This article seeks to elaborate the roles of some Muslim scholars and activists who, thanks to the advancement of internet technology, have shaped new forms of religious life in Indonesia. Using social media platforms such as YouTube, Instagram, Facebook, and Twitter, they advocate their ideas and attract followers from Muslim groups. These Muslims are divided into four ideologies, namely conservative, moderate, liberal and traditionalist. As this article argues, thanks to their online activism, they successfully shape a new religious authority replacing (...) the old model. Nevertheless, as this article also suggests, religious activism on online media outlets does not lead to the pluralism of religious views and understandings. In contrast, this activism creates the so called echo chamber or isolated bubbles, which means that the activists’ voices are only observed by their limited followers. Taking the activism of most popular conservative activists Felix Siauw, it sees that his view reverberates only among his social media followers and fails to attract those who embrace other views orideologies. The followers of the moderate, the liberal, and the traditionalist on the other hand tend to be heterogenous creating a noisy minority. This leads to the vibrant and robust religious discourses. (shrink)

The old-centuries medical forms claimed to have been exemplified by the Prophet Muhammad, called Prophet’s medicine, have been reinvented by the contemporary Indonesian Salafis. This invention is parts of their attempts to return all aspects of life to the authoritative resources. In doing so, the Salafis use modern packaging to attract non-Salafi Muslims. As a result, Prophet’s medicine has been popular among certain Muslim groups. The presence of Prophet’s medicine, to some extent, challenges conventional medicine which is hardly affordable by (...) the average people. This is made possible by an open political climate which occurs in Indonesia over the last two decades. It eventually leads to the diversity of medicinal knowledge in the country. (shrink)

Nawawī of Banten and Haji Hasan Mustapa are two important figures of Malay-Indonesian Muslim scholars who have been widely studied. However, personal proximity of these two ‘ulamā’ seems to escape from scholarly discussion. Seen from the light of scholarly commenting tradition, this study on the other hand attempts to show their personal proximity between the senior teacher and young student when they lived in Mecca in the late nineteenth century. The sharh tradition of these two ‘ulamā’ particularly through appear in (...) Nawawī’s al-’Iqd al-Thamīn that aims to comment on Mustapa’s work, Al-Fath al-Mubīn, and Mustapa’s al-Lum’a al-Nūrāniyya, a response to Nawawī’s al-Shadra al-Jummāniyya. These two Arabic books were published in Cairo, Egypt. This article further argues that the sharh tradition situates authority and reputation as the epicenter of scholarly discussion between the two ‘ulamā’ who were influential among the Jawah community. It also argues that these two Sundanese scholars contributed significantly in the transmission of Islamic learning in the early twentieth century Middle East. Their works show a scholarly reputation which delivers insights on exceptionality of Islamic and Malay archipelagic issues and serve as a global contribution of Malay-Indonesian ‘ulamā’ to the triumph of Islamic learning traditions. (shrink)

일연과 민지의 자장 관련 기록에 따르면, 자장은 말년에 수도인 경주를 떠나 하슬라(何 瑟羅)로 이동한다. 그리고 하슬라에서 문수보살을 만나기 위해 여러 지역을 다니는데, 이 장소들은 후일 자장과 관련된 사찰이 들어서게 된다. 자장은 이 행보의 마지막인 태백산 (현 咸白山) 정암사에서 문수를 만나는데 실패하며 비극적인 최후를 맞이한다. 본고는 자장이 말년에 하슬라로 가는 것이 김춘추와 김유신 세력에 밀려난 후 재기하기 위함임을 분명히 했다. 또 이 과정에서 문수를 뵙기 위한 많은 노력이 실패하는 것이, 이 와 같은 자장의 몰락을 상징한다고 판단했다. 그런데 자장의 마지막 기록에서 주목되는 (...) 것이 바로 정암사의 비극적인 입적 내용이다. 이는 당시의 비극적인 측면과 자장의 몰락에 따른 어수선한 상황을 판단해 보도록 한다. 그런데 자장에게 불리한 이와 같은 기록의 유전과 관련해서, 후의 정암사 측에서는 이에 대한 타당성을 변증하려는 윤색을 시도하는 모습이 살펴진다. 또 정암사 인근의 조사전(祖師殿) 쪽에 자장의 영골(靈骨)이 봉안된다는 점에서, 이와 관련된 의미 부여와 신이성(神異性)을 강조하려는 움직임도 살펴진다. 즉 자장의 하슬라 행과 관련된 일련의 내용이 정암사의 기록과 의미를 통해서 보다 선명해지게 되는 것이다. (shrink)