Towards the end of the Tābi‘ūn generation (the generation of Muslims who followed the Sahaba [companions of the prophet Muhammad]), there was a search for a name through history, for people who were members of Ahl as-Sunnah (people of the tradition and the community of Muhammad [peace be upon him]), and were distinguished from other people with their understanding of zuhd (asceticism) and faqr (indigence), and their sensitivity to worship and to abide by righteous deeds. In this process, any name (...) other than Tasawwuf (Islamic mysticism, commonly known as Sufism) was not generally accepted because it was considered incomplete and inadequate in expressing the knowledge, state, behavior, and approaches of Sufi. The debate about the origin of the word Tasawwuf has continued from the first time to the present day. Some authors have argued that the original word was not in Arabic and hence it was not known during the time of Sahaba, while other authors have argued that it was in Arabic and that it was known in the time of Sahaba. Also, there were differences of opinion about the origin of the root word for Tasawwuf among the authors who argued that the origin of the word Tasawwuf was Arabic. When Sufi works are examined, it can be seen that each Sufi made many descriptions of Tasawwuf in accordance with the subjects they cared about and the state in which they lived. However, this study does not aim to examine the terminological descriptions of the notions of Tasawwuf expressed in the historical process, but to bring up some discussions about the origin of the word and to examine some issues related to the subject.Summary: There has been an ongoing search for a name for the group who was a part of Ahl as-sunnah and were distinguished from others with their outside appearances and zuhd (asceticism), and made intensive efforts for the elimination of the heart (sense of selfishness and ego). Some authors declared that this group was essentially famous and known, but that a name was needed to distinguish them from other people and to show their privileges. In the early days, some distinguishing names such as abid, nasik, vari‘, zahid (following are some of the descriptions/meanings of these names; one who prays a lot, servant of God, extremely religious, someone who gave up earthly possessions for God, etc.) were given to the pioneer Sufis. However, these names were not seen as a distinguishing feature because they were also given to other non-Sufi individuals, and the use of these names did not become widespread in later times. In addition, since these names indicated only one characteristic of the Sufi in terms of their meaning, they were considered incomplete and inadequate, and there was a need for a more comprehensive name. In addition to these names, there was also a search for new ones in some regions. Among these names, some names such as fuqaraa (the poor), ghuraba (eccentric and noncomformist), sayyaheen (pilgrims), shiqaftiyyah (cave people), dju’iyyah (who eats just enough to survive), malamatiyya (someone who believes in the value of self-blame), nouriyyah (someone who is trying to reach the God's light [nour in Arabic]) and moqarraboon (blessed). Khorasan, Basra, Damascus, and Baghdad are the locations where new names were searched for extensively. These names used in these regions have not gained prevalence in the historical process either. As a more comprehensive name in the historical process, the word Tasawwuf/Sufiyyah (sufism) was preferred. The word Sufism, which means "one who wears wool", signifies an external meaning. However, the main distinguishing feature of Sufi is not the external aspect, but the internal state and scholarship/wisdom. In this context, the relationship between name and person has always been the subject of discussion. Depending on the spiritual education of Sufi, there will be constant changes in their spiritual state and wisdom. There has been a lack of an encompassing name to express this change. Because of this insufficiency, the word Tasawwuf, which includes external meaning, has been accepted as an umbrella term, which also included the internal meaning. In addition, because wearing wool garments was the custom of elite servants of God such as prophets and saints, Sufis considered it appropriate to be known by this name. Tasawwuf has been accepted as a word that encompasses the meanings of words such as zuhd, faqr, vera’ (being afraid to sin), morality, adherence, nusq (praying for and worshipping God). In this sense, Tasawwuf does not mean only morality, zuhd, or worshipping. It refers to a feature that encompasses all of these and also includes other meanings.There are two different views on whether the word Sufism was known and used during the times of Muhammad (PBUH), Sahaba, and Tābi‘ūn. According to one view, the term Tasawwuf was not known during this period. For this reason, the advocates of this view accept Tasawwuf as a way of thinking and approach which is formed by some non-Islamic influences such as Indian, Iranian, Christian, Jewish, and Greek Philosophy. Contrary to this view, according to some advocates, Tasawwuf was known and used not only during the time of Muhammad (PBUH), Sahaba, and Tābi‘ūn, but also during Jahiliyyah period (ignorance period in Arabia before the advent of Islam. Wool (Suf) symbolized devotion during the Jahiliyyah period. When someone tied wool around his neck and head, this movement meant devotion. There are apparent connections between wool and sacrifice in some customs during the Jahiliyyah period.The fact that the word Sufism does not appear in Qur'an verses and hadith (the record of the words, actions, and approval of Muhammad [PBUH]) and that no one from the two prominent generations of Islam, Sahaba, and Tābi‘ūn, was called Sufi does not make it necessary to search for the origin of Tasawwuf in non-Islamic sources. Because although Tasawwuf is not mentioned in verses and hadith, there are some words such as Moqarraboon and Abrar (good samaritan) which correspond to Sufi. The names Sahaba, and Tābi‘ūn were the most honorable names for these two generations, this should explain why no one in the Sahaba, and Tābi‘ūn generations used the name Sufi or needed any other name. Although the name Sufi was not used as a word in the time of Sahaba, it is known that the life of Sahaba is the main premise of the Sufi lifestyle. For this reason, the Sufis took Sahaba as an example, especially the Ashab al-Suffa (young, unmarried, and poor Sahaba, who dwelled in the Suffas [shades] Muhammad [PBUH] built near the Al-Masjid al-Nabawi [a mosque the prophet built while in Medina]).With the preference of this word, discussions about the origin of the word have come up. Among these discussions, the most effective ones were whether the origin of the word was Arabic and if so, what was the root word. Authors such as Al-Qushayri and Ali Hujwiri did not accept the word Sufism as an Arabic word. According to them, there was no comparison showing that the word originally was Arabic. Whatever meaning is given, it is not correct to derive the name Sufi from a root word in Arabic according to the language rules. In this context, it is more appropriate that it is a moniker, not a word derivative. Contrary to Al-Qushayri and Ali Hujwiri, authors such as Abu Nasr as-Sarraj, Abu Bakr al-Kalabadhi, Sohrevardi, Ibn Taymiyyah, and Ibn Khaldun accept the origin of the word as Arabic, but they disagree about the word origin. Abu Nasr as-Sarraj, who is among the first sources of Tasawwuf, stated that the word origin was Safa (enjoyment), while authors such as Abu Bakr al-Kalabadhi, Sohrevardi, Ibn Taymiyyah, and Ibn Khaldun stated it was the word Suf (wool). According to them, if the origin of the word is accepted as Suf, in terms of vocabulary, the word becomes authentic and the wording correct. According to al-Kalabadhi, the words put forward about the origin were allied in terms of meaning, even if they appeared different on the outside, and the meanings of all these names were collected in the word Suf. (shrink)

Suyolcu-zāde Nahrī Aḥmad (d.1182/1768-1769) was an important sûfî poet being a member of Ismā‘īl Rūmī branch, the sect of Qādiriyya. He carried out the duty of spiritual and ethical guidance at Qādiriyya Lodge in Tekirdağ. Besides his sûfî character, he was a poet having an extensive knowledge about the theoretical and aesthetical bases of Dīwān literature. The only original copy of Nahrī’s Dīwānçe including his poems registered in the Vatican Library, Turkish Manuscripts, nr. 235. There are forty-five Turkish, twelve Arabic (...) and three Persian poems by Nahrī in this copy. The goal of this article is to present the formal and contextual features of Nahrī’s poems in Dīwānçe in the light of the analysis on some poems that we chose. Any study was not found about the poet’s life and poems in the literature review we made. In this study, poems are classified according to the verse form and the language, and the number of couplets, type of prosody, form, style and content of the chosen poems are evaluated accordingly. This study has importance in terms of providing insight about the Religious-Sûfîstic belief in the region and period of Nahrī Aḥmad who was a sûfî poet and a member of Qādiriyya sect. In addition, the study gives information about many important influencers of the period, particularly Niyāzī-i Miṣrī and inform the readers about these influencers’ and sûfîs’ effects on Nahrī’s poems and ideas. The study also makes contribution to determining literary-sûfistic terminology of 18th century.Summary: Suyolcu-zâde Nahrī Aḥmad (d.1182/1768-1769) was a member of Qādiriyya Dervish Convent in Tekirdag where he was born. He became the head sheikh of this convent following his father Sheikh Muḥammad Efendi and worked for the convent in several ways. Nahrī Aḥmad moved back to his hometown in 1182/1768-1769 after completing his Hajj duty and died soon after that. Nahrī had two works according to Osmanlı Müellifleri (Ottoman Authors) and it is stated that the first one of these two works is about “unity of existence”. It should be mentioned that we haven’t found a copy of this work yet. The other work of Nahrī is his Dīwānçe, which includes his poems. The only copy of this significant work is registered in Vatican Library, Turkish Manuscripts, nr. 235. In this study, we had the chance to determine a third work of Nahrī which has never been mentioned in the related literature. This third work that we determined is based on the information in an Arabic poem on the page 21a of the poet’s Dīwānçe. This book that we determined is an interpretation book completed in 1166/1752-53 but Nahrī Aḥmad didn’t mention the name of the work. Nahrī Aḥmad was a spiritual guide and sufi, and he was assigned to the duty of showing the true path in dervish lodge following his madrassa education, learning Qādiriyya lodge’s morals and methods and completing his “spiritual journey”. Besides these, he was a significant poet who could write poems in Arabic, Persian and Turkish languages and he was literary competent who knew the theoretical and aesthetic rules of Dīwān literature and used these features professionally in his works. When Nahrī’s poems are analyzed, it can be seen that he adopted the understanding of existence, knowledge and belief based on Islamic Sufism. Besides, it can be seen that he internalized the significant Religious-Sufi Turkish literature figures including especially Yūnus Emre.In the copy of his Dīwānçe, registered in Vatican Library, there are forty-five Turkish, twelve Arabic and three Persian poems. There are two other poems that weren’t written by Nahrī in the same work. These poems were written by a poet with penname of ‘Ᾱrif in the period when Nahrī’s son Muḥammad Muṣlih al-Dīn was the head sheikh in the same Dervish convent. These historical poems are significant as they describe the re-building of ruined Tekirdag Qādiriyya convent after Nahrī’s period. The goal of this article is to present the formal and contextual features of poems in Nahrī’s Dīwānçe on the basis of chosen poems. As far as we could determine, there is no other study on Nahrī’s works. Nahrī’s Dīwānçe wasn’t a kind of rearranged work of collected poems. Therefore, we classified the poems in terms of the form and language and evaluated the number of couplets, aruz prosody, shape, type and content. Poems of Nahrī in Dīwānçe in terms of verse style are: Four Turkish, three Arabic, one Persian ode, one Turkish compounded stanza, seventeen Turkish, nine Arabic and one Persian major stanza, three Turkish five-line stanzas, two Turkish pentastichs, eighteen Turkish and one Persian lyric.Nahrī Aḥmad wrote five-line stanzas for three of Niyāzī-i Miṣrī’s lyrics and one of Bāqī’s lyrics. He wrote parallel poems about one pentastich, one lyric and one other poem written in a specific style of blank verse of Niyāzī-i Miṣrī. Besides, there is also an original poem that is quite unique in the work. Nahrī wrote five couplets before each verse in Niyāzī-i Miṣrī’s ode which resulted in the creation of a common ode. Poems in Dīwānçe are contextually religious-Sufi based. ‘Abd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī, Ismā‘īl Rūmī who was the founder of the order of Rūmiyya branch and other sheikhs of Qādiriyya dervish order are the main names mentioned in the poems. One other significant point in Nahrī’s poems is that he had a deep love and respect for Niyāzī-i Miṣrī. There are praises, quintets and parallel poems about Miṣrī in Dīwānçe which shows Niyāzī-i Miṣrī’s effect on his work. This effect is so great that it covered not only the content but also there are the signs of the effect in terms of metaphoric language, words and verses. It can be said that ‘Abd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī and Niyāzī-i Miṣrī, a member of Khalwatī order, were two significant names that surrounded the mental world of Nahrī, located in the texture of his poems and gave characteristic features to his works. There is a great number of historical poems in Nahrī’s Dīwānçe. He wrote twenty-six historical verses about various historical issues such as birth and death, construction of mosque, dervish monastery, zawiya, pavilion, repairing of mansion, renovation of dervish convent, enthronement of Sultan and appointment of Grand Vizier. Also, there are some other important parts in Nahrī’s Dīwānçe such as invocation, praise and self-adulation.Although there are not many poems in the previously mentioned copy in Vatican Library, there are various names mentioned in these poems. When these poems are analyzed, it can be seen that there are the names of some prophets, some companions of Prophet Muḥammad such as ‘Alī, Ja‘far al-Sādiq, some Persian legendary characters such as Afrāsiyāb, Rustem and Anūshirwān, some Sufi names such as Manṣūr al-Hallaj, Jalāl al-Dīn Rūmī, Shams al-Dīn of Tabrīz, Ḥācī Bektash Velī, Ibn al-‘Arabī and Bāyazīd al-Bisṭāmī, philosopher Galen and famous love heroes Laylā and Majnūn. That is to say, the poet has a rich world of references. On the other hand, there are the names of some works mentioned in Dīwānçe. Epistle of Niyāzī-i Miṣrī named Devre-i ‘Arshiyya, and Ibn al-‘Arabī’s al-Futūhāt al-Makkiyya are the other names mentioned in the work. Name of the places included in Nahrī’s poems are: Aden, Aqmescit, Baghdad, Baghcesaray, Baṭḥā, Balkh, Dimashq, Ḥijāz, Iraq, Iran, Cairo, Ken‘ān, Karbalā, Qılburun, Crimea, Kirmān, Egypt, Nemce, Rūm, Sanaa, Shām, Yemen. This study has importance in terms of providing insight about the religious-sûfî belief in the region and period of Nahrī Aḥmad who was a sûfî poet and a member of Qādiriyya sect. In addition, the study gives information about many important influencers of the period, particularly Niyāzī-i Miṣrī. Moreover, it informs the readers about these influencers’ and sûfîs’ effects on Nahrī’s poems and ideas. The study also makes contribution to determining literary-sûfistic terminology of 18th century. (shrink)

