Policy Interaction Graph Analysis is a Host-based Intrusion Detection tool that uses Linux MAC Mandatory access control policy to build the licit information flow graph and uses a detection policy defined by the administrator to extract illicit behaviour from the graph. The main limitation of this tool is the generation of a huge signature base of illicit behaviours; hence, this leads to the use of huge memory space to store it. Our primary goal in this article is to reduce this (...) memory space while keeping the tool’s efficiency in terms of intrusion detection rate and false generated alarms. First, the interactions between the two nodes of the graph were grouped into a single interaction. The notion of equivalence class was used to classify the paths in the graph and was compressed by using a genetic algorithm. Such an approach showed its efficiency compared to the approach proposed by Pierre Clairet, by which the detection rate obtained was 99.9%, and no false-positive with a compression rate of illicit behaviour signature database reached 99.44%. Having these results is one of the critical aspects of realizing successful host-based intrusion detection systems. (shrink)

Self‐management is often presented as a panacea for chronic disease care. It plays an important role at the policy level and increasingly guides the delivery of health care services. Self‐management approaches to care are founded on traditional individualistic views of autonomy in which the patient is understood as being independent, rational, self‐interested, and self‐governing. This conceptualization of autonomy has been challenged, particularly by feminist scholars. In this paper I review predominant critiques of self‐management and the traditional individualistic view of autonomy. (...) I propose that a relational approach to autonomy, which is premised on social embeddedness and attends to social, political, and material conditions, is a more sound conception of autonomy capable of taking into consideration the complexities of illness experiences. I suggest that integrating a relational perspective of autonomy into self‐management will be valuable in guiding its progression and elaborate ways in which self‐management research and practice could benefit from incorporating a relational approach to autonomy. (shrink)

Identifying the writer of a handwritten document has remained an interesting pattern classification problem for document examiners, forensic experts, and paleographers. While mature identification systems have been developed for handwriting in contemporary documents, the problem remains challenging from the viewpoint of historical manuscripts. Design and development of expert systems that can identify the writer of a questioned manuscript or retrieve samples belonging to a given writer can greatly help the paleographers in their practices. In this context, the current study exploits (...) the textural information in handwriting to characterize writer from historical documents. More specifically, we employ oBIF(oriented Basic Image Features) and hinge features and introduce a novel moment-based matching method to compare the feature vectors extracted from writing samples. Classification is based on minimization of a similarity criterion using the proposed moment distance. A comprehensive series of experiments using the International Conference on Document Analysis and Recognition 2017 historical writer identification dataset reported promising results and validated the ideas put forward in this study. (shrink)

This study examines how mainstream political actors and other organizations use political targeted messages. For this purpose, a data set from ProPublica is used. The study examines 55,918 sponsored Facebook ads that were posted by 236 political actors (i.e., political elites and other organizations) in the United States. (1) Topic classification was used to identify policy issues, (2) network analysis to identify the main policy issues from the various political actors, and (3) Sankey diagrams to visualize microtargeted messages. Our findings (...) indicate that actors focus on traditionally owned issues (i.e., the Democratic Party: environmental policy, social issues, and social welfare; the Republican Party: foreign affairs, law, and government finances). No clear evidence for a focus on wedge issues can be found, however, some first indications (e.g., a focus on reproductive rights, LGBTQ+) are present in a targeted media environment. All in all, the current study helps us to understand in what way political actors deploy targeted messages. (shrink)

The proliferation of online disinformation has become of major societal concern. Because of online programmatic algorithms, brands may find their ads running on disinformation websites alongside disinformation. In this experimental study (N = 617), we investigate people’s brand-related and news-related responses in this context. Results show that when an advertised brand is displayed on the same webpage as a disinformation article, brand attitude and brand trust are negatively affected; this effect is even more pronounced when the brand is thematically congruent (...) with the disinformation article. This suggests that brands (especially congruent ones) might be contaminated by disinformation. In addition, presenting an ad alongside a disinformation article increases the credibility of the article, as well as people’s level of agreement with the article’s content. This seems to suggest that advertising can lend validity to disinformation and amplify its (harmful) effects. These results have important and timely managerial and societal implications. (shrink)

