The distribution of the flap allophone [ɾ] of American English, along with the other allophones of /t/,[t h,t =, ʔ, t] has been accounted for in various formal frameworks by assuming a number of different abstract mechanisms and entities. The desirability or usefulness of these formalisms is not at issue in the present paper. Instead, a computationally explicit model of categorization is used (Skousen 1989, 1992) in order to account for the distribution of the allophones of /t/ without (...) recourse to such formalisms. The simulations that were carried out suggest that they are not needed because analogy to surface apparent variables such as phones and word boundaries is sufficient to predict allophony. In analogy, the particular allophone of /t/ (i.e. [ɾ, t h, t =, ʔ, t]) that appears in a given context is determined on the basis of similarity to stored exemplars in the mental lexicon. From an acquisitional standpoint, categorization by analogy to stored exemplars dispenses with the need for rule induction although it does suggest that speakers group functionally related sounds into mental categories, a process that is influenced to a great deal by orthography. Analogy also explains the stochastic nature of linguistic performance. In the present study, 3,719 tokens of the allophones of the phoneme /t/ were extracted from the TIMIT corpus and constitute the database from which analogs were chosen. The variables used included the three phones or boundaries on either side of /t/, and the stress of the syllables preceding and following /t/. The model proves quite successful in predicting the correct allophone, and the errors made are generally possible alternative pronunciations (e.g. moun[ʔ]ain, moun[t h ]ain). The success rate changes little when only small sub-samples of the database are incorporated. In addition, exemplar-modeling is found to be quite robust because even when a feature such as stress is eliminated, (a feature which is critical in most rule approaches), allophony is still highly predictable. (shrink)

To attain native-like competence, second language (L2) learners must establish mappings between familiar speech sounds and new phoneme categories. For example, Spanish learners of English must learn that [d] and [ð], which are allophones of the same phoneme in Spanish, can distinguish meaning in English (i.e. /deɪ/ ‘day’ and /ðeɪ/ ‘they’). Because adult listeners are less sensitive to allophonic than phonemic contrasts in their native language (L1), novel target language contrasts between L1 allophones may pose special difficulty for (...) L2 learners. We investigate whether advanced Spanish late-learners of English overcome native language mappings to establish new phonological relations between familiar phones. We report behavioral and magnetoencepholographic (MEG) evidence from two experiments that measured the sensitivity and pre-attentive processing of three listener groups (L1 English, L1 Spanish, and advanced Spanish late-learners of English) to differences between three nonword stimulus pairs ([idi]-[iði], [idi]-[iɾi], and [iði]-[iɾi]) which differ in phones that play a different functional role in Spanish and English. Spanish and English listeners demonstrated greater sensitivity (larger d’ scores) for nonword pairs distinguished by phonemic than by allophonic contrasts, mirroring previous findings. Spanish late-learners demonstrated sensitivity (large d’ scores and MMN responses) to all three contrasts, suggesting that these L2 learners may have established a novel [d]-[ð] contrast despite the phonological relatedness of these sounds in the L1. Our results suggest that phonological relatedness influences perceived similarity, as evidenced by the results of the native speaker groups, but may not cause persistent difficulty for advanced L2 learners. Instead, L2 learners are able to use cues that are present in their input to establish new mappings between familiar phones. (shrink)

Before the end of the first year of life, infants begin to lose the ability to perceive distinctions between sounds that are not phonemic in their native language. It is typically assumed that this developmental change reflects the construction of language-specific phoneme categories, but how these categories are learned largely remains a mystery. Peperkamp, Le Calvez, Nadal, and Dupoux (2006) present an algorithm that can discover phonemes using the distributions of allophones as well as the phonetic properties of the (...) allophones and their contexts. We show that a third type of information source, the occurrence of pairs of minimally differing word forms in speech heard by the infant, is also useful for learning phonemic categories and is in fact more reliable than purely distributional information in data containing a large number of allophones. In our model, learners build an approximation of the lexicon consisting of the high-frequency n-grams present in their speech input, allowing them to take advantage of top-down lexical information without needing to learn words. This may explain how infants have already begun to exhibit sensitivity to phonemic categories before they have a large receptive lexicon. (shrink)