In Islamic theological writings, under the heading of sustenance, the focus is generally on issues such as who is the provider of sustenance, whether haram is considered sustenance, and whether Allah’s consent exists for haram sustenance. Another issue that can be found between the lines of the subject of sustenance is whether it is haram for a person to work for sustenance or not. In fact, the pursuit of means of livelihood in order to sustain one’s life is, according to (...) the general and predominant acceptance of Muslim scholars, permissible and, in cases of necessity, wajib. According to a record in Uṣūl al-niḥal, during the formative period of itizālī thought, there were Mu‘tazilite sufis (ṣūfiyyat al-Muʿtazila) such as Bishr b. al-Mu‘tamir’s disciple Abū Imrān Mūsā b. al-Raqqāshī, al-Naẓẓām’s apostate disciple Fadl al-Hadathī, and Husayn al-Kūfī, about whom no information is available. These names, who seem to have earned their livelihood through almsgiving, defended the forbiddenness (taḥrīm al-makāsib) of all kinds of endeavour for sustenance, contrary to the acceptance of Muslim thinkers. However, it should be noted that for them, the forbiddenness in making an effort for sustenance does not cover the definition of sustenance, which is ‘all the benefits’, but only the effort in obtaining sustenance through means such as trade and agriculture. It is interesting to find such an extreme tendency among the Mu‘tazilites, who came to the fore with their rationalist discourses. “How could a Mu‘tazilite defend tahrīm al-makāsib?”, the issue of abandonment of striving for sustenance (tark al-makāsib), from which the idea of tahrīm al-makāsib is thought to have evolved, is mentioned, and then the Mu‘tazilite sufis views on tahrīm al-makāsib are tried to be based mainly on Mu‘tazilite sources and the criticisms of Mu‘tazilite authors against them are included. It has been determined that Mu‘tazilite sufis justifications for defending tahrīm al-makāsib concentrate on three points: (i) the absence of a just order due to the absence of a just imam and the possibility of supporting the oppressors (rulers) intentionally or unintentionally, and as a result of this, some of them describe the land of Islam as dār al-kufr, (ii) again in relation to the issue of imamate, in an environment where there is no justice, i.e. legal/moral order, the halāl and harām are so intertwined that they cannot be separated from each other, and in order to protect oneself from harām, the things that are subject to sustenance can only be purified through charity and become halāl, and (iii) the fact that trust in Allah is obligatory and any effort to pursue sustenance is contrary to tawakkul. The Mu‘tazilite authors criticised the proponents of tahrīm al-makāsib on the grounds that it is permissible to trade while maintaining a rational and ethical attitude, that one’s intention and interest in trade are important, and that tawakkul cannot be built on the right ground. As a result, the proponents of tahrīm al-makāsib disappeared because they could not gain a foothold in the Mu‘tazilite intellectual climate due to their erroneous reasoning. (shrink)

En-Nedîm IV./X. asırda yaşamış Bağdatlı bir varrâk ve müelliftir. Onun el-Fihrist adlı kitabı ilk bilimler tarihi eseri olarak düşünülmektedir. Eser İslâm İlimleri yanında Felsefe, Kadim İlimler, Şiir, Edebiyat, Kimya gibi birçok farklı disiplinlerde de önemli veriler ihtiva etmektedir. El-Fihrist, ilahiyat alanı için temel kaynak niteliğinde bir bibliyografik eserdir. Müellifler ve telifleri hakkında bilgiler veren kitap, bu mânada tabakāt türü eserlerin metoduyla yazılmıştır. Hadîs, Kelâm, Fıkıh gibi İslâmî ilimlere, âlimlerine ve tasniflerine has kıymetli ve ayrıntılı bilgiler içeren bu kitapta Tasavvuf ilmine (...) özel bir alan ayrılmamıştır. Ancak müellif, ehl-i tasavvuf hakkındaki verileri Kelâm’a dair 5. Makalenin 5. fenninin girişinde ele almıştır. Burada bilinen bir sûfî silsilesine, ehl-i tasavvuftan musannifler ve eserleri hakkında bilgiler içeren birkaç listeye yer vermiştir. Eserdeki sınırlı da olsa tasavvufî malumatın mâhiyeti ve niteliği bu makalenin konusunu oluşturmaktadır. Bu verilerin toplu olarak bulunduğu yerde ve eserin bütününde müellif bir ilim olarak ve hatta ismen tasavvuftan bahsetmemiştir. Oysa en-Nedîm zâhid, sûfî, mutasavvıf gibi sıfatlarla nitelediği ve bu ilmin mensubu olan kişilerden açıkça bahsetmiştir. Onun niçin böyle bir yöntemi takip ettiği dikkate değerdir. Dolayısıyla bu çalışma en-Nedîm’in tasavvuf algısını ve ehl-i tasavvuf hakkındaki düşüncelerini tahlil etmeyi amaçlamıştır. Konuyla ilgili birtakım değerlendirme ve sentezler tarihi ve toplumsal bağlam ışığında yapılmıştır. (shrink)

Peripatetics. ; Political science -- Philosophy. ; Islamic philosophy.

Ṣadr al-Dīn Shīrāzī, Muḥammad ibn Ibrāhīm, -1641--Criticism and interpretation. ; Islamic philosophy.

Müfessirler, İsrâ sûresinin 60. âyetinde geçen Hz. Peygamber’e gösterilen rü’yâ ve lanetlenmiş ağaç ile nelerin kastedildiği konusunda çeşitli yorumlar ileri sürmüşlerdir. Bu yorumlar incelendiğinde Ehl-i sünnet ve Şiî müfessirlerin büyük ölçüde görüş ayrılığına düştükleri görülmektedir. Her iki mezhebe mensup müfessirler, kendi görüşlerini temellendirmek üzere naklî ve aklî deliller ortaya koymuşlardır. Şiî müfessirler, gerek rü’yâ gerekse lanetlenmiş ağacı Ümeyyeoğulları olarak yorumlamışlardır. Buna karşın Ehl-i sünnet müfessirlerinin büyük bir çoğunluğu rü’yâyı İsrâ gecesi Hz. Peygamber’e gösterilen olağanüstü haller olarak, lanetlenmiş ağacı (...) ise cehennemin dibinde yetişen zakkum ağacı olarak yorumlamışlardır. Şiîlerin, Emevîler döneminde özellikle Ehl-i beytin yaşadığı trajedik olaylar nedeniyle Ümeyyeoğulları’na karşı besledikleri kin ve nefretin bu yorumlara etkisinin olabileceği ileri sürülmektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı söz konusu iddiaların izini sürebilmek için kronolojik olarak her iki mezhebe ait temel tefsir kaynaklarında konuların ele alınışını incelemektir. Her iki grubun savunduğu yorumların kaynaklarını ve bu kaynakların karşıt görüş sahipleri tarafından nasıl eleştirildiğini tespit etmek ve böylece bu yorumlarla ilgili bir sonuca ulaşmak hedeflenmektedir. (shrink)