Sezai Karakoç, who is a one of the most important poets and thinkers of the last period, developed an ideal by adapting the concept of resurrection in the creed to the resurrection in the world. His ideal of Seeing it as reviving the Sunnah of the Prophet Muhammad, Karakoç defined his cause as his cause. Prophet Muhammad, who has no direct relation to the knowledge of Hadith, but to the center of the world of thought. Karakoç, who put the Prophet (...) as a “measure” and “principle” or “blessed word” in some of his works, has made quotations that we can collect under headings such as the search for truth, the importance of knowledge, good morals, the battle with the soul, preparation for death and zuhd, without referring to anyone. The extent to which such transfers of uncertain affiliation take place in the hadith sources or to what extent they are related to hadiths has aroused our curiosity. We aimed to determine the place in hadith sources and their value in terms of hadith science, which Karakoç accepted as a "holy word" or as a rule and mentioned them in quotation marks without attributing them to anyone. Within the scope of this study; We aimed to deal with the sources, authenticity, context and interpretations of the rumors. (shrink)

The first poems about the Prophet Muḥammad appeared while he was alive. These first examples, which are panegyrics (madīḥ, i‛tiẕār, fakhr and ris̱ā), largely reflect the characteristics of the pre-Islamic qaṣīda poetry. Due to the developments in the following centuries, the number of poems about the Prophet increased. And thus, a separate literary genre was formed under the name al-madīḥ al-nabawī. Especially the fact that sufi leaning poets contributed to the literary richness in this field. Another factor is the beginning (...) of the tradition of writing mawlid poems in memory of the birth of the Prophet Muḥammad. The thirteenth century was an important period for poems praising the Prophet Muḥammad. Two important poets emerged in this century. One of them is Egyptian poet al-Būṣīrī and the other is Baghdad's famous poet, Yaḥyā al-Ṣarṣarī. Even after his death, Ṣarṣarî’s works with high literary value were read and memorized in the circles of science, literature and Sufism. Due to his competence in the field, al-Ṣarṣarī was known as the poet of the Prophet and Ḥassān b. Thābit of his time. However, it is understood that his poems, which lost their importance in literary circles over time, were not studied as much as they deserved in the modern period. In this article, his life and works are introduced and basic language and stylistic features of his poems are examined. Also, the image of the Prophet in his poems was determined within the framework of the political conditions of the period.Summary: In the field of madīh nabawī, which first appeared in the ‘Asr al-Sa’āda and has continued to the present day, especially two names stand out in the 7th/13th century, when famous poets such as Macduddīn al-Vitrī (d. 662/1264), Ibn al-Muraḥḥal (d. 699/1300) and Ṣafiyyuddīn al-Ḥillī (d. 749/1348) were also raised. One of them is the Egyptian poet al-Būṣīrī (d. 695/1296), who left his mark on the field of madīh nabawī with his many poems, especially Qaṣīda Burda, and the other is the Iraqi poet Yahya al-Ṣarṣarī (d. 656/1258), who was named Shā‘iru Rasūlillāh (The poet of the Prophet) and Ḥassānu Vaḳtihī (Ḥassān of that period) because of the quality of his poems in this field.al-Ṣarṣarī, was born in the village of al-Ṣarṣar, near Baghdad, spent most of his life in the shadow of Baghdad’s political instability and the social collapse that developed in parallel. He was killed in 656/1258 by the Mongolian forces that invaded Baghdad. al-Ṣarṣarī was extremely knowledgeable in fiqh, hadith, language, and ‘ilm al-qirāa. Our poet adopted the views of the Hanbalī law school. In addition, he turned to Sufism and became a murīd (disciple) of Ali ibn Idrīs al-Ya‘kūbī, a student of Abdalqadīr al-Gīlanī who was accepted as the founder of Qādiriyya. He was closely attached to the Sunnah of the Prophet and was fond of reading the Quran. He was chaste and patient and was content with what he had himself. All his works are poetic and they all concern the madīh nabawī or fiqh.Since his poems, almost all of which are about the praise of the Prophet, have a high literary value, they were read, memorized and narrated for a long time in the circles of science, literature and Sufism. In terms of its structure, his poems are based on the traditional forms of Arab qasīda. In the introductory sections of his poems, he often expresses his longing for Madina. The main subject in poems is usually the Prophet and his superior features. In the last part, he usually says salāt for the Prophet and seeks help from him. It can be said that he used simple language in his poems. The vocabulary reflects the characteristics of the urban life in which he lived. The source of inspiration for his poems are the Qur’an and especially the hadith of the Prophet. He uses the potential of literary arts as much as possible while conveying his feelings. But he does not allow the correct information to be lost due to these arts on a serious subject such as depicting the Prophet. We can see a lot of badī‘ (creative) art in some of his poems. But we can immediately understand that these arts do not spoil the beauty of his expression. The poet provides rhythm and harmony in his poetry with the meter and rhyme in accordance with the classical Arabic qasida rules. In addition, he strengthens the musicality in poetry with puns (jinās) and repetition.The influence of the instability of the region where al-Ṣarṣarī lived on his poems is obvious. According to him, the main reason for the terrible situation that Muslims were in was that they were away from the way of the Prophet. He thought that it would be possible to go back to the old peaceful days by following the way of the Prophet. Perhaps as a result of this opinion, he allocated his qasīda to the narration of the Prophet and his Companions. In his poems, he describes the Prophet with his names, superior qualities, physical and moral characteristics. He says that the sentences describing the Prophet are the ornament of poems and believes that praising him is a mean of salvation in the next world. He also hoped that the poems he said in order to achieve spiritual ascension would protect himself against the troubled events of the period.In his poems, especially on the occasion of mawlīd, al-Ṣarṣarī mentions the Prophet’s physical characteristics and likens his smiling face to a bright full moon, his brows to the letter nûn, his teeth to pearls. He describes the Prophet as a man with black eyes, broad shoulders, born with kohl-lined eyes, and who emanates a beautiful scent as a requirement of his creation. The poet, who also touches on the Prophet’s powerful address, states that his speech is more effective than Luqman’s wise words by virtue of his jawami‘ al-kalim (comprehensive speech) and faṣl al-khiṭab (clear speech), and that his soft address, which states nothing other than the truth, is a blessing from Allah. He additionally describes the Prophet’s plain words, easy to understand by all, as more valuable than jewels. al-Ṣarṣarī, who praises the Prophet in terms of morality with basic human virtues such as bashfulness, justice, modesty, and courage, emphasizes that he is, a paragon of patience, perseverance, kindness, and compassion through analogies such as, “his clothes are peace and perseverance”, his “cover is kindness and forgiveness”. In his world of imagery, the Prophet’s benevolence is so abundant like the rain that the clouds cannot compete with him. Also, he does not shame anybody for what he gives. He bestows the most valuable possessions like gold and camels. Even the respectable personalities of the tribe benefit from his grace. He is so generous that he is giving even when the clouds are stingy about giving rain during times of drought. He welcomes with a smile those who approach him with requests. The donations he makes privately are entirely satisfying.The image of prophethood in al-Ṣarṣarī’s poems, is centralized around the thought of nūr Muhammadī (prophetic light) and the miracles of the Prophet. He reminds that the Prophet never gave up despite the calamities he encountered and that he was supported with extraordinary events in various stages of his life since he was born, and reflects the understanding that the prophet is spiritually supporting the community with his nūr, and in the case the community follow his sunnah, overcoming the Mongolian attacks, which seems like a miracle, is possible. The mention of Qattāl (warrior), Māḥī (eliminator of disbelief), Ẓāhir, Ẓāfir, Manṣūr and Muẓaffar (victorious) among the Prophet’s names, especially those that evoke the superiority he gained in his fight against the disbelievers, giving greater prominence to his courage and valor among his virtues are also related to the political and social conditions of the period. The couplets about the Companions of the Prophet following the couplets that describe the Prophet’s valor, the emphasis of their aid to the Prophet, and the particular mention of their fighter spirit may be considered in the same context. Perhaps, in this way, the poet aims to boost the courage of the Muslims who are exposed to Mongolian attacks with respect to protecting their spiritual and holy values against the enemy. (shrink)

