Today, teachers are faced with numerous challenges, especially in Croatia, where extensive educational reform is underway. Education reform has placed a new teaching and learning paradigm in the foreground that demands new knowledge and skills from teachers. Studies and analyses show that teachers are the most important factor in reaching pupils’ educational goals. In additional to professional competencies, pedagogical, psychological, didactic, and methodical teacher competencies are of great importance to the development of knowledge. Using survey data from a sample of (...) 115 students, this paper examines the extent to which students of two institutions of higher education – the Faculty of Croatian Studies and the Catholic University of Croatia – are satisfied with their initial teacher education, and whether they consider it appropriate and sufficient for the challenges their future careers hold. The results of this research show that students are, on average, satisfied with the quality of their studies and teacher education, as well as that they prefer the existing pedagogical competency attainment model that is added to the regular subject study. The research results are analysed in the context of examining the need for a new design of such programmes, their refinement or expansion of teacher education study programmes. (shrink)

In Croatia, as well as around the world, teachers would rarely describe their profession as respected in the society. Most authors agree that the strengthening of the teacher’s identity might help in elevating the perceived value and the overall status of education. The objectives of this study are: to identify ways in which education increases the quality of life, to explore perception of teaching profession status, to examine the perception of both the teaching profession and changes in the educational system (...) and, finally, to determine the motivation for becoming a teacher. The sample comprises 74 primary and secondary school students, 73 parents, 38 students of teacher studies and 35 primary and secondary school teachers. Results were interpreted in the context of Korthagen’s model. Results show that teachers view teacher’s identity as connected to the core values, while parents and students describe the teacher’s identity through characteristics related to behaviour and competences. The task of the initial teacher education is to encourage students to reflect upon the values of the teaching profession. Such reflection helps in building the core values of the teacher’s identity and increases one’s appreciation of it. (shrink)

V Heteronomiji umetnosti in avantgard se Aleš Erjavec ukvarja zlasti z radikalnimi politiziranimi avantgardami, se pravi s futurizmom in s konstruktivizmom, in tako nadaljuje svoje delo z začetka osemdesetih let 20. stoletja, ko je pričel svojo "ekspedicijo na severni pol človeškega duha". V pričujoči študiji so tako posebne pozornosti deležne radikalne avantgarde ter politična in ideološka vloga novejše umetnosti, še zlasti one z vzhoda. Nekateri vidijo v teh avantgardah skrajno obliko modernizma, drugi jih obravnavajo kot specifični vzhodnoevropski pojav, tretji pa (...) jih preprosto zreducirajo na njihove zahodne ekvivalente. Podobna ali celo še bolj neustrezna podoba spremlja postsocialistične avantgarde oziroma avantgarde tretje generacije. Te so bile imenovane nekonformistična in neuradna umetnost, vzhodni modernizem, konceptualna umetnost itd. Erjavec dokazuje, da se estetsko krilo teh avantgard v resnici navezuje na estetske avantgarde z začetka 20. stoletja, s čemer so klasične avantagarde s postsocializmom doživele svojo postmoderno ponovitev. In kakor avantgarde nenehno reflektirajo svoj odnos do siceršnje umetnosti, tako tudi estetika kot del filozofije reflektira svoj odnos do umetnosti in avantgarde, pa če ju dojemamo kot avtonomni ali heteronomni. V nadaljevanju obravnava novejšo zgodovino umetnosti in kulture v Vzhodni Evropi. (shrink)