Imām Māturīdī, who is one of the symbolic names of Ahl as-Sunnah kalām and draws attention with his original ideas and striking determinations, revealed his views regarding kalām in his works called Kitāb al-tawhīd and Ta’wīlāt. Although the first one is in the field of kalām and the other is in the field of tafsīr, the second one has gained the identity of a work in which he declared many theological views. One of the theological issues in which his tafsīr (...) is the primary authority is the imamate and accordingly the companions. The Shīʿa’s making the imamate a part of the Islamic belief system and the takfı̄r of companions, who have a key role in this matter, paved the way for Ahl as-Sunnah theologians to put this issue on their agenda, so the issue has now become a matter of belief in its relevant dimension. The imagination of the companions, which took its place as a sub-topic of the imamate issue in the theological field, also entered the works of the theologians who expressed their views in this field, and a structure was formed that would respond to the perceptions of the Shīʿa, some other theological sects and some personalities that demean companions. Imām Māturīdī, who is undoubtedly one of the most important stones of Ahl as-Sunnah, also explained the subject with different dimensions and made statements that placed the companions in the position they deserved. Although Māturīdī did not reveal the concept of imamate and, accordingly, the companions in his theological work, he made some suggestions. He made important explanations on this issue in his tafsīr. The theologians, in their works in this field, highlighted the issues related to the companions, and whatever issues they touched on this matter, he often mentioned them in his tafsīr. Although there are partial differences in the subjects that Imām Māturı̄dı̄ concentrates on or comes into contact with due to the fact that he reveals his views mostly in his work of tafsīr rather than theology, the results he reached overlapped with the theologians. Imām Māturı̄dı̄ made explanations on the subject that can be grouped under headings such as the superior characteristics of the companions, the attitude to be developed towards them, the answer to the Shiite perception of the companions, the claims of conflict and struggles among the companions, and finally, evaluating them in accordance with their positions. Among these, the second title was mostly usūl-i fiqh, the last one was almost entirely tafsīr, while the others were subjects that were dealt with intensively in kalām. In this study, Imām Māturīdī’s vision of the companions will be revealed and what the companions mean in the mind and heart of an Islamic scholar who never neglected the mind and gave it great importance will be revealed. (shrink)

Philosophical study of the Sufis aspect of Islamic spiritual life.

Philosophical study of the Sufis aspect of Islamic spiritual life.

Muhyiddin ibn Arabî, İslam'daki tartışmasız en etkili sufi teorisyendir. Kalıcı şekilde en popüler çalışması olan Fusûsül-hikem'de, Kur'an'da bir peygamber hakkında algımız ne olursa olsun, onunla ilişkilendirilen ve ondan türetilen hikmetin çok farklı olduğunu açıkça ve ısrarla göstermektedir. Bu, İbn Arabî'nin Kur'an'ın literal metnini inkar ettiği anlamına gelmez. Tam tersine, O sadece Kur'an'ı farklı algılama ve alımlama düzeylerinin olduğunu iddia eder: Kur'an'ın dış gerçekliği (zâhir) kitlesel tüketim içindir ve İbn Arabî'ye göre kişinin Kur'an'ın yüzeysel bir anlayışından elde ettiği bilgidir. Bununla birlikte, (...) Kuran'ın, ariflerin (arifûn) korumasında olan daha derin bir anlayışı vardır. İbn Arabî, dış gerçeğin ötesine geçen, ancak ona (dış gerçekliğe) ayrılmaz bir şekilde bağlı olan Kur’an’ı bu şekilde okumasıyla, Kur'an'ın tasavvufi tefsir geleneğini kendi tarzında sürdürür ve birincil amacını Fusûs’un her bölümünde uygular: Her ikisinin de meşruiyetini korurken, Kur'an'ın zâhir ve bâṭını arasındaki antitezi vurgulamak ve hatta bâṭına ancak ẓâhir yoluyla erişilebileceğini iddia edecek kadar ileri gitmek. Bu makale, bu karşılıklı bağımlı bilgi ('ilm)/hikmet (hikma) antitezinin en açık örneklerini bulduğumuz ve belirli nedenlerle seçilmiş Fusûs'un dört bölümünü detaylı şekilde incelemektedir: Adem bölümü, Fusûs'un ilk bölümü olduğu için seçilmiştir ve bu bölümde İbn Arabî'nin eserin tamamına yönelik amacı ve yaklaşımı net şekilde belirginleşir. Lût ve Hârûn bölümleri, Endülüs'ün ikili hermenötik ilkesinin en bariz örneklerini oluşturdukları için seçilmiştir. Son olarak, İbn Arabî metnin tahiriyle çelişiyor gibi görünse bile, aslında birincil zahiri modele dayanan daha gelişmiş bir yorum modelini açıkladığı için Nûh bölümü seçilmiştir. Âdem bölümünde İbn Arabi, Adem ile ilişkilendirilen en tutarlı Kur'anî betimlemenin insanlığın babası olduğu için onun insanlığının olduğunu öne sürer. Oysa onun hikmeti ilahi vasfıdır. Bunun nedeni, İlahi en katıksız ve tam ifadesini ancak insanda bulabilmesidir. Diğer taraftan, Nuh'un Kuranî sembolü ise kavminin büyük çoğunluğunun boğulduğu tufandır. Sufî’ye göre (İbn Arabî) onun hikmeti, şeyleri yüzdürmesidir- subbūḥiyya/sebūḥiyya hikmeti. İbn Arabî için boğulma bir ölüm nedeni olmaktan çok bir yaşam kaynağı olmuştur. Lut'un Kur'an'daki en kalıcı imgesi, kavminin günahını dizginlemedeki yetersizliğinden dolayı güçsüzlüğüdür. İbn Arabî, ama yine de onun hikmetinin güç olduğunu söylüyor. Son olarak, Hârûn, Kuran'da Mûsâ'ya itaat eden biri olarak tasvir edilir. Kardeşine yardım etmesi, yükünü taşımasına yardım etmesi için kendisine peygamberlik verildi. Mûsâ, Sina'ya gidip onu sorumlu bıraktığında bile, o sadece Mûsâ'nın yardımcısı rolünü yerine getirir ve ona tabidir. Oysa onun hikmeti itaatin, liderliğin antitezidir. (shrink)

Eserlerin mukaddimeleri, müelliflerin konuya hâkimiyetini gösterdikleri ve adeta ilmî yeterliliklerini okuyucuya sundukları bölümler olmuştur. Bazı tefsir mukaddimelerinde de bunu görmek mümkündür. Kur’ân ilimleri ve tefsir metodolojisi hakkında önemli bilgiler veren ve çalışmamıza konu olan Tabersî, Âlûsî ve Sıddîk Hân da eserlerinin mukaddimelerinde Kur’ân ilimlerinin bir kısmınasathi yorumlar getirirken, bir kısmına ise teferruatlı bir şekilde yer vermektedirler. Örneğin Tabersî i’caz konusunu, Âlûsî i’câzla birlikte yedi harf meselesini detaylı bir şekilde ele alırken, Sıddîk Hân Kur’ân ilimleri konularına daha kısa bir şekilde değinmektedir. (...) Müfessirlerimiz mukaddimelerinde genel olarak metodoloji konusuna daha detaylı bir şekilde değinerek takip edecekleri yöntem hakkında bilgi vermektedirler. Tefsir metodolojisi konusunda benzer kaidelerlekonuyu ele alan müfessirlerimiz, bazen de kendilerine özgü yöntemlerikullandıkları müşahede edilmektedir. Bu bağlamda Tabersî Şîa mezhebinin görüşlerini önemsemekte, imamlardan nakledilen rivayetleri Peygamber’den nakledilen rivayetle eşit tutarak mezhebî taassupla konuya yaklaşmakta; Âlûsî tasavvuf ehli tarafından yapılan yorumları önemsemekle birlikte konuya temkinli yaklaşarak, yapılan batınî yorumun ayetin zahirine uygun olması gerektiğini söylemektedir. Diğer iki müfessirden daha fazla tefsir metodolojisine değinen Sıddîk Hân ise mezhep taassubundan uzak durulması gerektiğini söyleyerek birçok tefsir yöntemini eleştirmekte ve bu yaklaşımları tefsir olarak değerlendirmemektedir. Tefsir metodolojisinde naklin önemine değinen müfessirlerimizden Tabersî doğru bir tefsir için sahih naklin gerekli olduğuna, Sıddîk Hân ise tefsirin sadece sahih nakille bilineceğini söyleyerek, bunun dışındaki yorumları te’vil olarak değerlendirmekte böylece tefsir ve te’vil arasındaki farka değinmektedir. (shrink)

Divine revelation, as a Qur'anic and religious concept in exegetical sources, is usually mentioned together with the institution of Prophethood. Revelation came to its end with the end of Prophethood. Therefore, although some have evaluated inspiration and true dream within the this context of revelation, according to most of Islamic scholars, it is not permissible to refer to the recevings of the divinely saints as revelation. Revelation, for which the holy Qur'an designates three pattern of descension, is discussed also in (...) three categories throughout the history of Islamic intellectual thought. Scholars of tafsir and theologians, philosophers, and mystics, all hold and bolster different views on the nature of revelation. Claims in Sufi literature that inspiration can descend to divinely saints -beyond immediate delivery to the heart- through direct or indirect divine communication from behind a veil and through angles can be evaluated as an effort to create a conception of revelation that corresponds to the three modes of revelation, adressed in Qur’an, peculiar to prophets. With regard to the issue of continuity of divine revelation, a thorough examination of the Sufi literature leads to the conclusion that revelation continues to decsend in its verbal form as inspiration but also, according to some Sufi authorities, in its noun forms unaniously considered as peculiar to the prophets. Therefore, especially since the period of Sufism’s intermingling with philosophy, the issues of accommdating sainthood within the framework of general prophethood, the distinction between revelation and inspiration and its continuity appear as a very complex, unframed and unlimited field. This can be observed in the instances addressed in this study. (shrink)

