ArgumentDuring the two decades before the turning point in Copernicus's personal and scientific development in 1510, he had experience of political activity which has been largely ignored by the existing Copernicus literature but part of which is reconstructed in outline in this paper. Given the close linkage between politics and astrology, Copernicus's likely reaction to astrology is re-examined here. This reconstruction also suggests that the turning point in 1510, when Copernicus left his post as secretary to his uncle Lucas Watzenrode (...) the prince-bishop of Warmia, was not only linked to Copernicus's first version of his heliocentric theory in theCommentariolus, but also to major political setbacks being experienced by Watzenrode during these years, and with the publication of Copernicus's translation of theLettersof Theophylactus Simocatta. Some of these considerations contribute to maintaining the view that Copernicus and his work were in several respects exceptional. (shrink)

The term of Tαυyάστ was found first in the History of Theophylact Simocatta, the Byzantine historian. Phonetically, it was derived from Ta-han, i.e. the Great Han, an appellation for the two Han Dynasties by the Huns and other nomadic peoples. With the rise of the Turks in Central Asia and its frequent diplomatic exchanges with the Byzantine empire in the last half of the 6th century, this term was acquainted with and written down by the Byzantine historian. This term, (...) commonly used as a name, was accepted by the various ethnic groups during its westward spread to Central Asia and West Asia, referring to China, and to those ethnic groups themselves with a derivative meaning in many cases. (shrink)

This paper explores the complex reception of the reign of Maurice (582-602) at the court of Heraclius (610 -641). It explores how the reign of Maurice established two important precedents for Heraclius as he emerged from the Last Great War: first, the re-establishment, after a long hiatus, of the principle of filial succession; and second, the realisation of a profound, co-operative peace with the Persians. It then argues, however, that Heraclian authors - in particular Theophylact Simocatta - resisted the (...) sanctification of the murdered emperor, framing him instead as, ultimately, a failure, suggesting that he had deserved and accepted his death, and insisting that he had surrendered all of his children, including his son and co-emperor Theodosius, to the same fate. Thus the reign of Maurice was presented not as an apex from which his successors had fallen, but as a pale foreshadowing of the early triumphs of Heraclius. (shrink)