In previous research, acoustic characteristics of the male voice have been shown to signal various aspects of mate quality and threat potential. But the human voice is also a medium of linguistic communication. The present study explores whether physical and vocal indicators of male mate quality and threat potential are linked to effective communicative behaviors such as vowel differentiation and use of more salient phonetic variants of consonants. We show that physical and vocal indicators of male threat potential, height and (...) formant position, are negatively linked to vowel space size, and that height and levels of circulating testosterone are negatively linked to the use of the aspirated variant of the alveolar stop consonant /t/. Thus, taller, more masculine men display less clarity in their speech and prefer phonetic variants that may be associated with masculine attributes such as toughness. These findings suggest that vocal signals of men’s mate quality and/or dominance are not confined to the realm of voice acoustics but extend to other aspects of communicative behavior, even if this means a trade-off with speech patterns that are considered communicatively advantageous, such as clarity and indexical cues to higher social class. (shrink)

Resumen: En este trabajo, se observa la variación fonética del fonema oclusivo bilabial sonoro en el español no estándar en una muestra de hablantes chilenos de ocho ciudades, cuyas ubicaciones geográficas permiten cubrir los principales sectores urbanos del país. En los resultados se evidencia un marcado uso del alófono aproximante labiodental sonoro en este tipo de habla y un comportamiento relativamente homogéneo en todo el país respecto de las principales variantes del fonema oclusivo bilabial sonoro. La comparación del fonema oclusivo (...) bilabial sonoro entre el español no estándar y el estándar muestra marcadas diferencias, datos que sugieren un cambio lingüístico en proceso desde el alófono aproximante bilabial sonoro al alófono aproximante labiodental sonoro.: In this study, we observed the phonetic variation of voiced bilabial occlusive phoneme in non-standard Spanish in a sample of Chilean speakers from cities whose geographical locations allow to cover the main urban sectors of the country. The results that show a marked use of voiced labiodental approximant allophone in this type of speech an a relatively homogenous behaviour in the whole country of the main variants of the voiced bilabial occlusive phoneme are presented. The comparison of voiced bilabial occlusive phoneme between non-standard and standard Spanish shows clear differences, data that suggest a linguistic change in process from voiced bilabial approximant allophone to voiced labiodental approximant allophone. (shrink)

This dissertation work is premised upon the observation that semantic information is required in order to group phonetically distinct word-tokens into phonemically equivalent word-types. For philosophers, like W. V. Quine, who have a dim view of meaning, this claim regarding the semantic basis of natural language phonology, if true, is problematic. This is why in a series of publications, Quine has attempted to avoid any appeal to semantics in his efforts to reconstruct phonemic word-type equivalence. Consistent with his rejection of (...) meaning-based analytic equivalence, Quine rejects a meaning-based account of basic phonological equivalence. However, given the empirical failures to "reduce the phoneme" to acoustic, phonetic, and/or distributional data within phonology---combined with the philosophical short-comings of a behavioral reduction---a consistent disavowal of meaning prohibits Quine from acknowledging the legitimacy of basic phonological equivalence anymore than he wishes to acknowledge the legitimacy of analytic equivalence. In this way, a consistent Quinean rejection of meaning entails not only a skeptical dismissal of analytic equivalence, but also a dismissal of basic phonological equivalence. ;Yet the observation that semantic information is required in order to group word-tokens into phonemic word-types also has a Fregean application. This is because the semantic information required to reconstruct basic phonology is not entirely intensional in character. In addition to typing word-tokens of various predicates in terms of properties, word-tokens of names must also be phonologically typed. So whereas Quineans reject synonymous substitutions because they are based upon meaning, Fregeans claim reference is insufficient to guarantee the substitution of co-referring names salva veritate. But if basic phonological substitutions among word-tokens are premised upon co-reference , a consistent rejection of co-naming substitutions within belief contexts also threatens the substitution of allophonically related word-tokens in belief contexts. The semantic basis of natural language phonemic categorization has a number of implications vis-a-vis contemporary philosophy of language. (shrink)

