This article aims to examine the perspective on miracles and their relationship to humility offered by the alphabetical collection of Apophthegmata Patrum. For the analysis of this relationship, texts that speak directly or indirectly about humility have been selected and an attempt has been made to organize them into a coherent discourse. Then a significant set of accounts of miracles is analysed, which are seen from the perspective of their relationship with humility.

In his De ortu et obitu Patrum, Isidore of Seville elaborates a collection of stories that engage the reader in living the experiences of the characters presented and encourage him to identify with them and imitate them. Following the ways of the biblical heroes, the Sevillian comes to know the One who has called all of them into existence as beings created for coexistence and pro-existence, i.e. to live with and for others. Isidore does not write a history of (...) sinners, but of saints, who become friends of God by building a community with other humans and filling the world with his praise. According to him, both his heroes and his readers are relational beings, open to God and to other creatures, in need of them to achieve their fullness. (shrink)

Philippe Roy-Lysencourt | Résumé : Le Coetus Internationalis Patrum, dirigé par Mgr Marcel Lefebvre, fut le principal groupe d’opposants au sein du concile Vatican II (1962-1965). Dans cet article, après avoir présenté l’historiographie et les sources permettant d’écrire l’histoire de ce mouvement, l’auteur propose une évaluation de l’organisation, de l’activité et de la stratégie du Coetus tout au long des sessions et intersessions du Concile. Il analyse ensuite l’impact du groupe sur les documents promulgués par Vatican II. |: Under (...) the leadership of Msgr Marcel Lefebvre, the Coetus Internationalis Patrum constituted the principal opposition group active during the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965). After a presentation of the historiography and sources for writing the history of this movement, this paper will offer an assessment of the organization, activity and strategy of the Coetus all along the council’s sessions and intersessions. After wich it will evaluate the impact of this group on the documents promulgated by the Council. (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to uncover the meaning of holy feigning in the late-antique Christian text the Apophthegmata Patrum, or Sayings of the Desert Fathers [and Mothers]. Whereas stories in this text depict demonic feigning as a regular occurrence (demons often appearing in the guise of a fellow desert dweller), what I call ‘holy feigning’ depicts one desert Christian expressing empathy for the situation of another – and helping the other to change. By looking at two stories (...) that are paradigmatic of holy feigning, I show that exemplary deceptive behaviour, though explicitly defying the otherwise consistent rhetoric of ‘radical self-honesty’ in the Apophthegmata Patrum, paradoxically marks out the person who feigns as holy, discerning and imitative of Christ. In this article, I offer several suggestions for accounting for this seeming contradiction in the desert literature and propose how a spirituality of holy feigning might remain meaningful to readers of this literature today. (shrink)

El tratado exegético ort. et obit. de Isidoro incluye la presentación detallada de tres mujeres que representan, cada una según su historia, las virtudes femeninas más destacadas en la Escritura. Isidoro presenta sus perfiles basándose en el texto bíblico y en la tradición teológica que ya en su época si había ido configurando y asentando. Una atención especial merece el capítulo dedicado a María que no solamente sintetiza la reflexión mariológica anterior, sino que constituye una de las bases para su (...) desarrollo posterior. (shrink)

Book reviews ROY-LYSENCOURT, Philippe. Les membres du Coetus Internationalis Patrum au Concilie Vatican II. Inventaire des interventions et souscriptions des adhérents et sympathisants. Liste des signataires d’occasion et des théologiens. Leuven: Peeters, 2014. 484 p.