Imām Māturīdī, who is one of the symbolic names of Ahl as-Sunnah kalām and draws attention with his original ideas and striking determinations, revealed his views regarding kalām in his works called Kitāb al-tawhīd and Ta’wīlāt. Although the first one is in the field of kalām and the other is in the field of tafsīr, the second one has gained the identity of a work in which he declared many theological views. One of the theological issues in which his tafsīr (...) is the primary authority is the imamate and accordingly the companions. The Shīʿa’s making the imamate a part of the Islamic belief system and the takfı̄r of companions, who have a key role in this matter, paved the way for Ahl as-Sunnah theologians to put this issue on their agenda, so the issue has now become a matter of belief in its relevant dimension. The imagination of the companions, which took its place as a sub-topic of the imamate issue in the theological field, also entered the works of the theologians who expressed their views in this field, and a structure was formed that would respond to the perceptions of the Shīʿa, some other theological sects and some personalities that demean companions. Imām Māturīdī, who is undoubtedly one of the most important stones of Ahl as-Sunnah, also explained the subject with different dimensions and made statements that placed the companions in the position they deserved. Although Māturīdī did not reveal the concept of imamate and, accordingly, the companions in his theological work, he made some suggestions. He made important explanations on this issue in his tafsīr. The theologians, in their works in this field, highlighted the issues related to the companions, and whatever issues they touched on this matter, he often mentioned them in his tafsīr. Although there are partial differences in the subjects that Imām Māturı̄dı̄ concentrates on or comes into contact with due to the fact that he reveals his views mostly in his work of tafsīr rather than theology, the results he reached overlapped with the theologians. Imām Māturı̄dı̄ made explanations on the subject that can be grouped under headings such as the superior characteristics of the companions, the attitude to be developed towards them, the answer to the Shiite perception of the companions, the claims of conflict and struggles among the companions, and finally, evaluating them in accordance with their positions. Among these, the second title was mostly usūl-i fiqh, the last one was almost entirely tafsīr, while the others were subjects that were dealt with intensively in kalām. In this study, Imām Māturīdī’s vision of the companions will be revealed and what the companions mean in the mind and heart of an Islamic scholar who never neglected the mind and gave it great importance will be revealed. (shrink)