The issue of how to read and interpret the Qur’ān has been the subject of Islamic sciences such as Kalām, Fiqh and Taṣawwuf. Each discipline has put forward an interpretation methodology according to its point of view. While interpreting the verses, the Ṣūfīs who are members of Taṣawwuf also produced some methodological concepts for several reasons. They interpreted the Qur’ān with the sign (ishāra), a method of interpretation suitable for the characteristics of Taṣawwuf. The ishāra is a secondary method of (...) interpretation compared to tafsīr (the Qur’ānic exegesis). In this context, the ishārī tafsīr is the interpretation of the verses by kashf and ilhām. It is also the narration of the signs claimed to exist in the verse. However, while the ṣūfīs wanted to explain their inferences regarding the verses on the one hand, they had to hide them on the other hand. These attitudes led to the paradox of statement-concealment as a problem peculiar to the ishārī tafsīr. The goal of this study is to evaluate the tradition of ṣūfī tafsīr / exegesis in terms of this paradox. One of the aims of this study is also to determine the tools that the ṣūfīs use for some reasons in interpreting the Qur’ān and how they conceptualize them. In this perspective, the function of symbolic means such as letter and sign in Taṣawwuf has been emphasized. The formation of a number of methods and instruments specific to ishārī interpretation and the influence of Ibn al-ʿArabī on this method have been discussed. To achive the objectives of this paper, this research article conducted a detailed literature review. As a method, the phenomenological approach and historical methodology have been used in order to present the ṣūfīs interpretation methodology objectively. The concept analysis method has used in order to exhibit a detailed analysis of some concepts directly related to the subject of the study. There are many studies about ishārī tafsīr, the method of interpretation of the Qur’ān by the ṣūfīs in Turkey and abroad. These works are mostly of classical-style works based on determining the nature and position of the ishārī tafsīr or discussing the ishārī interpretation style of a ṣūfī mufassir. For example, Yaşar Kurt’s work titled Ni’metullah Nahcivânî ve Tasavvufî Tefsiri, Mehmet Okuyan’s work named Necmuddin Daye ve Tasavvufi Tefsiri are doctoral theses on this subject. If we need to mention some studies directly related to the subject and the purpose of our article; they are as follows: Among the works written today are Yunus Emre Gördük’s Tarihsel ve Metodolojik Açıdan İşârî Tefsir, Davut Ağbal’s book titled İbn Arabî’de İşârî Tefsir, some communiqués in the book published by Kuramer under the name of Kur’an’ın Bâtınî ve İşârî Yorumu. Ekrem Demirli’s article “Kuşeyrî’den İbnü’l-Arabî’ye İşârî Yorumculuk Hakkında Bir Değerlendirme” is one of the sources of this research. As for the works written in the past; early ṣūfīsm classics, al-Ghazālī’s and Ibn al-ʿArabī’s writings, some boks on the methodology of Qur’ānic interpretation written by scholars such as al-Dhahabī and al-Zurḳānī can be given. The findings and results obtained inthe light of this study are: The ṣūfis have named their experiences they wanted to express, as ishāra. They have wanted to declare their feelings as a result of the spiritual states they were in while reading or listening to the Qur’ān. At the same time, they tried to hide their feelings with the concern of not being understood, not being accepted, being accused or harming those who did not taste the same pleasure. The desire to explain their enthusiastic feelings and experiential knowledge on the one hand and the need to conceal them on the other, seemingly have caused a paradox. Therefore, they have made use of some conceptual tools while interpreting the Qur’ān and used a covered language. In this framework, Ibn al-ʿArabī and his successors have a different position and style. Ibn al-ʿArabī’s approach to the Qur’ān has been named as theoretical ṣūfī tafsīr instead of ishārī ṣūfī tafsīr from now on. His main instrument is iʻtibār / taʻbīr as a way of ta’wīl. His followers such as Kāşhānī, Nakhčiwānī and Brūsawī have been influential in the spread and acceptance of the ishārī interpretation activities. This article fills the gap in the literature. Because it is a methodological analysis and an evaluation of the terms and methods that ahl al-taṣawwuf have produced in order to explain or conceal some of their thoughts about the verses, it will also make a contribution to the ishārī tafsīr literature. Although the article is presented as a result of a careful and detailed research, there are some missing points in it. Thus, further studies that will contribute positively to the debates on the legitimacy of the ishārī tafsīr and its method can be produced. (shrink)

There are some radical practices of asceticism, such as wearing ṣūf (wool clothes), traveling without provisions, choosing to be single, and avoiding earning a living by working, which were generally seen in the 2nd century A.H. and were subject to criticism with the formation of classical Ṣūfism. Criticisms of these practices have started to appear in the literature since the 3rd century A.H. Early Ṣūfī writers such as Al-Ḥakīm al-Tirmidhī, Muḥāsibī, Abū Saʿīd al-Kharrāz, al-Sarrāj focused on this issue and criticized (...) these practices. How are these practices of ascetics viewed in the sects that were formed and spread in the 6th and 7th centuries? Our research seeks the answer to this question, but limits it to the example of Abū l-Ḥasan al-Shādhilī, the founder of Shādhiliyya. This question is important in two respects: First of all, it is investigated whether the determination of some researchers that al-Shādhilī taught comfort in the face of worldly blessings is also correct. Because, among contemporary researchers, there are those who believe that al-Shādhilī wears ostentatious clothes, rides horses, encourages economic competitiveness, and is therefore open to benefiting from worldly blessings to the fullest. Secondly, it includes an investigation of the validity of the belief that these practices belong to an early period in the history of Sûfism and have been completely abandoned over time. Although al-Shādhilī seems to have completed his spiritual education in Morocco with his sheikh, he later went to Tunisia with the latent command of his master. We see that in his first years in Tunisia, he went into seclusion in a cave and was completely isolated from the society and engaged in worship in a way that reminds us of the practices of the early ascetics. But in the second phase of his life in Tunisia, he went to the city on a spiritual sign, socialized, started to give sermons to people, and started to behave more flexible about eating and drinking. al-Shādhilī specifically states that he did not prefer socialization at this stage, but with a spiritual sign. Later, he went to Egypt again with a spiritual sign and got married there, started to deal with agriculture, and continued to socialize by establishing relations with the rulers. Therefore, it can be said that this new social period is a break both from the radical practices of the early ascetics and from the early period in Tunisia itself. It is also seen that in this new period of al-Shādhilī, he did not wear the clothes of ascetics like sūf (wool clothes) and did not want his followers to wear them. He also encouraged to have a profession and was generally against traveling without provisions. But there are two points to be noted here: First, these milder and more comfortable practices should not lead to a search for comfort and luxury. He continued to keep his distance from worldly blessings and to advise asceticism. Secondly, he had some of his distinguished disciples make some practices of the ascetics. The reason for the existence of these seemingly contradictory practices is that while he recommends moderate and sustainable practices to the general public and his followers, he can make the specialized sūfis more strict and difficult practices. While he was encouraging work and earning in general, not ignoring experience, including avoiding work; not ignoring seclusion while leading to sociality in general; while generally suggesting to resort to occasions, he also follows a path of implementing and enforcing radical practices such as traveling without food. Thus, al-Shādhilī is able to encompass all the seemingly incompatible practices of the previous sūfi accumulation with a point of view of spiritual rank and hierarchy. (shrink)

This study describes Raden Panji Natarata's thoughts as a humanist, poet and religious scholar who thinks that the concepts of Javanese Sufism and Islamic Sufism are two contradictory ideas. Raden Panji Natarata describes his ideas through the medium of têmbang macapat (Javanese song) in a classic Javanese literature entitled Sêrat Bayanullah. Sêrat Bayanullah, which is used as a source of data for this research, is a collection of the Pura Mangkunegaran library, Surakarta, with catalogue number A-393. The scope of this (...) study focuses on Raden Panji Natarata's thoughts on the nature of life, which include the concepts of human creation, human death, and the after-death union of the servant with God. To obtain objective and comprehensive research results, the researchers used a qualitative descriptive research paradigm by applying hermeneutic theory. The results showed that Raden Panji Natarata's thoughts about the nature of life did not go beyond the limits of monotheism, while other poets tended to acculturate Javanese Sufism thoughts, which sometimes were not in line with the teachings of monotheism. CONTRIBUTION: As an academic contribution, this research is expected to enrich and preserve the repertoire of local research literature with Sufism nuances and their relationship with the thoughts of Sufi experts. Differences in perspective is natural, and the most important thing is mutual respect for differing opinions for the sake of creating harmony in life. (shrink)

