The first months of political life in Belgium in 1979 were essentially characterized by the great difficulties encoutered in the formation of a new cabinet. In 1979 Belgium lived its longest cabinet crisis in its history.As usual, the process of cabinet formation started with the nomination of an «informateur», followed by that of a «formateur». However, formateur Wilfried Martens did not succeed in forming a cabinet : oppositions on issues and strategies between the parties proved to a high to be (...) surmounted. The King there upon introduced an innovation: he designated two «mediators». These, however, also failed to find some ground for agreement. Eventually, after elaborate informal contacts, the resigning Prime-Minister, Paul Vanden Boeynants, was nominated as formateur. After a month of laborious negotiations he successfully completed his mission. However, he preferred to leave the post of Prime-Minister of the new five party cabinet to Mr. Martens, till then president of the FlemishChristian-Democrats. (shrink)

The article describes the political crises of June and October 1978 in Belgium.For reasons connected with time and space, this contribution ends with the formation of the Vanden Boeynants transition-government, although even with the formation of the Martens-cabinet in April 1979the problems are not yet solved.The formation of this cabinet has been a long-drawn effort, hampered by substantial obstacles, that have been present since June 1978: the difficulties to elaborate both a crisis-management-policy and a consensus concerning a new constitution. Moreover, (...) all this remains overshadowed by fear and distrust from the other political parties towards de Flemish christian-democrats, who usually succeeded in keeping their internal quarrels a really inside affair. The crisis of 1978 has proved on the other side, that the Egmont-Stuyvenberg agreement on the federalisation of Belgium was neither well-balanced nor mature. (shrink)

It is striking to note that the political unrest and instability in 1981 coincided with continual and serious unrest on the national money market. On the political party level, one notes that the Christian Democratic Parties and the Socialist Parties had more and more difficulties in getting along with each other. This probably is related to the policyof the new chairman of the French-speaking Socialist Party, who has resolutely chosen to back Wallonia. The Flemish Christian Democratic Party, has still difficulties (...) in seeing itself as the largest party in Flanders and to act appropriately. In addition, the French-speaking Socialist Party feels confident in the conviction that influential circles, including the Court, prefer not to see the Socialists in the opposition. This has motivated some to cling as long as possible to the formation of a three -party cabinet. The actual political situation, however, has clearly demonstrated that such a three-party cabine! cannot fu nction for a long time. The question remains why the Christian Democratic Party has not pursued elections with the same energy as it did in September af ter the resignationof the Martens IV government. In the meantime, it has become evident that the state reform of August 1980 is certainly not «completed», that is should best be redone, andthat the consequences of this reorganization can be gauged only with difficulty. (shrink)

The year 1980 might become a basic reference year for the study of «political stability» and «governmental maintenance» in Belgium.Indeed, within this year, four different cabinet formulae have been used. The first cabinet included the two christian-democratic parties, the two socialist parties and the Brussels regionalist party. When the latter was fired, the combination of the remaining did not last long, for the cabinet fell in parliament - rare exception in Belgium -, by not obtaining a 2/3 majority. Therefore, a (...) cabinet of the traditional parties had to be formed to pass the devolution bill. Within a short time, this third coalition broke down on proposals on cuts in the budgets. A new negociation between socialists and christian-democrats led to the fourth Martens' cabinet. Although the Belgian classe politica favoured a cabinet that would last an entire legislature, all these coalitions arosefrom only one general election. (shrink)

The talks from mid-februari 1978 on the regionalization pact in Belgium were more than a mere format approval of the Stuyvenbergprotocol. This becomes very clear when one compares the unpublished draft-Stuyvenbergprotocol and the official agreement. History will learn that the third round of negotiation wilt not be the last one.