Desde o século XIX o catolicismo foi assinalado por uma divisão interna advinda das demandas pastorais de como a Igreja Católica deveria se situar e responder aos novos desafios lançados pela modernidade. Uns entendiam que ela deveria dialogar com modernidade, abrindo-se àquelas perspectivas positivas do projeto moderno, outros negavam qualquer possibilidade de tal diálogo, vendo nos valores modernos apenas anticristianismo e perdição, defendendo o lançamento de anátemas aqueles que, possivelmente, se desviassem da ortodoxia. O Concílio Vaticano II (1962-1965) pode ser (...) compreendido como um campo de lutas simbólico-normativas, no qual estas duas tendências colocaram-se frente a frente nos inúmeros debates. Este artigo tem como objetivo principal apresentar brevemente a atuação de dois bispos brasileiros conservadores no concílio: D. Antônio de Castro Mayer e D. Geraldo de Proença Sigaud (1962-1965). Para tanto, apresentaremos algumas das principais intervenções dos bispos na assembleia conciliar, chamando atenção para os temas em que travaram maior combate, como liberdade religiosa, liturgia e organização hierárquica da Igreja.Since the 19th century Catholicism has been marked by internal divisions arising from the pastoral demands of how the Catholic Church should position itself and deal with the new challenges launched by modern times. Some people understood that the Catholic Church was supposed to evolve with modern times and open itself to new perspectives related to the modern project. Others denied any possibility of dialogue with the modern times and believed that modern values would encourage scepticism and anti Christianity, defending also the excommunication of those who deviate from orthodoxy. The Second Vatican Council (1962-1965) can be understood as a symbolic-normative battle field, in which two divergent positions are in continuous confrontation. This article aims to briefly present the opinions of two Brazilian conservative Bishops in the Council: D. Antônio de Castro Mayer and D. Geraldo Proença Sigaud (1962-1965). For this purpose, the main points made by the Bishops at the Conciliar Assembly, will be outlined. Therefore, the focus of the article will be on the more controversial themes discussed at that time, such as religious freedom, liturgy and hierarchical Church organization. Keywords: Brazilian bishops. Catholic conservatism. Second Vatican Council. Coetus Internationalis Patrum. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Spiritual AuthorityA Christian PerspectiveKarl BaierOne could define spiritual authority as the power to support the opening of the entire universe —and especially of the life of human beings—toward union with the redeeming ultimate reality. Christian tradition knows several holders of this power: God, Jesus Christ, the angels, the saints and priests, spiritual guides, and last but not least each and every Christian and person of goodwill. They all are (...) spiritual authorities and together create a field of liberating power with many interdependent centers. One can conceive of spiritual authority in Christianity as a complex interplay between these various forces. The manifestation of spiritual power through them does not take place for its own sake, or to celebrate the holder of spiritual authority, but to empower other centers. Thus, spiritual power is not private property. It is only real insofar as it is passed on to others. In the field of human spiritual authority, tensions and struggles arise if the flow of authority is blocked by a particular center attempting to monopolize spiritual power for the establishment of an illusionary self-identity.Rather than going into an analysis of the entire field, I would like to take a closer look at one of its facets: “spiritual guides,” those who are acknowledged specialists in helping others to a life in the presence of God. Of course, other centers of spiritual authority will sooner or later also come into the picture, because in the field of spiritual power one authority cannot be understood without the others. Fields of other forms of power and their centers of authority (scriptural authority, political authority, etc.) also influence and partially permeate the field of spiritual authority, but that is a subject for another enquiry.Spiritual Guidance in the History of ChristianityA central socioreligious form of spiritual authority manifests itself within relationships of spiritual guidance, or (to use the common Christian phrase) within spiritual direction. The remaining part of this paper deals with concepts of spiritual direction and ways of understanding the authority of the director in his or her relationship to [End Page 107] the directee within Christian spiritual life. Before looking into the current situation, I will highlight some milestones in the history of Christian spiritual guidance.From late antiquity onward, spiritual authority was accepted within Christian communities as a specific form of authority, quite different from other forms and especially different from the authority of the clergy to lead the Church.The earliest context in which this difference appeared coincides with the beginning of spiritual direction. Spiritual direction in Christianity originated as a monastic concept.1 “Historically it was from the movement of desert monasticism that we received the idea of spiritual direction within the framework of Christian practice.”2 As abba (“father”) and amma (“mother”) ascetics, holy men or women, like the hermits of the Egyptian