: ‘Alā’ al-Dawla al-Simnānī (d. 736/1336) was a Kubrawī sheikh lived in Simnān one hundred years after Ibn al-Arabī (d. 638/1240). He authored around ninety works in Arabic and Persian on various fields within Sūfism, raised many disciples. His contribution to the sūfī tradition mainly come to forefront regarding problems like unity, latāif (subtle organs), rijāl al-ghaib (men of the unseen), wāqia (dream-like mystical experiences) and tajallī (manifestation). Simnānī’s understanding of the unity influenced subsequent sūfī’s and specifically Ahmad Sirhindī (d. (...) 1034/1624) and his sheikh Bāqībillah’s (d. 1012/1603) views of the unity overlap with Simnānī’s one. In Maktūbāt, Sirhindī who developed the idea of unity of the seen against the unity of the existence expresses that his understanding of being is the same with Simnānī’s one. Simnānī is also known as the first critic of Ibn al-Arabī’s conception of the unity among sūfī’s. Such that, whenever his name is mentioned the first thing comes to one’s mind has been his criticism against Ibn al-Arabī. However, his criticism against Ibn al-Arabī was not studied as a whole looking at his ouvre. Studying Simnānī’s works, it is seen that his criticism is concentrated on two main problems. First is Ibn al-Arabī’s employing the concept wujūd al-mutlaq (absolute being) for God. He maintains that it is not convenient to use this concept for al-Haq. His second criticism is against a sentence mentioned in al-Futūhāt: “سبحان من أظهر الأشياء وهو عينها”. In this article, causes for Simnānī’s critiques will be discussed and both sūfī’s conceptions of wujūd al-mutlaq and ‘ayn (quintessence) will be studied.Summary: One of the famous names in the Kubrawī tradition, ‘Alā’ al-Dawla al-Simnānī is a sheikh who lived in the city of Simnān in the contemporary Iran between 659-736/1261-1336. In his youth, he served in the service of Arghūn Khan (r. 1284-1291) in the Īlkhānid Palace; and later, after a spiritual experience, he left the palace and turned to a Ṣūfī life. For a certain period, he continued worshipping and riyādhat (spiritual fight against the evil commanding self) on his own, and looked for a guide convenient to his character. Eventually, he became the disciple of the Kubrawī sheikh in Baghdad, Nūr al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Isfarāyīnī (d. 717/1317), and obtained ijāzah (permission) for irshād (guidance). After that, with the instruction of his sheikh, he went back to Simnān; and spent rest of his life with guiding his disciples and writing scholarly works. He authored around ninety works in Arabic and Persian on various fields within Sūfism. His contribution to the sūfī tradition mainly comes to forefront regarding problems like unity, latāif, rijāl al-ghaib, wāqia and tajallī; and influenced subsequent sūfī’s. Simnani’s influences can best be seen on the founder of the Mujaddidiyya branch of Naqshbandiyya, Ahmad Sirhindī (d. 1034/1624), and Sirhindī’s sheikh Bāqībillah (d. 1012/1603). In a letter Bāqībillah wrote to Sirhindī, he mentions certain differences between Simnānī’s understanding of unity and unity of the existence by stating that Simnānī’s path is not that of unity of the existence, and that his shuhūd (seen) is the most perfect shuhūd. Also in the Maktūbāt, Sirhindī expresses that his understanding of being is the same with that of Simnānī’s. Simnānī is also known as the first critic of Ibn al-Arabī’s conception of being and unity among sūfī’s. It would not be incorrect to say that he is more famous for this critique so much so that whenever his name is mentioned the first thing comes to one’s mind has been his criticism against Ibn al-Arabī. The main reason for this is that a letter Simnānī wrote to one of the followers of Ibn al-Arabī, ʿAbd al-Razzāq al-Kāshānī (d. 736/1335) in which Simnānī criticizes Ibn al-Arabī’s conception of unity, was included in the famous work of Abd al-Raḥmān Jāmī (d. 898/1492), Nafakhāt al-uns. This letter’s presence in the Nafakhāt played a vital role in its publicity. For this reason, it can be said that Nafakhāt made Simnānī famous. Yet, it should also be said that the fame stemming from Nafakhāt is incomplete and it is just about one aspect of Simnānī, a scholar who authored dozens of books on the Sūfism. Moreover, it is not correct to defend that Simnānī’s statements in that letter reflects a full picture of his opinion about Ibn al-Arabī. Hence, to have a better understanding of his criticism and thoughts about Ibn al-Arabī, one should explore other works of Simnānī as well. Studying Simnānī’s works, it is seen that his criticism is concentrated on two main problems. First is Ibn al-Arabī’s employing the concept wujūd al-mutlaq for God. His second criticism is against a sentence mentioned in al-Futūhāt: “سبحان من أظهر الأشياء وهو عينها”. To understand the first criticism, one needs to know the meaning both sūfī’s attribute to the concept of wujūd al-mutlaq; and for the second the meaning they attribute to the concept of ‘ayn. First, it should be known that Ibn al-Arabī did not think of being as a form category the members of which are beings. To the contrary, he uses wujūd exclusively for the Eternal, and refrains from using the concept of wujūd for the creation; and calls them mawjūd. In other words, Ibn al-Arabī differentiates between being and existence; and limits the concept of being only for the al-Haqq. Ibn al-Arabī states this view repeatedly in statements such as “al-Haqq (the Truth) is being; things, however, are attributes of being.” What Ibn al-Arabī means by wujūd al-mutlaq is al-Haqq who is wajib al-wujūd (the Necessary Being) and free from all restrictions. Thus, in a certain sense wujūd al-mutlaq means wajib al-wujūd. By writing that “Wujūd al-Haqq is the essence of wajib al-wujūd who is qualified with the perfect attributes of eternity and infinity. Absolute Being is the actions emanating from these attributes. Wujūd al-Muqayyad (the Limited Being) is the outcome that comes into existence as a result of these actions”, Simnānī explicitly states that for him Absolute Being is the actions of al-Haqq. What one can understand from the statements of both sūfī’s is that while by wujūd al-mutlaq Ibn al-Arabī refers to wajib al-wujūd (i.e. the essence of al-Haqq), for the same term Simnānī refers to actions of al-Haqq. Since in criticizing Ibn al-Arabī, Simnānī takes into account his own definition of the term Wujūd al-Mutlaq as the actions of al-Haqq, his criticisms are not valid. In fact, both exonerate al-Haqq from all the conditions. However, while Ibn al-Arabī chooses to verbalize the existence of God with the concept of “Absolute Being”, Simnānī only approves to express the existence of God with the concepts of wājib al-wujūd and al-Wujūd al-Haqq and differing from Ibn al-Arabī attributes the meaning of the actions of God to the concept of Absolute Being.Simnānī’s second critique against Ibn al-Arabī is related to this sentence: “سبحان من أظهر الأشياء وهو عينها”. An annotation that is written by Simnānī on a page which is out of his gloss on al-Futūhāt is highly harsh reads as follows: “O, followers of the most deviant leader! If you hear that one says that your sheikh is identical with his beard, put the claim that he is identical with his rejectomenta aside, should you accept this and tolerate him?” It is understood from these sentences that Simnānī considers the concept “al-ayn” as the essence of that thing. Though, the word “al-ayn” is one of the most multi-meaning word in the Arabic language and in Ibn al-Arabī’s works it is used with various meanings such as eye, the quintessence, spring, water source, tangible being of a thing, the essence of a thing and so on. The usage as “the essence of a thing” is very much common in Ibn al-Arabī’s works. It is interesting that while this word has so many meanings, Simnānī takes one meaning as base and blaspheme against Ibn al-Arabī. It is obvious that the main cause for Simnānī’s critique against Ibn al-Arabī in both problems is his attribution to the concepts different meanings than Ibn al-Arabī and then judging him in the context of his attributes. (shrink)

The first poems about the Prophet Muḥammad appeared while he was alive. These first examples, which are panegyrics (madīḥ, i‛tiẕār, fakhr and ris̱ā), largely reflect the characteristics of the pre-Islamic qaṣīda poetry. Due to the developments in the following centuries, the number of poems about the Prophet increased. And thus, a separate literary genre was formed under the name al-madīḥ al-nabawī. Especially the fact that sufi leaning poets contributed to the literary richness in this field. Another factor is the beginning (...) of the tradition of writing mawlid poems in memory of the birth of the Prophet Muḥammad. The thirteenth century was an important period for poems praising the Prophet Muḥammad. Two important poets emerged in this century. One of them is Egyptian poet al-Būṣīrī and the other is Baghdad's famous poet, Yaḥyā al-Ṣarṣarī. Even after his death, Ṣarṣarî’s works with high literary value were read and memorized in the circles of science, literature and Sufism. Due to his competence in the field, al-Ṣarṣarī was known as the poet of the Prophet and Ḥassān b. Thābit of his time. However, it is understood that his poems, which lost their importance in literary circles over time, were not studied as much as they deserved in the modern period. In this article, his life and works are introduced and basic language and stylistic features of his poems are examined. Also, the image of the Prophet in his poems was determined within the framework of the political conditions of the period.Summary: In the field of madīh nabawī, which first appeared in the ‘Asr al-Sa’āda and has continued to the present day, especially two names stand out in the 7th/13th century, when famous poets such as Macduddīn al-Vitrī (d. 662/1264), Ibn al-Muraḥḥal (d. 699/1300) and Ṣafiyyuddīn al-Ḥillī (d. 749/1348) were also raised. One of them is the Egyptian poet al-Būṣīrī (d. 695/1296), who left his mark on the field of madīh nabawī with his many poems, especially Qaṣīda Burda, and the other is the Iraqi poet Yahya al-Ṣarṣarī (d. 656/1258), who was named Shā‘iru Rasūlillāh (The poet of the Prophet) and Ḥassānu Vaḳtihī (Ḥassān of that period) because of the quality of his poems in this field.al-Ṣarṣarī, was born in the village of al-Ṣarṣar, near Baghdad, spent most of his life in the shadow of Baghdad’s political instability and the social collapse that developed in parallel. He was killed in 656/1258 by the Mongolian forces that invaded Baghdad. al-Ṣarṣarī was extremely knowledgeable in fiqh, hadith, language, and ‘ilm al-qirāa. Our poet adopted the views of the Hanbalī law school. In addition, he turned to Sufism and became a murīd (disciple) of Ali ibn Idrīs al-Ya‘kūbī, a student of Abdalqadīr al-Gīlanī who was accepted as the founder of Qādiriyya. He was closely attached to the Sunnah of the Prophet and was fond of reading the Quran. He was chaste and patient and was content with what he had himself. All his works are poetic and they all concern the madīh nabawī or fiqh.Since his poems, almost all of which are about the praise of the Prophet, have a high literary value, they were read, memorized and narrated for a long time in the circles of science, literature and Sufism. In terms of its structure, his poems are based on the traditional forms of Arab qasīda. In the introductory sections of his poems, he often expresses his longing for Madina. The main subject in poems is usually the Prophet and his superior features. In the last part, he usually says salāt for the Prophet and seeks help from him. It can be said that he used simple language in his poems. The vocabulary reflects the characteristics of the urban life in which he lived. The source of inspiration for his poems are the Qur’an and especially the hadith of the Prophet. He uses the potential of literary arts as much as possible while conveying his feelings. But he does not allow the correct information to be lost due to these arts on a serious subject such as depicting the Prophet. We can see a lot of badī‘ (creative) art in some of his poems. But we can immediately understand that these arts do not spoil the beauty of his expression. The poet provides rhythm and harmony in his poetry with the meter and rhyme in accordance with the classical Arabic qasida rules. In addition, he strengthens the musicality in poetry with puns (jinās) and repetition.The influence of the instability of the region where al-Ṣarṣarī lived on his poems is obvious. According to him, the main reason for the terrible situation that Muslims were in was that they were away from the way of the Prophet. He thought that it would be possible to go back to the old peaceful days by following the way of the Prophet. Perhaps as a result of this opinion, he allocated his qasīda to the narration of the Prophet and his Companions. In his poems, he describes the Prophet with his names, superior qualities, physical and moral characteristics. He says that the sentences describing the Prophet are the ornament of poems and believes that praising him is a mean of salvation in the next world. He also hoped that the poems he said in order to achieve spiritual ascension would protect himself against the troubled events of the period.In his poems, especially on the occasion of mawlīd, al-Ṣarṣarī mentions the Prophet’s physical characteristics and likens his smiling face to a bright full moon, his brows to the letter nûn, his teeth to pearls. He describes the Prophet as a man with black eyes, broad shoulders, born with kohl-lined eyes, and who emanates a beautiful scent as a requirement of his creation. The poet, who also touches on the Prophet’s powerful address, states that his speech is more effective than Luqman’s wise words by virtue of his jawami‘ al-kalim (comprehensive speech) and faṣl al-khiṭab (clear speech), and that his soft address, which states nothing other than the truth, is a blessing from Allah. He additionally describes the Prophet’s plain words, easy to understand by all, as more valuable than jewels. al-Ṣarṣarī, who praises the Prophet in terms of morality with basic human virtues such as bashfulness, justice, modesty, and courage, emphasizes that he is, a paragon of patience, perseverance, kindness, and compassion through analogies such as, “his clothes are peace and perseverance”, his “cover is kindness and forgiveness”. In his world of imagery, the Prophet’s benevolence is so abundant like the rain that the clouds cannot compete with him. Also, he does not shame anybody for what he gives. He bestows the most valuable possessions like gold and camels. Even the respectable personalities of the tribe benefit from his grace. He is so generous that he is giving even when the clouds are stingy about giving rain during times of drought. He welcomes with a smile those who approach him with requests. The donations he makes privately are entirely satisfying.The image of prophethood in al-Ṣarṣarī’s poems, is centralized around the thought of nūr Muhammadī (prophetic light) and the miracles of the Prophet. He reminds that the Prophet never gave up despite the calamities he encountered and that he was supported with extraordinary events in various stages of his life since he was born, and reflects the understanding that the prophet is spiritually supporting the community with his nūr, and in the case the community follow his sunnah, overcoming the Mongolian attacks, which seems like a miracle, is possible. The mention of Qattāl (warrior), Māḥī (eliminator of disbelief), Ẓāhir, Ẓāfir, Manṣūr and Muẓaffar (victorious) among the Prophet’s names, especially those that evoke the superiority he gained in his fight against the disbelievers, giving greater prominence to his courage and valor among his virtues are also related to the political and social conditions of the period. The couplets about the Companions of the Prophet following the couplets that describe the Prophet’s valor, the emphasis of their aid to the Prophet, and the particular mention of their fighter spirit may be considered in the same context. Perhaps, in this way, the poet aims to boost the courage of the Muslims who are exposed to Mongolian attacks with respect to protecting their spiritual and holy values against the enemy. (shrink)