Resumen: En la actualidad existe amplia evidencia acerca de la variación alofónica del fonema /tʃ/ en el español de Chile asociada a factores socioculturales; sin embargo, estas investigaciones se han focalizado en la población adulta. Considerando lo anterior, la presente investigación tuvo por objetivo analizar la articulación del fonema /tʃ/ en una muestra de 161 niños/as desde los 2,0 a los 3,11 años de edad residentes de la ciudad de Temuco. La muestra fue dividida según edad y NSE. Entre los (...) principales resultados se observó variabilidad entre los grupos analizados según el cruce de las variables edad y NSE. En cuanto a la variación alofónica del fonema /tʃ/ según el NSE, también se evidenció un comportamiento variable entre los grupos analizados. Los resultados de esta investigación concuerdan con las discusiones actuales respecto de la relación entre los procesos evolutivos propios de la adquisición y la emergencia de variaciones de tipo social.: Currently there is a vast evidence on the allophonic variation of the phoneme /tʃ/ in Chilean Spanish, associated to social factors. Nevertheless, these researches focused on adult population. With this consideration, this study aims to analyze the articulation of the /tʃ/ phoneme in a sample of 161 kids, from 2.0 to 3.11 years old who live the city of Temuco. The sample was divided per age and socioeconomic status. Among the main results, a variably between the groups has been observed, crossing the variables age and socioeconomic status. Concerning the allophonic variable of the /tʃ/ phoneme according to the socioeconomic status, there has also been evidenced a variable behavior between the groups. The results of this study are in concordance with the current discussions on the relationship between evolutionary acquisition processes and the emergence of social variations. (shrink)

This article briefly reviews categorization models in both cognitive psychology and cognitive phonology in order to set the background for a psycholinguistically plausible account of the classification of the allophones involved in category overlaps (i.e., the overlapping areas between phoneme categories) and in the so-called positions of neutralization. In addition, the traditional proposals of both Bloomfieldian phonemics (i.e., phonetic similarity) and the Prague School (i.e., archiphonemes) are discussed and an alternative proposal is offered. The latter claims that phonological theory (...) should be informed by psycholinguistic evidence obtained by experimental methods. This line of research will progressively make cognitive phonology a functional phonological theory consistent with the way speakers classify the sounds of their language and will contribute to theoretical progress in phonological theory. (shrink)

Dans le cadre de ce travail, nous présentons une expérimentation menée auprès d’un public allophone inscrit à une formation universitaire. Ce travail a pour objectif de relever, d’une part, les spécificités dans les productions orales de ce public, et d’autre part, de démontrer l’intérêt d’un apprentissage sur corpus afin de construire un exposé structuré. Cette étude permet de s’ouvrir à d’autres perspectives didactiques en partant d’un corpus d’apprenants.

Cet article s’inscrit dans la continuité des études sur l’utilisation des corpus oraux comme ressource didactique en français langue étrangère. Il présente les défis sous-jacents à la construction d’un exercice sous format numérique à partir de l’expression polysémique genre à l’oral. L’exercice a été développé dans le cadre du projet de recherche appliquée DiCoi (Digitalisation – Corpus – Interaction), dont le but est de soutenir le développement de la compétence d’interaction orale de jeunes en formation professionnelle de métiers manuels. L’effet (...) des interventions est mesuré à l’aide de feedback, mais aussi de la collecte d’interactions orales libres enregistrées sous format audio. La réception de l’exercice est généralement positive, mais l’analyse du phénomène dans le corpus d’interaction entre allophones révèle la difficulté d’établir un lien clair entre input et output. Néanmoins, une didactisation soigneuse du matériel authentique semble rendre les phénomènes cibles saillants. (shrink)