desert who lived on the periphery of the socioreligious zone controlled by the ecclesiastical hierarchy, functioned as independent spiritual authorities for their fellow monks and nuns as well as for people from further afield who visited the desert to ask for spiritual advice. As one can imagine, the relationship between the two forms of authority was complex, and one can observe tensions and attempts at reconciliation between the authority of the charismatic ascetics and the authority of the bishops, as well as between ascetical ideals taken from monasticism and the pastoral care for lay Christians from the fourth to the sixth century.3The Decretum Gelasianum, an official document dating back to the beginning of the sixth century, assessed that the vitae patrum—the books containing narratives of the lives and the spiritual teachings of the desert fathers—were to be accepted by the Church as valid teaching with all honor (cum omni honore suscipimus). The use of the term “father” in this text indirectly confirms that no ordination was necessary to receive this honorary title and the ministry connected to it. Most of the fathers acknowledged by the Decretum Gelasianum have never been ordained priests.When the desert tradition was superseded by organized monasticism, the charismatic authority of the abba or amma became institutionalized in the form of monastery rules, which functioned... (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Innova dies nostros, sicut a principio:Novelty and Nostalgia in Thomas of Celano's First and Second Lives of St. FrancisBarbara Newman (bio)IntroductionIn his sixth-century compendium of hagiography, Gregory of Tours argued that one should always speak of the vita patrum or vita sanctorum in the singular. According to Pliny, he noted, grammarians did not believe the noun vita had a plural. More to the point, although "there is a (...) diversity of merits and virtues among [the saints], … the one life of the body sustains them all in this world."1 Just as the Church, the body of Christ, is one, so too the saints. Their project of imitatio Christi re-presents the one and only life of Christ for each new generation. As a literary genre, hagiography fleshes out this insight, for no other genre is so steeped in self-citation. Every vita is such a tissue of biblical verses that, to edit a saint's Life before Google, one had to know Scripture by heart or spend endless hours with a concordance. After the Bible, quotations from a few classic vitae were constantly recycled: Athanasius' Life of St. Antony, Sulpicius Severus' Life of St. Martin, Gregory the Great's Life of St. Benedict. With the passage of time, newer classics joined older ones to produce one vast, self-referential monument, incarnate in the Acta Sanctorum: Gregory's vita sanctorum multiplied ad infinitum. So deep did this tendency run that, when an obscure saint needed a vita to justify a cult, shameless hagiographers would plagiarize whole paragraphs, plundering stories and miracles from earlier vitae to serve their turn.2 [End Page 169]It is small wonder, then, that the hagiographic genre is so often characterized as "traditional" or "conservative." It is nostalgic, too, in the sense that each saint's words and deeds bring a glorious Golden Age back to life—most often the apostolic age or the time of the Desert Fathers, but sometimes the graced beginnings of a religious order. Such memorials enabled later generations to idealize their glorious founders. This tendency to exalt the new as a renovation of the old has deep roots in Christianity; even the evangelist Matthew systematically represents Jesus as a new Moses. In the same vein, it is not unusual to find a saint identified as a new Jacob or a second David. On the other hand, many saints' Lives make an insistent claim to newness, renovatio. For the saints were, and are, extraordinary—not merely good men and women, but radical figures whose words and deeds shocked those around them, beginning with their parents. Like Jesus, they had not only admirers, but detractors in plenty. If their publicists held them up as exemplars of virtue, theirs was no ordinary kind, for the heroic virtue that gave saints their charisma could look much like madness. Despite the precedents of earlier vitae, their ascetic feats and challenging behavior often struck observers as new and unheard-of. In hagiography, therefore, claims of novelty play a key role that balances the familiar topoi. Sometimes the newness of a saint's charism is cause for joyful celebration. Jesus, after all, had declared ecce nova facio omnia (Rev 21:5). But "novelties" also had to be handled with care, for they could easily be condemned as heresies or extreme practices deviating from the tradition of the elders.This tension between novelty and nostalgia emerges most clearly in the vitae of saints who founded genuinely new forms of religious life. In this paper I will explore the way it plays out in two early Lives of Francis of Assisi, perhaps the most popular saint of all time. After his death in 1226, Francis set a speed record for canonization—one that would be surpassed in the Middle Ages only by his disciple, St. Anthony of Padua, and by the Dominican martyr Peter of Verona.3 Aside from his charisma and the exponential growth of the Franciscan Order, the fast-track canonization is due to Pope Gregory IX, who as Cardinal Hugolino had been personally close to Francis and supported his movement. For the ceremony in July 1228, less than two years after the... (shrink)