Molla Hasan Peşevangî was born in the Kurukaya village of Tatvan district of Bitlis in 1920 and lived in a period of time when poverty and misery prevailed in the society. He was interested in science from an early age. Since the opportunities in the region he lived in were not suitable, in terms of schools and scholars, he went on many trips to complete his knowledge and took lessons from numerous scholars. He established scientific approval after a total of (...) 17 years of demanding journeys. Molla Hasan, who started to work as an imam in the villages after receiving his scientific approval, did most of his duty in the Güzelkonak village of the Gevaş district of Van, and this situation enabled him to be referred to as Peşevangi. Molla Hasan, who is known for being ascetic and taqwa, affiliated himself to Naqshbandi sheikh Sheikh Maşuk. After dedicating himself to 10 years of spiritual pathway, he acquired the caliphate license from his Sheikh. Molla Hasan and Bediüzzaman involved in mutual correspondence. The content of these letters largely consist of queries directed by Molla Hasan to Bediüzzaman regarding scientific issues. He worked as an imam for a total of 33 years in total and instructed numerous students. Additionally, Molla Hasan, who responded the scientific questions of the people of the region, became a popular figure in terms of science and morality. Molla Hasan took it upon himself to train students wherever he worked and toward the end passed away in Van in 1998. Molla Hasan, who has publications in the fields of Sufism, Arabic language and rhetoric, Fiqh, Kalam and Tafsir, left two caliphs after him. Besides being a sufi in the line of Ahl as-Sunnah, He was instrumental in the training of many scholars, particularly in his region. In this article, Molla Hasan's life, works and his mystical views will be discussed. (shrink)

Through the influence of the religious mystical thought, which interprets the human as a traveler and the world as a destination to settle in and migrate from, numerous connotations as to the road, the passenger as well as the journey have been created in Turkish Ṣūfī poetry. The caravan, which takes place in poetry as an element of simile (tashbīḥ) and generally within the framework of metaphor (majāz) is one of these associations. In Ṣūfī texts, the caravan symbolizes the spiritual (...) journey of the sālik, who wants to reach the rank (maqām) of the Perfect Human Being in the footsteps of the leading figures of the religion and Ṣūfīsm (Taṣawwuf). The caravan has passed, which is understood as a symbol peculiar to the lore language, looks like a formula of a series of advice that reminds and warns people of the responsibilities they are obliged to fulfill even though life is short and the world is temporary. Being delayed of the unwary traveler when the caravan has passed was used in the sense that the sālik could not make use of his life, time, and opportunities; and the situation of the person who was left behind and separated from the caravan was generally met with the analogy of a lame donkey. In this study, which is about the caravan as a mystical metaphor (majāz), the survey model, one of the qualitative research methods, was used. The research aims to determine the use of the caravan metaphor (majāz) in the examples of Ṣūfī poetry and meanings it has gained in Ṣūfī terminology. For this purpose, the major works written between the 12th and 19th centuries in Turkish Ṣūfī poetry have been investigated, and the data obtained have been evaluated in the light of the works and views of the leading figures who have been influential on Turkish Ṣūfī culture and literature. The study, which is thought to contribute to the understanding of the metaphors (majāzs) that Turkish Ṣūfī poetry is based on is important since it reveals that the usages the caravan has passed is one of the common symbols of Ṣūfīsm (Taṣawwuf). As a result of the research, it was found out that the metaphor (majāz) of the caravan has existed in poetry uninterruptedly since the 12th century when Turkish Ṣūfī literature began to take shape. Although time, place, and persons change, the meanings attributed to the metaphor (majāz) of the caravan are almost the same. Especially in the poems containing advice, the metaphor (majāz) of the caravan was frequently used to guide people and human life was associated with the caravan. In this respect, it can be said that the metaphor (majāz) of the caravan has a traditional usage in Turkish Ṣūfī poetry. On the other hand, the usage of the caravan metaphor (majāz) in Turkish Ṣūfī poetry and the usage in Iranian literature show similarity. As a matter of fact, starting with Aḥmed Yesevī (d. 562/1166), many Ṣūfī poets depicted the same journey in a similar way, and Saʿdī-i Shīrāzī (d. 691/1292) dealt with the same theme in a way that coincided with the narrative and vocabulary of Turkish poets. The fact that the caravan is determined with similar uses in the poems of different societies as a Ṣūfī symbol shows that the metaphor (majāz) of the caravan has a common usage regarding Ṣūfīsm (Taṣawwuf) in the wide cultural geography of Islam. The metaphor (majāz) of the caravan has a special usage in Turkish Ṣūfī poetry in the form of the caravan has passed. Expressions in the style of the caravan has passed which succinctly fit a long adventure into two words, are symbols peculiar to the lore language, and serve as psychological advice in Turkish Ṣūfī poetry. On the one hand, this symbol deals with the caravan journey in the dimension of truth, on the other hand, it gives metaphorical meanings to the word, referring to the spiritual journey of sālik. In this sense, the caravan has passed is a powerful metaphor (majāz) that warns people to make the best use of the rest of their life, or rather the moment they are in, and it looks like a formula of a series of advice that warns them. The advice in question is closely related to the words die before you die and time is a sharp sword, often used by the leading figures of religion and mysticism. Therefore, the caravan has passed is a kind of contemplation and presents a vivid picture of the journey that takes its source from the social life so that the traveler does not forget that he is on the way by reminding him of death. The advice style is generally dominant in the poems in which the metaphor (majāz) of the caravan is used, especially in the poems describing the caravan’s passing and the heedless traveler staying on the road. However, it is obvious that the subject is presented in a lyrical and impressive style, especially in poets such as Aḥmed Yesevī, Yūnus Emre (d. 720/1320 [?]) and Niyāzī-i Mıṣrī (d. 1105/1694). (shrink)

Yüksek din öğretimi kurumları diğer alanlar gibi günümüzde üniversite bünyesinde faaliyet göstermektedir. Ülkeler tarihsel, kültürel ve devlet yapıları doğrultusunda kendi kurumlarını kurup geliştirmekle birlikte, dünyadaki benzer diğer kurumların tecrübe ve birikimlerinin öğrenilmesi üniversitelerin gelişimi için önem arzetmektedir. Karşılaştırmalı çalışmaların bu konuda dikkate değer katkıları bulunmaktadır. Bu çalışmada, Malezya ve Türkiye'deki yüksek din öğretimi tarih, mevcut durum, hedefler, program yapısı, öğrenci kabulü ve mezun istihdam edilebilirliği gibi 6 farklı tema üzerinden karşılaştırılması hedeflenmektedir. Malezya ve Türkiye, nüfuslarının çoğunluğu Müslüman olmakla birlikte, devlet (...) ve toplum yapısı açısından birbirinden oldukça farklı iki ülkeyi temsil etmektedirler. Nitel, literatür bazlı olan bu çalışma doküman analizine dayanmaktadır. Her iki ülkedeki yüksek din öğretimini anlamak ve ortaya koymak amacıyla resmi belgeler, akademik makaleler ve internet kaynakları kullanılmıştır. Makalenin bulguları şöyledir: Türkiye'de yüksek din öğretiminin gelişimi kesintili olmuştur ve önemli siyasi değişimler yüksek din eğitimini etkilemiş olduğundan din siyaseti ile yakından ilişkilidir. Buna karşılık, Malezya'da yüksek din öğretiminin gelişimi daha istikrarlı olmuştur. Siyasi partilerin din siyaseti ve seçim hesapları Malezya'daki yüksek İslami öğretimini etkilemiş olsa da, bu en azından kurumlarının kapanmalarına veya sayılarının dramatik bir şekilde azaltılmasına yol açmamıştır. Güncele bakıldığında yüksek din öğretimi kurumlarının her iki ülkede de gelişmekte olduğu, ancak Türkiye'de bunun (en azıdan sayısal olarak) Malezya'dan daha hızlı olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Yüksek din öğretiminin amaçlarıyla ilgili olarak, amaçların ve program çıktılarının ulusal bir kurum tarafından belirlendiği Malezya'da Ehl-i Sünnet ve'l-Cemaat ve dinini icra eden öğrencilerin yetiştirilmesine doğrudan atıflar vardır. Türkiye'de tarihsel olarak, ilahiyat fakültelerinin resmi misyonları, kısmen ilahiyatın laik bir üniversitedeki yerini meşrulaştırmak amacıyla modern amaçlara/kavramlara daha çok yer vermekte idi. Ancak son yıllarda açıkça İslami değer ve kavramlara atıflar yapan amaç ve misyonlar belirlenmektedir. Ancak ilahiyat/İslami ilimler fakültelerinin amaçlarını belirleyen ulusal bir kurumun olmaması nedeniyle, resmi misyon ve vizyon ifadeleri düzensiz görünmektedir, ancak akreditasyon süreci daha ortak ve bütünlüklü amaç ve program çıktılarının belirlenmesini sağlayabilir. Türkiye'de yüksek din öğretimi, Malezya’nın aksine, resmi olarak İslam'ın herhangi bir mezhebini benimsememekte olup, bu çoğulculuk ve çeşitliliğin olduğu modern bir toplum için daha uyumlu ve bütünleştirici olma fırsatı sunmaktadır. Malezya'da İslami bilgiyi mesleki bilgiyle bütünleştirmeyi amaçlayan farklı yüksek din öğretimi programları vardır. Bu, çok yönlü ve disiplinler arası programların ve uzmanlıkların oluşturulmasını sağlamıştır. Bu programlardan mezun olanlar ise güvenlikten finansa, yargıdan din hizmetlerine kadar çok farklı mesleklerde çalışabilmektedir. Türkiye’deki yüksek din öğretimi fakülteleri ise sadece tek bir program sunmakta olup, çoklu ve disiplinler arası programlar bulunmamaktadır. İki ülke arasındaki bir diğer önemli fark, öğrenci kabul sürecidir. Malezya'da farklı ortaöğretim sonrası eğitim/sınav sistemleri bulunurken, Türkiye'de merkezi bir üniversite giriş sınavı vardır. Farklı sınav sistemlerine rağmen, Malezya'da öğrencilerin İslami ilimler programlarına kaydolabilmeleri için İslam eğitimi, Arapça ve İngilizce konularında sağlam bir altyapıya sahip olmaları gerekmektedir; Türkiye'de ise üniversite sınavında din eğitimi ile ilgili çok az soru bulunmakta; bu nedenle, yüksek din öğretimi için din eğitimi, Arapça veya İngilizce herhangi bir altyapıya gerek bulunmamaktadır. Bu, din eğitimi geçmişi olmayanlar için bir fırsat olsa da, ilahiyat/İslami ilimler fakültelerinin Kuran okumayı öğretmek gibi en basit işlerden başlaması problemini gündeme getirmektedir. Son olarak, her iki ülkede de yüksek din öğretimi mezunlarının istihdam edilebilirliğinin en acil sorunlardan biri olduğu, ancak bu sorunun Türkiye'de Malezya'dan daha fazla olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. (shrink)

