusing on examples from the Analects and the Zengzi chapters in Da Dai Liji, this paper demonstrates that some didactic precepts which have come to be appreciated as general Ru moral and political philosophy are probably rooted in concrete and more modest applications. The texts discussed are in part based on a discourse accompanying the (...) establishment of meritocratic administrative structures in the early to mid Warring States period. These pragmatic discourses inspired didactic texts that reflected shi status anxiety. Members of the shi class not only composed texts for the edification of their rulers and the education of their princes. They also directed admonitions at their own peers, formulating standards by which they could manifest their claim to elevated social status. The further these texts became removed over time from their original historical context, the more they came to be read as Ru ethics in the sense of universally applicable standards. (shrink)