Muslims accept the existence of prophets and the occurrence of miracles as a basis of faith. The issue whether miracles will emerge from the righteous or saints is debatable. All Islamic scholars have accepted the existence of spiritual miracles, such as the grace of Allah to his saintly servants in the form of glad tidings, peace of heart and perseverance in faith. However, the existence of sensible (ḥissī) miracles or extraordinary situations that a person would never be able to do (...) under normal circumstances such as resurrecting the dead, changing the nature of objects, talking with inanimate beings and animals, knowing the events of the unseen, reaching long distances in a short time, walking on water or in the air, etc. has been the subject of serious debate. Most notably Mutazilites as well as some Sunni scholars also rejected saintly miracles and they argued that such events could only occur for prophets -with Allah’s permission and creation- and that they were called miracles. They are also concerned that if the extraordinary acts of saints are accepted, the institution of prophecy and therefore the proof of the miracle may be harmed. One of those who accepted this view is the famous Ẓāhirī scholar Ibn Ḥazm (d. 456/1064), who grew up in Andalusia. He claimed that marvelous events would occur only on the hands of the prophets, and he argued that it cannot be possible for a rightful person, saints or wizard to do extraordinary acts. However, he considered the marvelous events attributed to some people -who were not known to be prophets in the Qur’an and hadiths- as the miracles of the prophet who lived in the period in question. Ibn Ḥazm, who accepted that extraordinary events occurred from some of the ṣaḥāba (Prophet’s companions) during the Prophet’s lifetime, claimed that it ended with the death of the Prophet. According to him, those who claim that such events took place after the Prophet Muhammad, are liars, dishonest and deceitful people. In this article, the nature and limits of miracles according to Ibn Ḥazm are discussed, and the role he assigned to miracles despite being a scholar of the ahl al-ḥadīth is evaluated. (shrink)

One of the issues of discussion between Ahl al-Sunnah and the Mu‛tazila, who differ in many issues, is the relationship between divine command and divine will. Among those who express their opinion on is the Ash‛arī theologian Salmān al-Nīsābūrī. The author, who first cites his sect’s approach on this issue and then explains that Mu‛tazila’s contrary view, adopted the view that the belief, which follows as worship and good deeds commanded by Allah will be the same from his servants. In (...) this matter he basically elaborates three arguments the Mu‛tazila. He states that they build the first of these proofs on the impossibility of the commandment and the will being in a separate direction, and secondly on the fact that the desire for evil is bad. Finally, he adds that they bring evidence from the verses which translates as Allah desires the good of his servants and doesn’t intend his evil deeds. Nīsābūrī, doesn’t pass on these Mu‛tazilite proofs with an immediate answer, but also puts on his agenda possible other objections to those answers that he is giving. He makes the debate very comprehensive, especially on the first evidence he attributes to them. In this sense, he tries to refute the Mu‛tazila argument that the ruler cannot have a will contrary to what he ordered, based on some other rulers who would not want their orders to be fulfilled. Nīsābūrī, who cites some other objections on this issue, states that while there are claims regarding the necessity of order-will harmony, it isn’t consistent that these claimants develop their objections to the examples that show the opposite of their views. In other words, he says that these regarding cases invalidate Mu‛tazila’s claim of necessity. Nīsābūrī includes abrogation in the later stages of the debate and argues that abrogation, which means the abolition of a decree, hits a blow to their understanding of the necessity of order-will. The author also takes objections to his agenda and responds to them. He also examines Mu‛tazila’s approach on the content that if the will is contrary to the order, the rebel and the submissive will be confused, so they must be compatible. Since this claim confirms the meaning that the unbelievers obey Allah’s will with their blasphemy, he makes explanations that obedience will be achieved by order, not by will. On the other hand, the author tries to bind his interlocutors by emphasizing that there’s no room for discussion when it is seen at the relevant verses and seen that Allah doesn’t wish (some) unbelievers to believe. Nīsābūrī, also examines the argument made by Mu‛tazila as to the necessity of conformity between divine command and divine will, that wishing for evil is also evil. Nīsābūrī, who makes relatively more concise explanations on this subject, pointing to the source of this evidence and stating that it is reached from the realm of the perceptible (qiyas bi’l-shāhid). Then, he makes some explanations that the visible realm and the invisible realm cannot be evaluated in the same way and draws attention to the fact that Allah’s being unwise isn’t inferred from the worldly affairs that are happening against Muslims. Nīsābūrī also deals with Mu‛tazila’s evidence for the harmony of divine will and divine order through verses stating that Allah wouldn’t wish his servants to harm. At this stage, he makes comments that the relevant verses are suitable to be evaluated in another way. For this, sometimes makes linguistic explanations, sometimes refers to the content of other verses, and sometimes points to the meaning of the verse used as the evidence. In all of them, he ultimately tries to show that the verses raised by Mu‛tazila do not support their claim. While the author refutes those evidences, he also points out the problems that may arise if the view defended by Mu‛tazila would accepted. In this sense, Nīsābūrī points out that this view will also mean the occurrence of deeds that Allah does not want, and this would bring harm to the divine judgement. As a result, Nīsābūrī underlines that at least Allah’s order towards His servants, whom He knows won’t believe, isn’t in the same direction. (shrink)