Many in the Christian tradition affirm two things: (1) that Jesus Christ descended to Hades/Limbus Patrum on Holy Saturday and (2) that the human nature of Jesus is a hylemorphic compound, the unity of a human soul and prime matter. I argue that (1) and (2) are incompatible; for the name ‘Jesus’, ‘Christ’, and ‘Jesus Christ’ rigidly designates a human being. But, given a certain view of hylemorphism, the human being, Jesus, ceased to exist in the time between his (...) death and resurrection. So, Jesus did not descend to Hades/Limbus Patrum, even if God the Son did. (shrink)

Dieses seit langem angekündigte, in drei Bänden geplante Handbuch, das sein Erscheinen mit dem zweiten Band über das byzantinische Hochmittelalter und die nachbyzantinische Epoche eröffnet, könnte mit seinen betont lapidaren Titel den Eindruck erwecken, erstmalig eine breite oder gar erschöpfende Darstellung der byzantinischen Theologie zu bieten; doch im Unterschied zu H.-G.Becks Klassiker „Kirche und theologische Literatur in byzantinischen Reich“ (München 1959, 1977), in dem ein lückenloser Überblick über die Gesamtheit der theologischen Produktion in Byzanz(330 bzw. Mitte des 6. Jahrhunderts – (...) 1453) angestrebt ist, setzt sich das vorliegende Werk das Ziel, eine Reihe herausragender Theologen eingehend in Biographie und Werkanalyse darzustellen; dabei nehmen die Bearbeiter, wie im Vorwort J. Norets (S. 3f.) betont, an der „Clavis Patrum Graecorum“ Maß, so daß erstmalig alle echten, unechten und zweifelhaften Werke eines Autors dieser Epochen eine feste Nummer tragen, der dann noch Angaben zu den Handschriften, evtl. Editionen und Übersetzungen folgen. Als weiteres Neuheitsmerkmal ist eine umfassende, internationale Bibliographie zu jedem behandelten Autor beigegeben. Diese immense Arbeitsleistung konnte nur auf möglichst viele Mitarbeiter und Berater, besonders aus dem Forschungspersonal der „Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes“ und des „Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique“, verteilt werden, die neben den ausländischen Kollegen in den Einführungen und Danksagungen (S. 1–6) erwähnt werden. Andererseits besitzen die seitenlangen bibliographischen Listen leider nicht den Charakter einer „Bibliographie raisonnée“, insofern wichtige und unwichtige Titel gleichberechtigt nebeneinanderstehen; nur in Einzelfällen sind auch kritische Rezensionen mitberücksichtigt. (shrink)

In 1635 a Latin translation was published of Galileo's Dialogue on the Two Chief World Systems , which had occasioned his condemnation by the Inquisition in 1633. The Latin translation bore the title Systema Cosmicum. It had been organized by Elia Diodati , a Protestant of Italian origin born in Geneva and living in Paris, where he was a Parliament lawyer. Diodati, a confidante of Galileo, had gone into action after receiving a letter that may be regarded as Galileo's intellectual (...) testament, written the same day his legal testament was registered and he decided to journey from Florence to Rome to stand trial. Galileo's letter stated that “from reliable sources I hear the Jesuit Fathers have managed to convince some very important persons that my book is execrable and more harmful to the Holy Church than the writings of Luther and Calvin.”The translator was Mathias Bernegger , the Austrian‐born Protestant rector of the University of Strasbourg, who taught history and political science but had a background in mathematics. The publisher was the influential Dutch firm of the Elseviers, based in Leiden but with branches in several cities. The place of publication was Strasbourg, which at that time was a free city within the Holy Roman Empire. The book had two appendixes: a five‐page selection from Kepler's introduction to his Astronomia Nova , arguing that Scripture carries no weight in natural philosophy; and a Latin translation of Paolo Foscarini's 1615 booklet that had been condemned and banned by the Decree of the Index of 5 March 1616 for arguing that the earth's motion is compatible with Scripture. The book's frontispiece reproduced the one from the original edition—that of Aristotle, Ptolemy, and Copernicus engaged in conversation—but with the figure of Copernicus looking much younger than the original. And the title page carried two epigraphs: a Greek quotation from the Platonist philosopher Alcinous meaning “One must be mentally free if one wants to become a philosopher” and a Latin quotation from Seneca meaning “It is especially among philosophers that one must have equal liberty.”A year later , there appeared also in Strasbourg with the Elseviers and edited by Bernegger the first publication ever of Galileo's “Letter to the Grand Duchess Christina,” which he had written in 1615. It had both the Italian text and a Latin translation by Diodati and bore the revealing title Nov‐antiqua Sanctissimorum Patrum et Probatorum Theologorum Doctrina de Sacrae Scripturae Testimoniis, in Conclusionibuis mere Naturalibus, Quae Sensata Experientia et Necessariis Demonstrationibus Evinci Possunt. It had a preface in which Diodati praised Galileo's astronomical accomplishments, blamed his trial on jealous rivals, and justified the depth and purity of his piety and religiousness. Diodati used the pseudonym Robertus Robertinus, which corresponded to the name of a Prussian poet named Robert Roberthin .These are some of the factual details in Nonnoi's book. Other chapters deal, in a similar vein, with the ambiguities of Galileo's atomism; with icons, models, and symbols in Galileo's Copernican propaganda; and with the image of Galileo in the astronomical writings of John Wilkins .Such details are fascinating and important for understanding Galileo's work and its aftermath, and so Nonnoi's book is useful for contributing such necessary spadework—in particular, the bibliographical documentation is especially valuable and the analysis of the pictures found in the works discussed shows considerable originality. Regrettably, Nonnoi does not integrate such details into an overarching thesis that might elaborate their significance; thus, the work of assimilating them remains to be done. (shrink)