In this paper the author is attempting to establish the relationship - or the lack of it - of the Critical Theory to the "Jewish question" and justification of perceiving signs of Jewish religious heritage in the thought of the representatives of this movement. The holocaust marked out by the name of "Auschwitz", is here tested as a point where the nature of this relationship has been decided. In this encounter with the cardinal challenge for the contemporary social theory, the (...) particularity of the Frankfurt School reaction is here revealed through Adorno installing Auschwitz as unexpected but lawful emblem of the ending of the course that modern history has assumed. The critique of this "fascination" with Auschwitz, as well as certain theoretical pacification and measured positioning of the holocaust into discontinued plane of "unfinished" and continuation and closure of the valued project, are given through communicative-theoretical pre-orientation of J?rgen Habermas?s Critical Theory and of his followers. Finally, through the work of Detlev Claussen, it is suggested that in the youngest generation of Adorno?s students there are signs of revision to once already revised Critical Theory and a kind of defractured and differentiated return to the initial understanding of the decisiveness of the holocaust experience. This shift in the attitude of the Critical Theory thinkers to the provocation of holocaust is not, however, particularly reflected towards the status of Jews and their tradition, but more to the age old questioning and explanatory patterns for which they served as a "model". The question of validity of the enlightenment project, the nature of occidental rationalism, existence of historical theology and understanding of the identity and emancipation - describe the circle of problems around which the disagreement is concentrated in the social critical theory. U ovoj studiji autor nastoji da ustanovi odnos - ili manjak odnosa - Kriticke teorije drustva prema "jevrejskom pitanju", te opravdanost uvidjanja eventualnih tragova jevrejskog religijskog nasledja u misljenju njenih predstavnika. Pritom se holokaust, amblematicki naznacen u imenu "Ausvic" iskusava kao tacka na kojoj se odlucivalo o karakteru tog odnosa. U tom susretu sa kardinalnim izazovom za savremenu drustvenu teoriju, posebnost reakcije Frankfurtske skole izlaze se preko Adornovog instaliranja Ausvica u neoCekivano ali zakonito znamenje kraja onog toka koji je moderna istorija poprimila. Kritike ove "opcinjenosti" Ausvicom, kao i izvesna teorijska pacifikacija i odmereno smestanje holokausta u diskontinuiranu ravan jednog "nedovrsenog" i nastavljanja i dovrsenja vrednog projekta, date su kroz komunikativno teorijsku preorijentaciju Kriticke teorije Jirgena Habermasa i nastavljaca. Najzad se preko dela Detlefa Klausena sugerise da u najmladjoj generaciji Adornovih ucenika postoje signali revizije jednom vec revidirane Kriticke teorije i jednog prelomljenog i diferenciranog povratka izvornim uvidima u odlucnost iskustva holokausta. Ova mena u stavovima Kritickih teoreticara drustva prema provokaciji holokausta se, medjutim, ne ogledu u nekakvoj partikularnoj usmerenosti na status Jevreja i njihove tradicije, vec radije u onim vec dugovekim nedoumenjima i eksplanatornim matricama za koja su posluzili kao "model". Pitanja validnosti projekta prosvetiteljstva prirode okcidentalne racionalnosti, postojanja istorijske teleologije i razumevanja koncepcija identiteta i emancipacije - opisuju onaj problemski krug oko kojega se, i kada je o holokaustu rec, koncentrisu nesaglasja Kriticke teorije drustva. (shrink)

U clanku je naznacen model za naucnu deskripciju stilova politickog liderstva u Srbiji u periodu od 1990. do danas, odnosno, ukazano na osnovne elemente koncepta koji je autor razvio u studiji?Stil politickih lidera u Srbiji: U periodu 1990-2006. godine?. Autor izlaze oceni analiticki instrumentarij koji pomenuti koncept obuhvata, istovremeno ukazujuci na korelativne teorijske pristupe koje u navedenoj studiji nije razmatrao, a mogu biti od znacaja za istrazivanje politickih elita u Srbiji. Doprinos u epistemoloskom delu metoda registruje se u (...) definisanju pojma stila politickog liderstva, kao i kategorijalnog aparata koji ga prati - pojmljenog sa aspekta politickog stila: stila gradjenja politicke moci, stila politicke komunikacije, stila gradjenja legitimiteta, stila ideologije, politickog jezika, politicke simbolike i rituala, neverbalne komunikacije i stila iskazivanja patriotizma. Polazeci od stanovista da politicki stilovi odgovaraju karakteristikama politickih kultura i da je potrebno koncipirati idealno-tipske modele stilova fokusnih politickih subjekata, u clanku se ocrtava tipologija stilova politickog liderstva primerena specificnostima delanja politickih lidera u Srbiji: autoritarni, republikanski, realisticki, populisticki, konformisticki, revolucionarni i stil politicara buntovnika. (shrink)

