El artículo hace un análisis del discurso de Beccaria contenido en su libro Dei delitti e delle pene y extrae las ideas relativas a la percepción como argumento considerable dentro de su propuesta político-criminal para fundar la utilización de ciertos instrumentos de la penalidad, con base en su pensamiento sobre la estética, entendida como un estudio sobre la percepción, realizado en algunas investigaciones personales. Igualmente, toma ciertas ideas de la epistemología gravitante de la época, para fundar su desiderátum político-criminal.

Le texte de Cesare Beccaria (1738-1794), publié pour la première fois en 1764, a joué un rôle primordial dans l’Europe des Lumières : véritable best-seller de l’époque, devenu aussitôt un classique non seulement en Italie mais dans une bonne partie de l’Europe et tout particulièrement en France, il est l’une des sources principales de notre doctrine pénale moderne. Si cet ouvrage reste d’actualité pour bonne partie du monde contemporain, c’est d’abord parce qu’il contient la toute première ar..

Section I explores and articulates Beccaria's theory of luxury. Social classes tend to emulate the classes immediately above and below them. When a class increases the luxury that it consumes, this causes a chain reaction of increased demand for luxury by other classes. Satisfying the resulting new demand for luxury and non-luxury goods maximizes the happiness of a greater number of citizens. Following the consequentialist principle of utility theory, Beccaria concludes that luxury is beneficial. His writings are compared (...) to those of Hume, Bentham and others. In section II Beccaria's demonstration that freedom of choice is a universally desired luxury indispensable for well-being in all human societies is contrasted to Rousseau's belief that luxury diminishes liberty and happiness. Beccaria values the distributive more than the aggregative maximization of utility in his analysis of luxury; the article explains why this carries wider implications for utilitarian theory. (shrink)

ABSTRACTAt the heart of the criminal reform proposed in Cesare Beccaria’s 1764 Dei delitti e delle pene are the principles of penal parsimony derived from a precise interpretation of the social contract. Punishment, being no more than a necessary evil devoid of any intrinsic virtue, must serve no more than a preventative function to the smallest possible extent; its application strictly bound by the principle of legality. Beccaria’s criminal philosophy, therefore, attempts to drastically reduce the power of the (...) penal institution. After recounting its principal aspects, this article seeks to propose a new interpretation of Beccaria’s theory from the perspective of its historical context. The Italian Enlightenment philosopher did not so much express indignation against the barbarism of the Milanese penal system, but rather instigate a rebellion against the political dominance of its patriciate, whose power had long been validated by its juridical functions. In this respect, Beccaria sought to combat the political hegemony of the jurists, concluding his treatise by excluding juridical thought from, and thus removing the intellectual foundations of, the practice of criminal law. (shrink)

In this paper I outline and criticize Judith Shklar’s and Richard Rorty’s ‘liberalism of fear’. Both political thinkers believe liberalism to be characterized by a fundamental opposition to cruelty , which they regard as the least liberal of the features that may distinguish any given human community. In order to demonstrate the limits of the Shklar–Rorty thesis, I make use, in the first place, of John Kekes’s critique of liberalism as to show that liberalism allows for cruelty in so far (...) as it grants wider margins of agency to the members of the community. In the second place, I make use of Cesare Beccaria’s reflections on the cruelty implied by liberalism assuch, in so far as this political doctrine endorses the institutions of penal justice and private property. Key Words: Cesare Beccaria • cruelty • ethics • fear • justice • John Kekes • liberalism • politics • property • punishment • Richard Rorty • Judith Shklar. (shrink)

Cesare Beccaria’s On Crimes and Punishments has had a profound impact on, and made significant contributions to, among others, the study of law, justice, crime, and punishment. Unsurprisingly, there is a voluminous literature on this text. This article subjects Beccaria’s treatise to an exegetical reading and focuses on the aesthetic inquiry at heart of the text. Beccaria professes to undertake a rigorous scientific inquiry into crime and punishment. He repeatedly invokes language from modernity and the enlightenment—e.g., probability, (...) correlation, and other mathematical tools (e.g., geometry)—to ground the scientific nature of his treatise. Yet, what Beccaria engages with is aesthetic and what is produced is not scientific knowledge but aesthetic knowledge. Rather than read this as a criticism, the article highlights how the concept of justice—like beauty or virtue—is, and can only or largely be, a matter of aesthetic inquiry, and explicates why Beccaria’s text ought to be read as an aesthetic inquiry into justice. (shrink)

