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  1. The Rhetoric of Combat: Greek Military Theory and Roman Culture in Julius Caesar's Battle Descriptions.J. E. Lendon - 1999 - Classical Antiquity 18 (2):273-329.
    Descriptions of battles in ancient authors are not mirrors of reality, however dim and badly cracked, but are a form of literary production in which the real events depicted are filtered through the literary, intellectual, and cultural assumptions of the author. By comparing the battle descriptions of Julius Caesar to those of Xenophon and Polybius this paper attempts to place those battle descriptions in their intellectual and cultural context. Here Caesar appears as a military intellectual engaged in controversies with experts (...)
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  • Tacitus, Stoic exempla, and the praecipuum munus annalium.William Turpin - 2008 - Classical Antiquity 27 (2):359-404.
    Tacitus' claim that history should inspire good deeds and deter bad ones should be taken seriously: his exempla are supposed to help his readers think through their own moral difficulties. This approach to history is found in historians with clear connections to Stoicism, and in Stoic philosophers like Seneca. It is no coincidence that Tacitus is particularly interested in the behavior of Stoics like Thrasea Paetus, Barea Soranus, and Seneca himself. They, and even non-Stoic characters like Epicharis and Petronius, exemplify (...)
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  • Narrative and Notice in Livy's Fourth Decade: The Case of Scipio Africanus.A. Haimson Lushkov - 2014 - Classical Antiquity 33 (1):102-129.
    This paper argues for the importance of Livy's annalistic notices in structuring the author's aims and the reader's reception of the history, as against the standard conception of the notices as archaic memoranda. Taking the later career of Scipio Africanus the Elder as a test case, the paper demonstrates the tension between the formal features of the narrative and the actual content of the notices. As summarized in the eulogy for Africanus, Livy constructs a narrative of Scipio's decline emphasizing his (...)
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  • Treaties true and false: The error of Philinus of Agrigentum.B. D. Hoyos - 1985 - Classical Quarterly 35 (01):92-.
    Rome and Carthage had established peaceful diplomatic relations before 300 b.c. — as early as the close of the sixth century according to Polybius, whose dating there no longer seems good cause to doubt. A second treaty was struck probably in 348. Both dealt essentially with traders' and travellers' obligations and entitlements, so any military or political terms sprang from that context. In both, the Carthaginians agreed to hand over any independent town they captured in Latium. In the first treaty (...)
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  • Treaties true and false: The error of Philinus of Agrigentum.B. D. Hoyos - 1985 - Classical Quarterly 35 (1):92-109.
    Rome and Carthage had established peaceful diplomatic relations before 300 b.c. — as early as the close of the sixth century according to Polybius, whose dating there no longer seems good cause to doubt. A second treaty was struck probably in 348. Both dealt essentially with traders' and travellers' obligations and entitlements, so any military or political terms sprang from that context. In both, the Carthaginians agreed to hand over any independent town they captured in Latium. In the first treaty (...)
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  • Maharbal's bon mot: authenticity and survival.Dexter Hoyos - 2000 - Classical Quarterly 50 (02):610-.
    Did the Carthaginian cavalry general Maharbal really urge Hannibal to march on Rome after Cannae, and then comment bitterly Vincere sets, Hannibal; victoria uti nescis, when his leader refused? There are two main objections: Maharbal may not have been there, and anyway Cannae was too far away to justify such a march. The whole story has been seen as one of those well-known Roman historiographical inventions. But there may well be more to the story than that, illuminating both Hannibalic history (...)
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  • Maharbal's bon mot: authenticity and survival.Dexter Hoyos - 2000 - Classical Quarterly 50 (2):610-614.
    Did the Carthaginian cavalry general Maharbal really urge Hannibal to march on Rome after Cannae, and then comment bitterlyVincere sets, Hannibal; victoria uti nescis, when his leader refused? There are two main objections: Maharbal may not have been there, and anyway Cannae was too far away to justify such a march. The whole story has been seen as one of those well-known Roman historiographical inventions. But there may well be more to the story than that, illuminating both Hannibalic history and (...)
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  • Livy on scipio africanus. The commander's portrait at 26.19.3–9.Luca Beltramini & Marco Rocco - 2020 - Classical Quarterly 70 (1):230-246.
    According to Livy, in late 211 Publius Cornelius Scipio was elected priuatus cum imperio pro consule by the comitia centuriata and sent to Spain in charge of the legions formerly led by his father Publius and his uncle Gnaeus. This was the beginning of a new phase in the Hannibalic War, which would ultimately lead Rome to victory against its most dangerous enemy. As has long been recognized, Livy assigns Scipio a central role in the narrative development of the Third (...)
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  • Los datos geográficos en la obra de Tito Livio, un estado de la cuestión.Agustín Moreno - 2012 - Circe de Clásicos y Modernos 16 (1):15-29.
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