Cytoplasmic dynein is the major minus‐end‐directed motor protein in eukaryotes, and has functions ranging from organelle and vesicle transport to spindle positioning and orientation. The mode of regulation of dynein in the cell remains elusive, but a tantalising possibility is that dynein is maintained in an inhibited, non‐motile state until bound to cargo. In vivo, stable attachment of dynein to the cell membrane via anchor proteins enables dynein to produce force by pulling on microtubules and serves to organise the nuclear (...) material. Anchor proteins of dynein assume diverse structures and functions and differ in their interaction with the membrane. In yeast, the anchor protein has come to the fore as one of the key mediators of dynein activity. In other systems, much is yet to be discovered about the anchors, but future work in this area will prove invaluable in understanding dynein regulation in the cell. (shrink)

Umesh Bagade’s historic critique of the caste blindness of the Subaltern Studies project retraces its emergence as a criticism of the Nationalist and Marxist schools of Indian history. He shows how the subaltern historians borrowed Antonio Gramsci’s concept of “subaltern” in order to retain a broadly Marxist framework without “class” but discarded the crucial Gramscian emphasis on oppression and economic exploitation. They grievously misread, confused, or omitted caste as a “system” when they constructed their model of the subaltern as subordinate (...) but autonomous. The caste system functioned as a graded inequality with close links to patriarchy in which the lower castes were oppressed, exploited, and subordinated rather than autonomous. A homogenized “subaltern” status thus lumped the oppressed lower-caste peasants and the tribal peasantry with upper-caste peasantry. It was not acknowledged that the “solidarity” that expanded the base of subaltern revolt was achieved through coercion of the lower castes and women. The subaltern cultural “consciousness” of caste Panchayats, which was central to the project’s epistemology, was governed by Brahmanical religion and culture. The kinship relations that comprised peasant solidarities were built on endogamous caste practices. Predictably, the Subaltern Studies project found a close affinity with postmodernism and eschewed the question of emancipatory politics. The project therefore excluded anticaste mobilizations from the purview of “subaltern revolts” and simultaneously rejected the need for a comprehensive historical interpretation in which the caste system and patriarchy could be analyzed and opposed. In exposing the biases and lacunae of subaltern historiography, Bagade provides a clinical observation of history with an eye on history’s ability to influence reality. He shows the path that was not taken, which anticaste scholarship is now forging. (shrink)