The impact of Beccaria's On Crimes and Punishments on English discussions of punishment in the twenty-five years following its publication is assessed, with attention being paid to Beccaria's combination of contractarian and early utilitarian thinking. It is argued that Beccaria's influence was particularly striking in England in that he stimulated two disparate strands of reform thinking. The first being exemplified in the work of William Eden, and taking the form of a contractarian, humanitarian version, which owed something (...) to William Blackstone, but was ultimately quite distinct. The second represented in Jeremy Bentham's theory of punishment with its emphasis overwhelmingly on utilitarian calculation. (shrink)

This book considers the way that Cesare Beccaria's slim 1764 volume On Crimes and Punishments influenced policy developments worldwide and over decades, if not centuries, after its publication. For those who turn to Beccaria's work today, the encounter is shaped by that knowledge. Appreciative of his book's dual nature as historical document and repository of ideas, the contributions in this collection address different aspects of the criminal justice theory Beccaria offered his readers and face up to methodological (...) questions raised by meeting a historical text of this kind - unsystematic and by modern standards often under-argued - with modern scholarly conventions in mind. Contributions in the first part of the book engage with Beccaria's 'political theory of criminal justice' through the lenses of political and penal philosophy. How do we get from Beccaria's blending of social-contractarian foundations and proto-utilitarian policy analysis to the concrete set of criminal justice practices Beccaria presents as justified? This leads across to the second part where contributors approach Beccaria's ideas with present-day reforms and developments in mind. Many of his policy proposals and arguments remain significant from our contemporary perspective, their limitations and omissions proving as instructive for the contemporary scholar as their more prescient elements. The third part offers those looking at Beccaria's work today a glimpse into the practical difficulties facing the firebrand author turned public servant during his long career in the Habsburg-Lombardian administration. It puts his work into the broader context of pathways to criminal justice reform in northern Italy, Habsburgian Lombardy, and the Austro-Hungarian Empire in Beccaria's day. (shrink)

Beccaria’s penal philosophy hinges on the doctrinal paradigm of liberty through law. Inconceivable in the absence of laws and unattainable in the presence of arbitrary powers, liberty is profiled as the legal situation of the person who may act, within the sphere of what is not forbidden and not bound, without suffering illicit interference from private individuals or organs of the state. Thus, the form of law becomes an essential matter in the construction of the political space suitable for (...) free living. In the analysis proposed in this article, the notion of “political liberty”–which Beccaria takes from Montesquieu–is declined in relation to the legal order, criminal law and the social contract. (shrink)

C’est en territoire italien, à l’université de Naples, qu’est créée la toute première chaire d’économie, inaugurée en 1754 par Antonio Genovesi. La seconde chaire italienne est inaugurée en 1769 à Milan par Cesare Beccaria. Ces professeurs doivent répondre à une exigence de justification et de définition : pourquoi un nouveau savoir, et quelle est sa compétence ? Le savoir économique apparaît alors comme la première des « sciences humaines » qui n’ait pas vocation à interpréter des textes, puisqu’elle se (...) donne pour tâche d’analyser des choses. À l’ère de l’herméneutique succède celle de l’anthropologie. En ce sens, l’économie prolonge un geste déjà tenté par le droit naturel moderne, qui avait voulu soustraire la science du droit au règne des textes. Mais en prolongeant ce geste, elle veut aussi dépasser cette discipline, comme une jeune science qui non seulement pallie les imperfections de son aînée, mais prend définitivement sa relève. (shrink)

Desde el siglo XIX, un estado de alerta permanente frente al terrorismo en las democracias liberales modernas ha permitido la coexistencia de una aparente normalidad socio-jurídica y el estado de excepción, el espacio en el que el derecho se suspende a sí mismo para protegerse de una amenaza a su poder. Los actuales medios de policía y espionaje propios de la guerra moderna antiterrorista sirven para poner a prueba la hipótesis benjaminiana de que el Estado debe acudir siempre a una (...) instancia superior de autoridad y legalidad ante la imposibilidad de defender su orden en el marco mismo de la ley. Este artículo analiza en profundidad los conceptos de “violencia” y “excepción” en Benjamin a partir de las reflexiones sobre la pena de muerte y policía de Estado desarrolladas en su ensayo “Para una crítica de la violencia”, puestas en diálogo con las ideas de autores como Beccaria, Schmitt, Agamben y Honneth. (shrink)

Brano tratto dal libro di Guido del Giudice “Io dirò la verità”. Intervista a Giordano Bruno.