Qādī Burhaneddin, who died in 1358 at the age of 54 after living a stormy life, came out of many wars and distinguished as the most active name among Anatolian seigniors. He was called ‘the father of conquest’ because of this striking feature. Qādī Burhanuddin is a sharp-witted and fair scholar with dignity, tireless and never afraid to say the truth. Although he is said to be debauched and wassailer, he is mostly known for his kind-heartedness, cheerful nature, pleasant disposition, (...) magnanimity, benevolence.and intimacy with the clergy. He became prominent in his struggle for the sake of Allah, took the plunge in this cause and gave away constantly in the service of God. Has adopted quite a close manner towards clergy and found great pleasure in conversing with them. He organized discussions with them three days a week, did not defect in respect of scholars visiting him and displayed just and compassionate relation with his community. Serving as a Qādī, he was a powerful figure belonging to the branch of ulema, and known for his mystical temper as well as jurisprudential mastery. When we examine his symbolic expression in poetry, we can see the depth of mystical meaning in many couplets that seem to be unsophisticated. Even not being a Sufi himself, Qādī Burhaneddin is prone to mysticism and closely affiliated with Sufis. (shrink)

Öz: Son Peygamber Muhammed ’in hayatta iken yerine hiçbir kimseyi halife tayin etmemesi sebebiyle vefatından kısa bir müddet sonra imamet meselesi Müslümanlar arasında ihtilaf konusu olmuştur. Her ne kadar ilk üç halife devrinde bu mesele sulh yoluyla halledilmişse de halifenin kim olacağı mevzuu dördüncü halife Ali zamanında Müslümanlar arasında savaşa ve parçalanmalara neden olmuştur. O dönemde Müslümanlardan bir grup, Hz. Peygamberin kendisinden sonra yerine bir idareci bırakmadığı iddiasını kabul etmemiş, imametin Ali b. Ebî Tâlib’in ve onun evlatlarının hakkı olduğunu savunmuştur. (...) “Şiatu Ali” adıyla anılan bu gruba daha sonraki yıllarda sadece “Şia” denmiştir. İmamet mevzuu, Şia’yı diğer Müslüman grup olan Ehl-i Sünnet’ten ayıran en önemli meseledir. Onlara göre İmamet “Üsulu’d-Din”den olduğu için bu konuya oldukça önem vermiş ve görüşlerini desteklemek için ayet ve hadislerden deliller getirmişlerdir. Biz bu çalışmamızda, Şia’nın Ali b. Ebî Tâlib’in İmametiyle ilgili olduğunu iddia ettikleri ayetleri ele alacak, Şia’nın ve Ehl-i Sünnet’in iki büyük müfessiri Kummî ve İbn Kesîr’in tefsirleri çerçevesinde değerlendirmeye çalışacağız. (shrink)

Ṣūfī poetry or dīvān poetry, both of our poems have a universal appeal and a classical value just as the poetry of many nations’. Poets of both groups enhanced the consciousness level of every people one by one and created a virtuous society by taking power from the potential that existed in Turkish society already. If it is needed to mention a difference between those two poetries, it could be that dīvān poetry is a static one and sūfī poetry is (...) more dynamic than the dīvān poetry. While dīvān poetry has a unique World of poetry, sūfī poetry has a feeling of universe shaped by different meanings and concepts. Although dīvān poetry is based on intelligence and pleasure, there is intuitive inspiration and wāridāt in ṣūfī poetry. These become poetic sometimes thanks to similes (tashbīḥ), metaphors (majāz) and allusions (talmīḥ), become verse and gradually turns into a poetic theme (mażmūn). Until today, since the first that comes to mind, when it is said poetic themes (mażmūn), is dīvān poetry, poetic themes of ṣūfī poetry were overshadowed. However, ṣūfī poetry is quite interesting and rich in terms of its poetic themes. Although they are called as just terms, each of the terms of ṣūfī literature is a mystical state (ḥāl), mystical station (maqām) or experience. For this reason, many concepts of ṣūfī poetry, which we call term, could be a poetic theme by taking part in a reference (talmīḥ), simile (tashbīḥ) and metaphor (majāz). The aim of this article, which we can sample under three titles and with the couplets of our three ṣūfī poets, is to draw attention to the existence of a rich mażmūn staff independent of the dīvān poetry of Turkish ṣūfī poetry. The subject of mażmūns belonging to Turkish ṣūfī poetry should be considered important since it has not been mentioned much until today. Summary: The poet designs and presents it to his readers on behalf of his readers that he cannot even express what he has imagined but sometimes cannot imagine. Each poem has a specific interlocutor and addresses the emotions of its interlocutor. Each poem is adorned with thought and imagination; yet poems can be understood by annotation accompanied by rhetoric. Ṣūfī poetry and dīvān poetry, both poems have universal appeal and classical value like many poems of many nations. Ṣūfī poet and dīvān poet are the architects of an indestructible art existence that ruled for centuries and their works are masterpieces of their own fields. Both types of poetry, along with literary heritage, are a guide ship that leads the whole cultural heritage to the next generations, leading art branches. Both poets of both groups have strengthened from the potential that existed in Turkish society and raised the level of consciousness of each individual separately and created a virtuous society.Dīvān poetry is as beautiful as the aesthetics of genius; ṣūfī poetry is so beautiful with the sincere sincerity of heathat born to the heart. Without making use of the rich mażmūn staff of the lodge poetry, it would be an exclusivism and a status quo to make the mażmūn exclusive only to dīvān poetry or to search for the mażmūns of dīvān poetry in the lodge poetry and to interpret these mażmūns with the interpretation habits of dīvān poetry.The most obvious difference between ṣūfī poetry and dīvān poetry corresponds to the fact that the terms of Sufism are composed of similes (tashbīḥ), metaphors (majāz); sūfī poetry is a composition of poet’s personally experienced feelings or situations such as waḥdat, ḥalvet, manifest and observant concepts. While the depictions of the dīvān poet, spring and winter depictions, arouse enthusiasm for the reader for a while, the indifference of the ṣūfī poet to this world, the constant heartbeat of Jamāl and the heart beating with the excitement of vuslat (meeting) infiltrates the reader to the eternal world.If there is a difference between the two poems, it is that the poetry of the dīvān is static and the ṣūfī poetry is more dynamic than the poetry of the dīvān. As well as dīvān poetry has a unique world of poetry; ṣūfī poetry has a universe of emotions shaped by different meanings and notions. Even if the beauty they depict is materially and morally different, the poet of both groups wishes to go beyond the beauty that they mean and find themselves there. They do this sometimes with similes (tashbīḥ) and metaphors (majāz) and istiʿāre, succeed with various kinds of poetic themes. In dīvān poetry, there is pleasure and imagination based on intelligence, and inspiration and success based on intuition in ṣūfī poetry. These become poetic sometimes thanks to similes (tashbīḥ), metaphors (majāz) and allusions (talmīḥ), become verse and gradually turns into a poetic theme. Dīvān poetry is an endless effort of abstract imagination, while ṣūfī poetry is an inexhaustible enthusiasm for concrete ecstasy. Although both have found what they are looking for outside of daily life, dīvān poet finds pleasure, yet sūfī poet finds inspire.When it comes to mażmūn, the first thing that comes to mind is Divan literature and it’s figure of beautiful woman’s length (cypress), hair (zulf), eye (daffodil), eyebrow (bow), eyelash (arrow) and skin (silver) and these mażmūns are stereotyped and widespread though each of them is known only to artisans. On the other hand, ṣūfī poetry has many other poetic themes such as Jamāl (grace), Jalāl (distress), ār and nāmūs (mālāmat), gūy (rıza), chevgān (ḳażā) and istignā (reluctant).To date, the first thing that comes to mind when it is said to be mażmūn is dīvān poetry, it has left behind the maẓmūns specific to ṣūfī poetry. However, ṣūfī poetry is also quite rich in terms of its mażmūns. Although they are called as just terms, each of the terms of ṣūfī literature is a mystical state (ḥāl), mystical station (maqām) or experience. For this reason, many concepts of ṣūfī poetry, which we call term, could be a poetic theme by taking part in a reference (talmīḥ), simile (tashbīḥ) and metaphor (majāz).The fact that the dīvān poets used the mażmūn as a word and the use of the term started with the Tanzimat made it inevitable that different definitions of the mażmūn emerged in time. For this reason, many researchers now understand and define the term of mażmūn differently. However, all the academics who researched or wrote about the mażmūn brought to mind only the poem of the dīvān poem, and they selected the examples of the mażmūn from the couplets of the poem of the dīvān poem. In our opinion, the missing part of the subject of mażmūn is here. Nevertheless, our main aim in this article is not to discuss what is or is not a mażmūn, but to try to express that the ṣūfī poem is as rich as the dīvān poem. Whereas the mażmūn has no single generally accepted definition; if so, we can say that ṣūfī poetry may have its own unique mażmūn, we can exemplify it with couplets of ṣūfī poetry. (shrink)