The scholars of Ahl as-Sunnah, who are united in the view that sin will not nullify faith and other good deeds, dissented from opinion on the status of the deeds of the person who converted to Islam after his apostasy, in the first Muslim period. In general, Ḥanafī/Māturīdīs argued that those deeds would be in vain with direct apostasy, while Shāfiʽī/Ash'arīs also stipulated death for this purpose, and claimed that a person's previous deeds would not be lost with apostasy alone. (...) Comprehensive interpretations on this issue have found a place for itself mostly in tafsir rather than disciplines such as kalam, fiqh and usûl. Here, while Ḥanafī/Māturīdīs grounds on verse 5/5 of the Surah al-Ma’idah, which only mentions that deeds will be in vain through apostasy; Shāfiʽī/Ash'arīs is based on verse 2/217 of Surah al-Baqarah, which connects this futility to death as apostasy. The parties made different inferences against each other over the relevant verses and gave various answers. The most fundamental point of disagreement among these was the question of whether the first verse, which is muṭlaq in terms of usūl, should be attributed to the second verse, which is in the position of muqayyad. While Ḥanafī/Māturīdīs objected to this process with the thought that the conditions for attributing muṭlaq to the muqayyad were not met in the relevant verses, Shāfiʽī/Ash'arīs, which took a more flexible stance on this issue, approved this attributing process within the framework of the conditions and accordingly reached their relevant views. When the parties evaluated the relevant verses, they made their explanations mostly in the explanation of the 2/217 verse of the Surah Baqarah, which is prior to the arrangement and is in the position of a muqayyad. Since Shāfiʽī/Ash'arī scholars are already based on the relevant verse, it is quite understandable that the place where they examine the subject is the interpretation of this divine word. Ḥanafī/Māturīdīs, on the other hand, examined the issue here in order to respond to the meaning attributed to the verse by Shāfiʽī/Ash'arīs. Shafi'i/Ash'aris based their judgments on one of the two verses, Surah Baqara, 2/217, as a requirement of attributing mutlaq to the muqayyad, and in fact, accepted a single verse as a criterion. On the other hand, Ḥanafī/Māturīdīs, made separate judgments from both of them, claiming that the conditions for attributing muṭlaq to the muqayyad, were not fulfilled in the two related verses. In this context, they concluded from the first verse that death as apostasy necessitates eternal disappointment, and from the second verse, apostasy absolutely wastes deeds. Here, the most typical result of the separation between the two sects emerges as to whether a person will repeat the pilgrimage, for example, he performed while he was a Muslim when he returns to Islam after apostasy. While the Shāfiʽī/Ash'arīs, who thought that deeds will be wasted only by death due to apostasy, did not consider it necessary to go on pilgrimage again, while Ḥanafī/Māturīdīs, who thought that deeds will be lost directly with apostasy even if death does not occur, held the person responsible for pilgrimage. In this study, it will be tried to explain the basic intellectual framework of the view advocated by the parties and the background of what kind of criticism they brought to their opponents. (shrink)