Key contemporary sociological theorists, such as Foucault or Habermas rarely explicitly discussed gender in their studies. This fact has not caused a lack of interest in the critical examination of the theoretical systems of these authors within a feminist perspective. During the 1990?s feminists? attention was drawn to Pierre Bourdieu?s social theory. French sociologist?s study Masculine Domination deals with issues of gender dynamics and its reproduction. In this study the persistence of the asymmetric distribution of social power between women and (...) men is explained by concepts of habitus and symbolic violence. As this article will show, social change cannot be explained by Bourdieu?s concept of habitus, as a key link between social structure and action, due to its reduction of actors to socialized bodies, which are practically deprived of any true action potential. On the other hand, with regard to social activism as a permanent feature of feminist theory, this paper seeks to examine whether critical examination of Bourdieu?s conceptual apparatus achieves to provide the means to overcome the aforementioned shortcomings of the theoretical system of French sociologist. In other words, this article seeks to answer the question whether such a modification of habitus is possible, which will allow for actors whose action is truly structured and structuring, and lead to possible change of existing power relations. Kljucni mislioci savremene socioloske teorije, poput Fukoa ili Habermasa, u svojim studijama su, uopsteno govoreci, retko kad eksplicitno razmatrali pitanja drustvenog polozaja zena ili roda. Ova cinjenica nije uslovila izostanak interesovanja za kriticko preispitivanje teorijskih sistema ovih autora unutar feministicke perspektive. Tokom devedesetih godina proslog veka paznju feministicke teorije privlaci delo Pjera Burdijea. Francuski sociolog se pitanjima rodne dinamike i njene reprodukcije bavi u svojoj studiji Masculine Domination. Na tom mestu istrajavanje asimetricne raspodele drustvene moci kojom raspolazu zene, odnosno muskarci, objasnjeno je, pre svega, pojmovima habitusa i simbolickog nasilja. Kao sto ce ovaj tekst pokazati, Burdijeovim konceptom habitusa, kao kljucnom sponom izmedju drustvene strukture i delanja, nije moguce objasniti drustvenu promenu usled svodjenja aktera na kruto socijalizovana tela, prakticno lisenih istinskog delatnog potencijala. Sa druge strane, s obzirom na drustveni aktivizam kao trajne odlike feministicke teorije, nastoji se ispitati da li je kriticko preispitivanje Burdijeovog konceptualnog aparata uspelo da pruzi sredstva za prevazilazenje pomenutih nedostataka teorijskog sistema francuskog sociologa. Drugim recima, ovim tekstom se pokusava dati odgovor na pitanje da li je moguca takva modifikacija pojma habitusa koja ce omoguciti postajanje aktera cije je delanje istinski strukturisano i strukturisuce, cime moze voditi promeni postojecih odnosa moci. (shrink)

Attempts at formulating a dichotomous classification of nations and nationalisms have proliferated in the relevant literature over a long period of time. In this study some of the most influential instances of dual typologies of nationalisms are selected for interpretation and analysis. The examples include Renan's under?standing of differences between the "French" and the "German" concepts of nation; Kohn's distinction between "eastern" and "western" nationalisms; a revision of Kohn's dichotomy suggested by J. Plamenatz; and a more recent version of dual (...) typology propounded by L. Greenfield. By reconstructing the views of the selected theorists of nationalism, at the basis of all these typologies a dichotomous division into "civic" and "ethnic" nationalism is identified. Critical objections to this fundamental dual division are articulated at two levels. At the first, historical level, a socio-political contextualization of dual typologies points to their practical, political-ideological purposes. At the second, conceptual level, and drawing on the ideas of R. Brubaker, the author discusses analytical and normative weaknesses of the usual distinction between "civic" and "ethnic" nationalism. Literatura o nacijama i nacionalizmu svedoci o istorijski dugotrajnim pokusajima formulisanja dihotomne klasifikacije proucavanih fenomena. Stoga je autor u ovoj studiji interpretirao i analizirao neke od najuticajnijih primera dualnih tipologija nacionalizma. Predmet njegovog istrazivanja su Renanovo shvatanje razlika izmedju "francuskog" i "nemackog" pojma nacije, Konovo razlikovanje "istocnog" i "zapadnog" nacionalizma, Plamenceva revizija Konove dihotomije, kao i novija verzija dualnih tipologija Lie Grinfeld. Rekonstrukcijom stanovista izabranih teoreticara nacionalizma, autor u osnovi svih prikazanih tipologija identifikuje dihotomnu podelu na "gradjanski" i "etnicki nacionalizam". Kriticke primedbe ovoj osnovnoj dualnoj podeli formulisane su u dve razlicite ravni: istorijskoj i konceptualnoj. U prvoj, socijalno-politickom kontekstualizacijom dualnih tipologija naglasena je njihova prakticna, politicko-ideoloska funkcija. Oslanjajuci se na stavove R. Brubejkera, autor je u drugoj, teorijskoj ravni, istakao analiticke i normativne slabosti uobicajene podele na "gradjanski" i "etnicki nacionalizam". (shrink)