Hicrî birinci yüzyılın sonu ile ikinci yüzyılın ortalarında yaşamış bulunan Ca‘fer-i Sâdık ve Ebû Hanîfe, akran iki âlimdir. Kûfe’de yetişen ve Ehl-i sünnet mezheplerinden birinin imamı olan Ebû Hanîfe’nin, Medine’de yetişen ve İsnâaşeriyye’nin altıncı imamı kabul edilen Ca‘fer ile bir araya geldiği ve onun talebesi olduğu hem sünnî hem Şiî kaynaklarda rivayet edilmektedir. Mukaddem kaynaklarda Ebû Hanîfe’nin Ca‘fer-i Sâdık’ın öğrencisi olduğu yönündeki ifadelerin, muahhar kaynaklarda abartılı bir şekilde yorumlandığı görülmüştür. Bu çalışmada Ebû Hanîfe ile Ca‘fer-i Sâdık arasındaki hoca-talebe ilişkisi (...) netleştirilmeye çalışılmıştır. Bu sebeple öncelikle kısaca her iki imamın hayatı ele alınarak onların ilmî birikimi tespit edilmiştir. Akabinde Ebû Hanîfe ile Ca‘fer’in ne zaman ve ne kadar süre birlikte oldukları, Ebû Hanîfe’nin Ehl-i beyt’e yönelik tutumunun Ca‘fer’den ilim almasında ne gibi bir etkisinin bulunduğu ve çeşitli ilim dallarında Ebû Hanîfe- Ca‘fer ilişkisi tespit edilmeye çalışılmıştır. (shrink)

Annemarie Schimmel, dünya dinleri, felsefe, biyografi, edebiyat gibi ko-nularda kaleme aldığı eserlerle Doğu’da ve Batı’da isminden söz ettiren velûd bir akademisyendir. Diğer yandan onun özellikle tasavvuf alanında ortaya koyduğu çalışmalar, tasavvuf düşünce geleneğinin Batılı araştırmacılar tarafından objektif bir perspektiften okunmasına ve yeniden ilgi odağı olarak değerlendirilmesine sebep olmuştur. Tasavvuf tarihi olarak değerlendirebileceğimiz Mystische Dimension des Islam, Mevlânâ Celâleddin Rûmî’nin tasavvufî görüşlerini irdelediği Ich bin Wind du bist Feuer, tasavvufa giriş niteliğinde olan Sufismus: Eine Einführung in die islamische Mystik ve Hallac-ı (...) Mansûr’u konu edindiği Al-Halladsch: Märtyrer der Gottesliebe: Leben und Legende eserleri, onun bu sahada bilinen çalışmalarından birkaçıdır. Schimmel, Yunus Emre’nin bazı şiirlerini de Ausgewählte Gedichte von Yunus Emre isimli eseriyle Almanca’ya tercüme etmiştir. Ayrıca onun Yunus Emre’nin tasavvufî görüşlerini tahkiye metoduyla anlattığı ve bazı şiirlerini irdelediği Wanderungen mit Yunus Emre ismiyle bilinen çalışması Anadolu’da tasavvuf kültürü ile irtibatlı olarak tasnif edilebilecek bir diğer eseridir. Bu makale, eserlerinden hareketle Schimmel’in Anadolu’da yetişmiş bir mutasavvıf olarak Yunus Emre telakkisini ve onun perspektifinden Anadolu’da tasavvufî düşüncenin ve kültürün izdüşümlerini konu edinmektedir. (shrink)

One of the common points between Ahl al-Sunnah and Shia is the com-mon hadiths, which both have. These hadiths have been seen as a means of bringing the two sides closer in recent years. Although common narrations, which are seen as a means of bringing the two sects closer, have been men-tioned in recent years, when going into detail, it is understood that there are differences in terms of wording and interpretation. Some of the common hadiths are transmitted in the (...) exactly same way in Shia and Ahl al-Sunnah. The two sects were able to make different evaluations in terms of meaning in such hadiths. The wording differences of a hadith in Shia enable the follow-up of the formation within the sect. A similar situation can be seen in the interpretations attributed to the hadiths in the Ahl al-Sunnah. As a concrete example of these determinations, it is possible to consider the hadith of firâsah, which includes abstract concepts within the scope of faith. The study consists of two parts. In the first part, status of authenticity the hadith of firâsah in Ahl al-Sunnah and the meaning attributed to the hadith are emphasized. It was seen that Sufi scholars concentrated more on this hadith as a result of the research on hadith, tafsir and sufism sources.The hadith of firâset, which is almost identical in terms of text in the books of Shia and Ahl as-sunna, has been accepted as evidence of the understanding of firâset among the Ahl as-Sunnah, especially as a way of Sufis obtaining knowledge. (shrink)

Erken dönem tasavvuf tarihinde iki ana akımdan biri olarak kabul edilen Horasan tasavvuf ekolünün şekillenmesinde Hâtim el-Esam (ö.237/851) önemli bir figür olarak karşımıza çıkar. İbrahim b. Edhem (ö.161/778) ve Şakîk-i Belhî (ö.194/810) kanalıyla gelen öğretinin Horasan ve Maveraünnehir genelinde aktarım ve intişarının sağlamasında onun etkin bir rol oynadığı bilinir. Aynı zamanda yetiştirdiği talebeleriyle Melâmetîliğin teşekkülüne katkı sağladığı kabul edilir. Bu makale Hâtim el-Esam’ın entelektüel açıdan kimliği ve ilişkiler ağının tespitine odaklanmaktadır. Herhangi bir akademik çalışmaya konu edilmediği görülen söz konusu odağı, (...) farklı ilmî sahalardan istifade ettiği literatürle erken dönemdeki mesele ve tartışmalardan faydalanarak sunmaya çalışır. Bu itibarla Hâtim el-Esam’ın muhaddis, fakih ve sufi kimliğiyle Horasan ilim havzasının önemli şehirlerinden biri olan Belh’te ilmî faaliyetlerin ve özellikle hadis ilminin sürekliliğine katkı yaptığı ortaya konmuştur. Çok yönlü ilişkiler ağına sahip olduğu tespit edilen Hâtim el-Esam’ın Belh ve Bağdat ulemâsı ile irtibatının dostluk ve irşad eksenli ve aynı zamanda fıkh-ı bâtın vurgulu olduğu görülürken Rey, Kazvin ve Medine-i Münevvere ulemasıyla olan münasebetlerininse eleştiri odaklı olduğu belirlenmiştir. Nebevî mirasa bütünüyle sahip çıkılmamasına ilişkin söz konusu eleştirel münasebet biçimi, erken dönemde sufilerin, biçim-öz bütünlüğünden uzaklaşmaları nedeniyle diğer ilim müntesiplerine yönelttikleri tenkitlerin bir yansıması olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Ayrıca sened analizi yöntemiyle onun sufilerle olan ilişkiler ağına yönelik yeni tespitler ortaya konmuştur. (shrink)

Understanding the developments in the early period when Ṣūfism became widespread in the Islamic society, both necessitates studies on other disciplines from Ṣūfism, and also requires the consideration of Ṣūfism from the perspective of other religious sciences. In this regard, one of the important names is the famous Ḥanbalī scholar Abū Yaʿlā al-Farrā. Abū Yaʿlā al-Farrā who was interested in ḥadīth, Islamic law and tafsīr as well as Ṣūfism and theological issues, has an important place especially with his works in (...) the Ḥanbalī tradition. Abū Yaʿlā, who grew up in a period when the Sunnī theology schools were formed, spread and exercised its influence, he maintained the Ḥanbalī viewpoint and criticized both some schools of kalām and the Ṣūfis by using the kalām method. Therefore, analyzing his views is important for understanding the formative conditions of the first period of religious science tradition, as well as giving clues about the relationship between Ṣūfism and Ḥanbalī tradition. In this article, his views of zuhd, tawakkul and Ṣūfism in general is examined in the context of his works Kitāb al-Muʿtamad fī uṣūl al-dīn and Kitāb al-tawakkul, and his importance in understanding the relationship between Ṣūfism and Ḥanbalī tradition is emphasized. (shrink)

Although education means evolving or transforming, every individual is the subject of education between the first breath and the last. The individual's relationship with the objects of existence, combined with his uniqueness, constitutes the subject of education on the time-space plane. The individual's relationship with himself and his environment can be associated with education. Since Sufi education adopts a disciplinary structure that aims to enable the individual to know himself first, the individual acquires knowledge from his Lord in his essence (...) and from the elements that teach him in his environment. Depending on the principle of obtaining knowledge from the closest, the individual obtains the educational activity starting from family members based on the principle of trust. Public institutions implementing curricula have also been other structures that nurture the individual. Due to the nature of education, different applications have emerged over time. As a matter of fact, the learner-teacher relationship has been an obstacle to spatial and temporal unity in the course of life, and as a result of this situation, the concept of distance education has emerged. While the letter tradition used in Sufi education, which is a method of distance education, has been practiced for centuries, the modern world met this concept as an educational method only in the 18th century through correspondence. The concept of distance education, which has taken on much newer forms with today's information technologies, will ultimately continue to support the human relationship with knowledge. In this study, it has been tried to understand the common points, characteristics and contributions to education of distance education, which is one of the educational practices in the historical process, and the letter tradition, which is a method of Sufi education. Individualization of education by taking into account the individual characteristics of each of the students, who constitute the focal point of education, is one of the indispensable elements of Sufi education. The murshid, who gets to know his disciple closely during the training process, sees his disciple's strengths and weaknesses, his character structure and his potential that he can maximize with training. The application of education on an individual basis offers an opportunity to maximize the gains in distance education as in Sufi education. The adoption of the principle of gradualism in educational programs and processes is another of the foundations on which Sufi education is based. According to this principle, education has a gradual structure, and this structure can be envisioned as multiple layers that constitute the basis of each other. In the journey of blending the education system and reaching the ideal form over the centuries, distance education systems have also been able to find a field of action in line with this principle. On the other hand, when we look at another characteristic of Sufi education, we encounter a structured and predetermined framework in education. The processes in education in which objectives, boundaries, expectations and achievements are structured and activities are expected to be carried out within a certain program are also predictable for distance education. It is seen that the teacher-student relationship in Sufi education is far from a formal structure and contains the warmth of the education that takes place in the family in the first years of education. Considering how important the first years of education are in terms of leaving a mark and permanence, it is quite remarkable that this principle comes to life in Sufi education platforms, which can also be considered as a prophetic method, by returning to this subjective structure in education. Today, it has become easier for individuals to structure themselves in the areas they need through distance education, and the educational processes that were carried out through correspondence in the past as a necessity for the health and survival of Sufi education have turned into a preference or alternative rather than an obligation. In this study, the aspects and common denominators of Sufi education, which is a Prophetic method, and the tradition of correspondence, which can contribute to distance education and set an example, have been evaluated together with the characteristics of Sufi education. In the study, firstly, the tradition of letter correspondence as a method of Sufi education is examined historically and educationally, and then distance education, which is seen as an outcome of the modern education system, is evaluated conceptually and historically. In the last part of the study, the common denominators of the letter tradition and distance education practice in Sufi education have been tried to be unearthed on the basis of Sufi education methods. (shrink)